Date: 1803-10-17
President: Thomas Jefferson

TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES:                    In calling you together, fellow citizens, at an earlier day than was contemplated   by the act of the last session of Congress, I have not been insensible to the   personal inconveniences necessarily resulting from an unexpected change in your   arrangements. But matters of great public concernment have rendered this call   necessary, and the interest you feel in these will supersede in your minds all   private considerations.         Congress witnessed, at their last session, the extraordinary agitation produced   in the public mind by the suspension of our right of deposit at the port of   New Orleans, no assignment of another place having been made according to treaty.   They were sensible that the continuance of that privation would be more injurious   to our nation than any consequences which could flow from any mode of redress,   but reposing just confidence in the good faith of the government whose officer   had committed the wrong, friendly and reasonable representations were resorted   to, and the right of deposit was restored. Previous, however, to this period, we had not been unaware of the danger to   which our peace would be perpetually exposed while so important a key to the   commerce of the western country remained under foreign power. Difficulties,   too, were presenting themselves as to the navigation of other streams, which,   arising within our territories, pass through those adjacent. Propositions had,   therefore, been authorized for obtaining, on fair conditions, the sovereignty   of New Orleans, and of other possessions in that quarter interesting to our   quiet, to such extent as was deemed practicable; and the provisional appropriation   of two millions of dollars, to be applied and accounted for by the president   of the United States, intended as part of the price, was considered as conveying   the sanction of Congress to the acquisition proposed. The enlightened government   of France saw, with just discernment, the importance to both nations of such   liberal arrangements as might best and permanently promote the peace, friendship,   and interests of both; and the property and sovereignty of all Louisiana, which   had been restored to them, have on certain conditions been transferred to the   United States by instruments bearing date the 30th of April last. When these   shall have received the constitutional sanction of the senate, they will without   delay be communicated to the representatives also, for the exercise of their   functions, as to those conditions which are within the powers vested by the   constitution in Congress. While the property and sovereignty of the Mississippi   and its waters secure an independent outlet for the produce of the western States,   and an uncontrolled navigation through their whole course, free from collision   with other powers and the dangers to our peace from that source, the fertility   of the country, its climate and extent, promise in due season important aids   to our treasury, an ample provision for our posterity, and a wide-spread field   for the blessings of freedom and equal laws. With the wisdom of Congress it will rest to take those ulterior measures which   may be necessary for the immediate occupation and temporary government of the   country; for its incorporation into our Union; for rendering the change of government   a blessing to our newly-adopted brethren; for securing to them the rights of   conscience and of property: for confirming to the Indian inhabitants their occupancy   and self-government, establishing friendly and commercial relations with them,   and for ascertaining the geography of the country acquired. Such materials for   your information, relative to its affairs in general, as the short space of   time has permitted me to collect, will be laid before you when the subject shall   be in a state for your consideration. Another important acquisition of territory has also been made since the last   session of Congress. The friendly tribe of Kaskaskia Indians with which we have   never had a difference, reduced by the wars and wants of savage life to a few   individuals unable to defend themselves against the neighboring tribes, has   transferred its country to the United States, reserving only for its members   what is sufficient to maintain them in an agricultural way. The considerations   stipulated are, that we shall extend to them our patronage and protection, and   give them certain annual aids in money, in implements of agriculture, and other   articles of their choice. This country, among the most fertile within our limits,   extending along the Mississippi from the mouth of the Illinois to and up the   Ohio, though not so necessary as a barrier since the acquisition of the other   bank, may yet be well worthy of being laid open to immediate settlement, as   its inhabitants may descend with rapidity in support of the lower country should   future circumstances expose that to foreign enterprise. As the stipulations   in this treaty also involve matters within the competence of both houses only,   it will be laid before Congress as soon as the senate shall have advised its   ratification. With many other Indian tribes, improvements in agriculture and household manufacture   are advancing, and with all our peace and friendship are established on grounds   much firmer than heretofore. The measure adopted of establishing trading houses   among them, and of furnishing them necessaries in exchange for their commodities,   at such moderated prices as leave no gain, but cover us from loss, has the most   conciliatory and useful effect upon them, and is that which will best secure   their peace and good will. The small vessels authorized by Congress with a view to the Mediterranean service,   have been sent into that sea, and will be able more effectually to confine the   Tripoline cruisers within their harbors, and supersede the necessity of convoy   to our commerce in that quarter. They will sensibly lessen the expenses of that   service the ensuing year. A further knowledge of the ground in the north-eastern and north-western angles   of the United States has evinced that the boundaries established by the treaty   of Paris, between the British territories and ours in those parts, were too   imperfectly described to be susceptible of execution. It has therefore been   thought worthy of attention, for preserving and cherishing the harmony and useful   intercourse subsisting between the two nations, to remove by timely arrangements   what unfavorable incidents might otherwise render a ground of future misunderstanding.   A convention has therefore been entered into, which provides for a practicable   demarkation of those limits to the satisfaction of both parties. An account of the receipts and expenditures of the year ending 30th September   last, with the estimates for the service of the ensuing year, will be laid before   you by the secretary of the treasury so soon as the receipts of the last quarter   shall be returned from the more distant States. It is already ascertained that   the amount paid into the treasury for that year has been between eleven and   twelve millions of dollars, and that the revenue accrued during the same term   exceeds the sum counted on as sufficient for our current expenses, and to extinguish   the public debt within the period heretofore proposed. The amount of debt paid for the same year is about three millions one hundred   thousand dollars, exclusive of interest, and making, with the payment of the   preceding year, a discharge of more than eight millions and a half of dollars   of the principal of that debt, besides the accruing interest; and there remain   in the treasury nearly six millions of dollars. Of these, eight hundred and   eighty thousand have been reserved for payment of the first instalment due under   the British convention of January 8th, 1802, and two millions are what have   been before mentioned as placed by Congress under the power and accountability   of the president, toward the price of New Orleans and other territories acquired,   which, remaining untouched, are still applicable to that object, and go in diminution   of the sum to be funded for it. Should the acquisition of Louisiana be constitutionally confirmed and carried   into effect, a sum of nearly thirteen millions of dollars will then be added   to our public debt, most of which is payable after fifteen years; before which   term the present existing debts will all be discharged by the established operation   of the sinking fund. When we contemplate the ordinary annual augmentation of   imposts from increasing population and wealth, the augmentation of the same   revenue by its extension to the new acquisition, and the economies which may   still be introduced into our public expenditures, I cannot but hope that Congress   in reviewing their resources will find means to meet the intermediate interests   of this additional debt without recurring to new taxes, and applying to this   object only the ordinary progression of our revenue. Its extraordinary increase   in times of foreign war will be the proper and sufficient fund for any measures   of safety or precaution which that state of things may render necessary in our   neutral position. Remittances for the instalments of our foreign debt having been found impracticable   without loss, it has not been thought expedient to use the power given by a   former act of Congress of continuing them by reloans, and of redeeming instead   thereof equal sums of domestic debt, although no difficulty was found in obtaining   that accommodation. The sum of fifty thousand dollars appropriated by Congress for providing gun-boats,   remains unexpended. The favorable and peaceful turn of affairs on the Mississippi   rendered an immediate execution of that law unnecessary, and time was desirable   in order that the institution of that branch of our force might begin on models   the most approved by experience. The same issue of events dispensed with a resort   to the appropriation of a million and a half of dollars contemplated for purposes   which were effected by happier means. We have seen with sincere concern the flames of war lighted up again in Europe,   and nations with which we have the most friendly and useful relations engaged   in mutual destruction. While we regret the miseries in which we see others involved   let us bow with gratitude to that kind Providence which, inspiring with wisdom   and moderation our late legislative councils while placed under the urgency   of the greatest wrongs, guarded us from hastily entering into the sanguinary   contest, and left us only to look on and to pity its ravages. These will be   heaviest on those immediately engaged. Yet the nations pursuing peace will not   be exempt from all evil. In the course of this conflict, let it be our endeavor,   as it is our interest and desire, to cultivate the friendship of the belligerent   nations by every act of justice and of incessant kindness; to receive their   armed vessels with hospitality from the distresses of the sea, but to administer   the means of annoyance to none; to establish in our harbors such a police as   may maintain law and order; to restrain our citizens from embarking individually   in a war in which their country takes no part; to punish severely those persons,   citizen or alien, who shall usurp the cover of our flag for vessels not entitled   to it, infecting thereby with suspicion those of real Americans, and committing   us into controversies for the redress of wrongs not our own; to exact from every   nation the observance, toward our vessels and citizens, of those principles   and practices which all civilized people acknowledge; to merit the character   of a just nation, and maintain that of an independent one, preferring every   consequence to insult and habitual wrong. Congress will consider whether the   existing laws enable us efficaciously to maintain this course with our citizens   in all places, and with others while within the limits of our jurisdiction,   and will give them the new modifications necessary for these objects. Some contraventions   of right have already taken place, both within our jurisdictional limits and   on the high seas. The friendly disposition of the governments from whose agents   they have proceeded, as well as their wisdom and regard for justice, leave us   in reasonable expectation that they will be rectified and prevented in future;   and that no act will be countenanced by them which threatens to disturb our   friendly intercourse. Separated by a wide ocean from the nations of Europe,   and from the political interests which entangle them together, with productions   and wants which render our commerce and friendship useful to them and theirs   to us, it cannot be the interest of any to assail us, nor ours to disturb them.   We should be most unwise, indeed, were we to cast away the singular blessings   of the position in which nature has placed us, the opportunity she has endowed   us with of pursuing, at a distance from foreign contentions, the paths of industry,   peace, and happiness; of cultivating general friendship, and of bringing collisions   of interest to the umpirage of reason rather than of force. How desirable then   must it be, in a government like ours, to see its citizens adopt individually   the views, the interests, and the conduct which their country should pursue,   divesting themselves of those passions and partialities which tend to lessen   useful friendships, and to embarrass and embroil us in the calamitous scenes   of Europe. Confident, fellow citizens, that you will duly estimate the importance   of neutral dispositions toward the observance of neutral conduct, that you will   be sensible how much it is our duty to look on the bloody arena spread before   us with commiseration indeed, but with no other wish than to see it closed,   I am persuaded you will cordially cherish these dispositions in all discussions   among yourselves, and in all communications with your constituents; and I anticipate   with satisfaction the measures of wisdom which the great interests now committed   to _you_ will give you an opportunity of providing, and _myself_ that of approving   and carrying into execution with the fidelity I owe to my country. 