Date: 1801-12-08
President: Thomas Jefferson

 FELLOW CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:                  It is a circumstance of sincere gratification to me that on meeting the great   council of our nation, I am able to announce to them, on the grounds of reasonable   certainty, that the wars and troubles which have for so many years afflicted   our sister nations have at length come to an end, and that the communications   of peace and commerce are once more opening among them. While we devoutly return   thanks to the beneficent Being who has been pleased to breathe into them the   spirit of conciliation and forgiveness, we are bound with peculiar gratitude   to be thankful to him that our own peace has been preserved through so perilous   a season, and ourselves permitted quietly to cultivate the earth and to practice   and improve those arts which tend to increase our comforts. The assurances,   indeed, of friendly disposition, received from all the powers with whom we have   principal relations, had inspired a confidence that our peace with them would   not have been disturbed. But a cessation of the irregularities which had effected   the commerce of neutral nations, and of the irritations and injuries produced   by them, cannot but add to this confidence; and strengthens, at the same time,   the hope, that wrongs committed on offending friends, under a pressure of circumstances,   will now be reviewed with candor, and will be considered as founding just claims   of retribution for the past and new assurances for the future.        Among our Indian neighbors, also, a spirit of peace and friendship generally   prevailing and I am happy to inform you that the continued efforts to introduce   among them the implements and the practice of husbandry, and of the household   arts, have not been without success; that they are becoming more and more sensible   of the superiority of this dependence for clothing and subsistence over the   precarious resources of hunting and fishing; and already we are able to announce,   that instead of that constant diminution of their numbers, produced by their   wars and their wants, some of them begin to experience an increase of population.To this state of general peace with which we have been blessed, one only exception   exists. Tripoli, the least considerable of the Barbary States, had come forward   with demands unfounded either in right or in compact, and had permitted itself   to denounce war, on our failure to comply before a given day. The style of the   demand admitted but one answer. I sent a small squadron of frigates into the   Mediterranean, with assurances to that power of our sincere desire to remain   in peace, but with orders to protect our commerce against the threatened attack.   The measure was seasonable and salutary. The bey had already declared war in   form. His cruisers were out. Two had arrived at Gibraltar. Our commerce in the   Mediterranean was blockaded, and that of the Atlantic in peril. The arrival   of our squadron dispelled the danger. One of the Tripolitan cruisers having   fallen in with, and engaged the small schooner Enterprise, commanded by Lieutenant   Sterret, which had gone as a tender to our larger vessels, was captured, after   a heavy slaughter of her men, without the loss of a single one on our part.   The bravery exhibited by our citizens on that element, will, I trust, be a testimony   to the world that it is not the want of that virtue which makes us seek their   peace, but a conscientious desire to direct the energies of our nation to the   multiplication of the human race, and not to its destruction. Unauthorized by   the constitution, without the sanction of Congress, to go out beyond the line   of defence, the vessel being disabled from committing further hostilities, was   liberated with its crew. The legislature will doubtless consider whether, by   authorizing measures of offence, also, they will place our force on an equal   footing with that of its adversaries. I communicate all material information   on this subject, that in the exercise of the important function considered by   the constitution to the legislature exclusively, their judgment may form itself   on a knowledge and consideration of every circumstance of weight.I wish I could say that our situation with all the other Barbary states was   entirely satisfactory. Discovering that some delays had taken place in the performance   of certain articles stipulated by us, I thought it my duty, by immediate measures   for fulfilling them, to vindicate to ourselves the right of considering the   effect of departure from stipulation on their side. From the papers which will   be laid before you, you will be enabled to judge whether our treaties are regarded   by them as fixing at all the measure of their demands, or as guarding from the   exercise of force our vessels within their power; and to consider how far it   will be safe and expedient to leave our affairs with them in their present posture.I lay before you the result of the census lately taken of our inhabitants,   to a conformity with which we are to reduce the ensuing rates of representation   and taxation. You will perceive that the increase of numbers during the last   ten years, proceeding in geometrical ratio, promises a duplication in little   more than twenty-two years. We contemplate this rapid growth, and the prospect   it holds up to us, not with a view to the injuries it may enable us to do to   others in some future day, but to the settlement of the extensive country still   remaining vacant within our limits, to the multiplications of men susceptible   of happiness, educated in the love of order, habituated to self-government,   and value its blessings above all price.Other circumstances, combined with the increase of numbers, have produced an   augmentation of revenue arising from consumption, in a ratio far beyond that   of population alone, and though the changes of foreign relations now taking   place so desirably for the world, may for a season affect this branch of revenue,   yet, weighing all probabilities of expense, as well as of income, there is reasonable   ground of confidence that we may now safely dispense with all the internal taxes,   comprehending excises, stamps, auctions, licenses, carriages, and refined sugars,   to which the postage on newspapers may be added, to facilitate the progress   of information, and that the remaining sources of revenue will be sufficient   to provide for the support of government to pay the interest on the public debts,   and to discharge the principals in shorter periods than the laws or the general   expectations had contemplated. War, indeed, and untoward events, may change   this prospect of things, and call for expenses which the imposts could not meet;   but sound principles will not justify our taxing the industry of our fellow   citizens to accumulate treasure for wars to happen we know not when, and which   might not perhaps happen but from the temptations offered by that treasure.These views, however, of reducing our burdens, are formed on the expectation   that a sensible, and at the same time a salutary reduction, may take place in   our habitual expenditures. For this purpose, those of the civil government,   the army, and navy, will need revisal.When we consider that this government is charged with the external and mutual   relations only of these states; that the states themselves have principal care   of our persons, our property, and our reputation, constituting the great field   of human concerns, we may well doubt whether our organization is not too complicated,   too expensive; whether offices or officers have not been multiplied unnecessarily,   and sometimes injuriously to the service they were meant to promote. I will   cause to be laid before you an essay toward a statement of those who, under   public employment of various kinds, draw money from the treasury or from our   citizens. Time has not permitted a perfect enumeration, the ramifications of   office being too multipled and remote to be completely traced in a first trial.   Among those who are dependent on executive discretion, I have begun the reduction   of what was deemed necessary. The expenses of diplomatic agency have been considerably   diminished. The inspectors of internal revenue who were found to obstruct the   accountability of the institution, have been discontinued. Several agencies   created by executive authority, on salaries fixed by that also, have been suppressed,   and should suggest the expediency of regulating that power by law, so as to   subject its exercises to legislative inspection and sanction. Other reformations   of the same kind will be pursued with that caution which is requisite in removing   useless things, not to injure what is retained. But the great mass of public   offices is established by law, and, therefore, by law alone can be abolished.   Should the legislature think it expedient to pass this roll in review, and try   all its parts by the test of public utility, they may be assured of every aid   and light which executive information can yield. Considering the general tendency   to multiply offices and dependencies, and to increase expense to the ultimate   term of burden which the citizen can bear, it behooves us to avail ourselves   of every occasion which presents itself for taking off the surcharge; that it   may never be seen here that, after leaving to labor the smallest portion of   its earnings on which it can subsist, government shall itself consume the residue   of what it was instituted to guard.In our care, too, of the public contributions intrusted to our direction, it   would be prudent to multiply barriers against their dissipation, by appropriating   specific sums to every specific purpose susceptible of definition; by disallowing   applications of money varying from the appropriation in object, or transcending   it in amount; by reducing the undefined field of contingencies, and thereby   circumscribing discretionary powers over money; and by bringing back to a single   department all accountabilities for money where the examination may be prompt,   efficacious, and uniform.An account of the receipts and expenditures of the last year, as prepared by   the secretary of the treasury, will as usual be laid before you. The success   which has attended the late sales of the public lands, shows that with attention   they may be made an important source of receipt. Among the payments, those made   in discharge of the principal and interest of the national debt, will show that   the public faith has been exactly maintained. To these will be added an estimate   of appropriations necessary for the ensuing year. This last will of course be   effected by such modifications of the systems of expense, as you shall think   proper to adopt.A statement has been formed by the secretary of war, on mature consideration,   of all the posts and stations where garrisons will be expedient, and of the   number of men requisite for each garrison. The whole amount is considerably   short of the present military establishment. For the surplus no particular use   can be pointed out. For defence against invasion, their number is as nothing;   nor is it conceived needful or safe that a standing army should be kept up in   time of peace for that purpose. Uncertain as we must ever be of the particular   point in our circumference where an enemy may choose to invade us, the only   force which can be ready at every point and competent to oppose them, is the   body of neighboring citizens as formed into a militia. On these, collected from   the parts most convenient, in numbers proportioned to the invading foe, it is   best to rely, not only to meet the first attack, but if it threatens to be permanent,   to maintain the defence until regulars may be engaged to relieve them. These   considerations render it important that we should at every session continue   to amend the defects which from time to time show themselves in the laws for   regulating the militia, until they are sufficiently perfect. Nor should we now   or at any time separate, until we can say we have done everything for the militia   which we could do were an enemy at our door.The provisions of military stores on hand will be laid before you, that you   may judge of the additions still requisite.With respect to the extent to which our naval preparations should be carried,   some difference of opinion may be expected to appear; but just attention to   the circumstances of every part of the Union will doubtless reconcile all. A   small force will probably continue to be wanted for actual service in the Mediterranean.   Whatever annual sum beyond that you may think proper to appropriate to naval   preparations, would perhaps be better employed in providing those articles which   may be kept without waste or consumption, and be in readiness when any exigence   calls them into use. Progress has been made, as will appear by papers now communicated,   in providing materials for seventy-four gun ships as directed by law.How far the authority given by the legislature for procuring and establishing   sites for naval purposes has been perfectly understood and pursued in the execution,   admits of some doubt. A statement of the expenses already incurred on that subject,   shall be laid before you. I have in certain cases suspended or slackened these   expenditures, that the legislature might determine whether so many yards are   necessary as have been contemplated. The works at this place are among those   permitted to go on; and five of the seven frigates directed to be laid up, have   been brought and laid up here, where, besides the safety of their position,   they are under the eye of the executive administration, as well as of its agents   and where yourselves also will be guided by your own view in the legislative   provisions respecting them which may from time to time be necessary. They are   preserved in such condition, as well the vessels as whatever belongs to them,   as to be at all times ready for sea on a short warning. Two others are yet to   be laid up so soon as they shall have reserved the repairs requisite to put   them also into sound condition. As a superintending officer will be necessary   at each yard, his duties and emoluments, hitherto fixed by the executive, will   be a more proper subject for legislation. A communication will also be made   of our progress in the execution of the law respecting the vessels directed   to be sold.The fortifications of our harbors, more or less advanced, present considerations   of great difficulty. While some of them are on a scale sufficiently proportioned   to the advantages of their position, to the efficacy of their protection, and   the importance of the points within it, others are so extensive, will cost so   much in their first erection, so much in their maintenance, and require such   a force to garrison them, as to make it questionable what is best now to be   done. A statement of those commenced or projected, of the expenses already incurred,   and estimates of their future cost, so far as can be foreseen, shall be laid   before you, that you may be enabled to judge whether any attention is necessary   in the laws respecting this subject.Agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and navigation, the four pillars of our   prosperity, are the most thriving when left most free to individual enterprise.   Protection from casual embarrassments, however, may sometimes be seasonably   interposed. If in the course of your observations or inquiries they should appear   to need any aid within the limits of our constitutional powers, your sense of   their importance is a sufficient assurance they will occupy your attention.   We cannot, indeed, but all feel an anxious solicitude for the difficulties under   which our carrying trade will soon be placed. How far it can be relieved, otherwise   than by time, is a subject of important consideration.The judiciary system of the United States, and especially that portion of it   recently erected, will of course present itself to the contemplation of Congress:   and that they may be able to judge of the proportion which the institution bears   to the business it has to perform, I have caused to be procured from the several   States, and now lay before Congress, an exact statement of all the causes decided   since the first establishment of the courts, and of those which were depending   when additional courts and judges were brought in to their aid.And while on the judiciary organization, it will be worthy your consideration,   whether the protection of the inestimable institution of juries has been extended   to all the cases involving the security of our persons and property. Their impartial   selection also being essential to their value, we ought further to consider   whether that is sufficiently secured in those States where they are named by   a marshal depending on executive will, or designated by the court or by officers   dependent on them.I cannot omit recommending a revisal of the laws on the subject of naturalization.   Considering the ordinary chances of human life, a denial of citizenship under   a residence of fourteen years is a denial to a great proportion of those who   ask it, and controls a policy pursued from their first settlement by many of   these States, and still believed of consequence to their prosperity. And shall   we refuse the unhappy fugitives from distress that hospitality which the savages   of the wilderness extended to our fathers arriving in this land? Shall oppressed   humanity find no asylum on this globe? The constitution, indeed, has wisely   provided that, for admission to certain offices of important trust, a residence   shall be required sufficient to develop character and design. But might not   the general character and capabilities of a citizen be safely communicated to   every one manifesting a _bona fide_ purpose of embarking his life and fortunes   permanently with us? with restrictions, perhaps, to guard against the fraudulent   usurpation of our flag; an abuse which brings so much embarrassment and loss   on the genuine citizen, and so much danger to the nation of being involved in   war, that no endeavor should be spared to detect and suppress it.These, fellow citizens, are the matters respecting the state of the nation,   which I have thought of importance to be submitted to your consideration at   this time. Some others of less moment, or not yet ready for communication, will   be the subject of separate messages. I am happy in this opportunity of committing   the arduous affairs of our government to the collected wisdom of the Union.   Nothing shall be wanting on my part to inform, as far as in my power, the legislative   judgment, nor to carry that judgment into faithful execution. The prudence and   temperance of your discussions will promote, within your own walls, that conciliation   which so much befriends national conclusion; and by its example will encourage   among our constituents that progress of opinion which is tending to unite them   in object and in will. That all should be satisfied with any one order of things   is not to be expected, but I indulge the pleasing persuasion that the great   body of our citizens will cordially concur in honest and disinterested efforts,   which have for their object to preserve the general and State governments in   their constitutional form and equilibrium; to maintain peace abroad, and order   and obedience to the laws at home; to establish principles and practices of   administration favorable to the security of liberty and prosperity, and to reduce   expenses to what is necessary for the useful purposes of government. 