Date: 1794-11-19
President: George Washington

 Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:   When we call to mind the gracious indulgence of Heaven, by which the American   People became a nation; when we survey the general prosperity of our country,   and look forward to the riches, power, and happiness, to which it seems destined;   with the deepest regret do I announce to you, that during your recess, some   of the citizens of the United States have been found capable of an insurrection.   It is due, however, to the character of our government, and to its stability,   which cannot be shaken by the enemies of order, freely to unfold the course   of this event.  During the session of the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety, it was   expedient to exercise the legislative power, granted by the constitution of   the United States, &quot;to lay and collect excises.&quot; In a majority of   the States, scarcely an objection was heard to this mode of taxation. In some,   indeed, alarms were at first conceived, until they were banished by reason and   patriotism. In the four western counties of Pennsylvania, a prejudice, fostered   and embittered by the artifice of men, who labored for an ascendency over the   will of others, by the guidance of their passions, produced symptoms of riot   and violence. It is well known, that Congress did not hesitate to examine the   complaints which were presented, and to relieve them, as far as justice dictated,   or general convenience would permit, But the impression, which this moderation   made on the discontented, did not correspond, with what it deserved. The arts   of delusion were no longer confined to the efforts of designing individuals.  The very forbearance to press prosecutions was misinterpreted into a fear   of urging the execution of the laws; and associations of men began to denounce   threats against the officers employed. From a belief, that by a more formal   concert, their operation might be defeated, certain self-created societies 36   assumed the tone of condemnation. Hence, while the greater part of Pennsylvania   itself were conforming themselves to the acts of excise, a few counties were   resolved to frustrate them. It was now perceived, that every expectation from   the tenderness which had been hitherto pursued, was unavailing, and that further   delay could only create an opinion of impotency or irresolution in the government.   Legal process was, therefore, delivered to the marshal, against the rioters   and delinquent distillers.   No sooner was he understood to be engaged in this duty, than the vengeance of   armed men was aimed at his person, and the person and property of the inspector   of the revenue. They fired upon the marshal, arrested him, and detained him   for some time, as a prisoner. He was obliged, by the jeopardy of his life, to   renounce the service of other process, on the west side of the Allegeny mountain;   and a deputation was afterwards sent to him to demand a surrender of that which   he had served. A numerous body repeatedly attacked the house of the inspector,   seized his papers of office, and finally destroyed by fire, his buildings, and   whatsoever they contained. Both of these officers, from a just regard to their   safety, fled to the seat of government; it being avowed, that the motives to   such outrages were to compel the resignation of the inspector, to withstand   by force of arms the authority of the United States, and thereby to extort a   repeal of the laws of excise, and an alteration in the conduct of government.  Upon the testimony of these facts, an associate Justice of the Supreme Court   of the United States notified to me, that &quot;in the counties of Washington   and Allegeny, in Pennsylvania, laws of the United States were opposed, and the   execution thereof obstructed by combinations, too powerful to be suppressed   by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the   marshal of that district.&quot; On this call, momentous in the extreme, I sought   and weighed, what might best subdue the crisis. On the one hand, the judiciary   was pronounced to be stripped of its capacity to enforce the laws; crimes, which   reached the very existence of social order, were perpetrated without controul,   the friends of government were insulted, abused, and overawed into silence,   or an apparent acquiescence; and the yield to the treasonable fury of so small   a portion of the United States, would be to violate the fundamental principle   of our constitution, which enjoins that the will of the majority shall prevail.   On the other, to array citizen against citizen, to publish the dishonor of such   excesses, to encounter the expense, and other embarrassments of so distant an   expedition, were steps too delicate, too closely interwoven with many affecting   considerations, to be lightly adopted. I postponed, therefore, the summoning   of the militia immediately into the field. But I required them to be held in   readiness, that if my anxious endeavours to reclaim the deluded, and to convince   the malignant of their danger, should be fruitless, military force might be   prepared to act, before the season should be too far advanced.  My Proclamation of the 7th of August last was accordingly issued, and accompanied   by the appointment of Commissioners, who were charged to repair to the scene   of insurrection. They were authorized to confer with any bodies of men, or individuals.   They were instructed to be candid and explicit, in stating the sensations, which   had been excited in the Executive, and his earnest wish to avoid a resort to   coercion. To represent, however, that without submission, coercion must be the   resort; but to invite them, at the same time, to return to the demeanor of faithful   citizens, by such accommodations as lay within the sphere of the executive power.   Pardon, too, was tendered to them by the government of the United States, and   that of Pennsylvania, upon no other condition, than a satisfactory assurance   of obedience to the laws.  Although the report of the commissioners marks their firmness and abilities,   and must unite all virtuous men, by shewing, that the means of conciliation   have been exhausted, all of those who had committed or abetted the tumults,   did not subscribe the mild form, which was proposed, as the atonement; and the   indications of a peaceable temper were neither sufficiently general, nor conclusive,   to recommend or warrant, a further suspension of the march of the militia.  Thus, the painful alternative could not be discarded. I ordered the militia   to march, after once more admonishing the insurgents, in my proclamation of   the 25th of September last.  It was a task too difficult to ascertain with precision, the lowest degree   of force, competent to the quelling of the insurrection. From a respect, indeed,   to oeconomy, and the ease of my fellow citizens belonging to the militia, it   would have gratified me to accomplish such an estimate. My very reluctance to   ascribe too much importance to the opposition, had its extent been accurately   seen, would have been a decided inducement to the smallest efficient numbers.   In this uncertainty, therefore, I put in motion fifteen thousand men, as being   an army, which, according to all human calculation, would be prompt, and adequate   in every view; and might perhaps, by rendering resistance desperate, prevent   the effusion of blood. Quotas had been assigned to the states of New-Jersey,   Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia; the governor of Pennsylvania having declared   on this occasion, an opinion which justified a requisition to the other states.  As commander in chief of the militia, when called into the actual service   of the United States, I have visited the places of general rendezvous, to obtain   more exact information, and to direct a plan for ulterior movements. Had there   been room for a persuasion, that the laws were secure from obstruction; that   the civil magistrate was able to bring to justice such of the most culpable,   as have not embraced the proffered terms of amnesty, and may be deemed fit objects   of example; that the friends to peace and good government were not in need of   that aid and countenance, which they ought always to receive, and I trust, ever   will receive, against the vicious and turbulent; I should have caught with avidity   the opportunity of restoring the militia to their families and home. But succeeding   intelligence has tended to manifest the necessity of what has been done; it   being now confessed by those who were not inclined to exaggerate the ill-conduct   of the insurgents, that their malevolence was not pointed merely to a particular   law; but that a spirit, inimical to all order, has actuated many of the offenders.   If the state of things had afforded reason for the continuance of my presence   with the army, it would not have been withholden. But every appearance assuring   such an issue, as will redound to the reputation and strength of the United   States, I have judged it most proper, to resume my duties at the seat of government,   leaving the chief command with the governor of Virginia.  Still, however, as it is probable, that in a commotion like the present, whatsoever   may be the pretence, the purposes of mischief and revenge may not be laid aside;   the stationing of a small force for a certain period in the four western counties   of Pennsylvania will be indispensable; whether we contemplate the situation   of those, who are connected with the execution of the laws; or of others who   may have exposed themselves by an honorable attachment to them.  Thirty days from the commencement of this session, being the legal limitation   of the employment of the militia, Congress cannot be too early occupied with   this subject.  Among the discussions, which may arise from this aspect of our affairs, and   from the documents which will be submitted to Congress, it will not escape their   observation, that not only the inspector of the revenue, but other officers   of the United States in Pennsylvania have, from their fidelity in the discharge   of their functions, sustained material injuries to their property. The obligation   and policy of indemnifying them are strong and obvious. It may also merit attention,   whether policy will not enlarge this provision to the retribution of other citizens,   who, though not under the ties of office, may have suffered damage by their   generous exertions for upholding the constitution and the laws. The amount,   even if all the injured were included, would not be great; and on future emergencies,   the government would be amply repaid by the influence of an example, that he,   who incurs a loss in its defence shall find a recompense in its liberality.  While there is cause to lament, that occurrences of this nature should have   disgraced the name, or interrupted the tranquillity of any part of our community,   or should have diverted to a new application, any portion of the public resources,   there are not wanting real and substantial consolations for the misfortune.   It has demonstrated, that our prosperity rests on solid foundations; by furnishing   an additional proof, that my fellow citizens understand the true principles   of government and liberty: that they feel their inseparable union: that notwithstanding   all the devices which have been used to sway them from their interest and duty,   they are now as ready to maintain the authority of the laws against licentious   invasions, as they were to defend their rights against usurpation. It has been   a spectacle, displaying to the highest advantage, the value of Republican Government,   to behold the most and least wealthy of our citizens standing in the same ranks   as private soldiers; pre-eminently distinguished by being the army of the constitution;   undeterred by a march of three hundred miles over rugged mountains, by the approach   of an inclement season, or by any other discouragement. Nor ought I to omit   to acknowledge the efficacious and patriotic co-operation, which I have experienced   from the chief magistrates of the states, to which my requisitions have been   addressed.  To every description, indeed, of citizens let praise be given. But let them   persevere in their affectionate vigilance over that precious depository of American   happiness, the constitution of the United States. Let them cherish it too, for   the sake of those, who from every clime are daily seeking a dwelling in our   land. And when in the calm moments of reflection, they shall have retraced the   origin and progress of the insurrection, let them determine, whether it has   not been fomented by combinations of men, who, careless of consequences, and   disregarding the unerring truth, that those who rouse, cannot always appease   a civil convulsion, have disseminated, from an ignorance or version of facts,   suspicions, jealousies, and accusations of the whole government.  Having thus fulfilled the engagement, which I took, when I entered into office,   &quot;to the best of my ability to preserve, protect, and defend the constitution   of the United States,&quot; on you, Gentlemen, and the people by whom you are   deputed, I rely for support.  In the arrangements, to which the possibility of a similar contingency will   naturally draw your attention, it ought not to be forgotten, that the militia   laws have exhibited such striking defects, as could not have been supplied but   by the zeal of our citizens. Besides the extraordinary expense and waste, which   are not the least of the defects, every appeal to those laws is attended with   a doubt of its success.  The devising and establishing of a well regulated militia, would be a genuine   source of legislative honor, and a perfect title to public gratitude. I, therefore,   entertain a hope, that the present session will not pass, without carrying to   its full energy the power of organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia;   and thus providing, in the language of the constitution, for calling them forth   to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions.  As auxiliary to the state of our defence, to which Congress can never too   frequently recur, they will not omit to enquire whether the fortifications,   which have been already licensed by law, be commensurate with our exigencies.  The intelligence from the army, under the command of general Wayne, is a happy   presage to our military operations against the hostile Indians north of the   Ohio. From the advices which have been forwarded, the advance which he has made   must have damped the ardor of the savages, and weakened their obstinacy in waging   war against the United States. And yet, even at this late hour, when our power   to punish them cannot be questioned, we shall not be unwilling to cement a lasting   peace, upon terms of candor, equity, and good neighborhood.  Towards none of the Indian tribes have overtures of friendship been spared.   The Creeks in particular are covered from encroachment by the interposition   of the General Government and that of Georgia. From a desire also to remove   the discontents of the Six Nations, a settlement, meditated at Presqu'isle on   Lake Erie, has been suspended; and an agent is now endeavoring to rectify any   misconception, into which they may have fallen. But I cannot refrain from again   pressing upon your deliberations, the plan which I recommended at the last session,   for the improvement of harmony with all the Indians within our limits, by the   fixing and conducting of trading houses, upon the principles then expressed.  Gentlemen of the House of Representatives: The time, which has elapsed, since   the commencement of our fiscal measures, has developed our pecuniary resources,   so as to open a way for a definitive plan for the redemption of the public debt.   It is believed, that the result is such, as to encourage Congress to consummate   this work, without delay. Nothing can more promote the permanent welfare of   the nation, and nothing would be more grateful to our constituents. Indeed whatsoever   is unfinished of our system of public credit, cannot be benefited by procrastination;   and as far as may be practicable, we ought to place that credit on grounds which   cannot be disturbed, and to prevent that progressive accumulation of debt which   must ultimately endanger all governments.  An estimate of the necessary appropriations, including the expenditures into   which we have been driven by the insurrection, will be submitted to Congress.  Gentlemen of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives: The mint of   the United States has entered upon the coinage of the precious metals; and considerable   sums of defective coins and bullion have been lodged with the director by individuals.   There is a pleasing prospect that the institution will, at no remote day, realize   the expectation which was originally formed of its utility.  In subsequent communications, certain circumstances of our intercourse with   foreign nations, will be transmitted to Congress. However, it may not be unseasonable   to announce that my policy in our foreign transactions has been, to cultivate   peace with all the world; to observe treaties with pure and absolute faith;   to check every deviation from the line of impartiality; to explain what may   have been misapprehended, and correct what may have been injurious to any nation;   and having thus acquired the right, to lose no time in acquiring the ability,   to insist upon justice being done to ourselves.  Let us unite, therefore, in imploring the Supreme Ruler of nations, to spread   his holy protection over these United States: to turn the machinations of the   wicked to the confirming of our constitution: to enable us at all times to root   out internal sedition, and put invasion to flight: to perpetuate to our country   that prosperity, which his goodness has already conferred, and to verify the   anticipations of this government being a safe guard to human rights.