Date: 1806-12-02
President: Thomas Jefferson

TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES   IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED:                  It would have given me, fellow citizens, great satisfaction to announce in the   moment of your meeting that the difficulties in our foreign relations, existing   at the time of your last separation, had been amicably and justly terminated.   I lost no time in taking those measures which were most likely to bring them   to such a termination, by special missions charged with such powers and instructions   as in the event of failure could leave no imputation on either our moderation   or forbearance. The delays which have since taken place in our negotiations   with the British government appears to have proceeded from causes which do not   forbid the expectation that during the course of the session I may be enabled   to lay before you their final issue. What will be that of the negotiations for   settling our differences with Spain, nothing which had taken place at the date   of the last despatches enables us to pronounce. On the western side of the Mississippi   she advanced in considerable force, and took post at the settlement of Bayou   Pierre, on the Red river. This village was originally settled by France, was   held by her as long as she held Louisiana, and was delivered to Spain only as   a part of Louisiana. Being small, insulated, and distant, it was not observed,   at the moment of redelivery to France and the United States, that she continued   a guard of half a dozen men which had been stationed there. A proposition, however,   having been lately made by our commander-in-chief, to assume the Sabine river   as a temporary line of separation between the troops of the two nations until   the issue of our negotiations shall be known; this has been referred by the   Spanish commandant to his superior, and in the meantime, he has withdrawn his   force to the western side of the Sabine river. The correspondence on this subject,   now communicated, will exhibit more particularly the present state of things   in that quarter.        The nature of that country requires indispensably that an unusual proportion   of the force employed there should be cavalry or mounted infantry. In order,   therefore, that the commanding officer might be enabled to act with effect,   I had authorized him to call on the governors of Orleans and Mississippi for   a corps of five hundred volunteer cavalry. The temporary arrangement he has   proposed may perhaps render this unnecessary. But I inform you with great pleasure   of the promptitude with which the inhabitants of those territories have tendered   their services in defence of their country. It has done honor to themselves,   entitled them to the confidence of their fellow-citizens in every part of the   Union, and must strengthen the general determination to protect them efficaciously   under all circumstances which may occur.Having received information that in another part of the United States a great   number of private individuals were combining together, arming and organizing   themselves contrary to law, to carry on military expeditions against the territories   of Spain, I thought it necessary, by proclamations as well as by special orders,   to take measures for preventing and suppressing this enterprise, for seizing   the vessels, arms, and other means provided for it, and for arresting and bringing   to justice its authors and abettors. It was due to that good faith which ought   ever to be the rule of action in public as well as in private transactions;   it was due to good order and regular government, that while the public force   was acting strictly on the defensive and merely to protect our citizens from   aggression, the criminal attempts of private individuals to decide for their   country the question of peace or war, by commencing active and unauthorized   hostilities, should be promptly and efficaciously suppressed.Whether it will be necessary to enlarge our regular force will depend on the   result of our negotiation with Spain; but as it is uncertain when that result   will be known, the provisional measures requisite for that, and to meet any   pressure intervening in that quarter, will be a subject for your early consideration.The possession of both banks of the Mississippi reducing to a single point   the defence of that river, its waters, and the country adjacent, it becomes   highly necessary to provide for that point a more adequate security. Some position   above its mouth, commanding the passage of the river, should be rendered sufficiently   strong to cover the armed vessels which may be stationed there for defence,   and in conjunction with them to present an insuperable obstacle to any force   attempting to pass. The approaches to the city of New Orleans, from the eastern   quarter also, will require to be examined, and more effectually guarded. For   the internal support of the country, the encouragement of a strong settlement   on the western side of the Mississippi, within reach of New Orleans, will be   worthy the consideration of the legislature.The gun-boats authorized by an act of the last session are so advanced that   they will be ready for service in the ensuing spring. Circumstances permitted   us to allow the time necessary for their more solid construction. As a much   larger number will still be wanting to place our seaport towns and waters in   that state of defence to which we are competent and they entitled, a similar   appropriation for a further provision for them is recommended for the ensuing   year.A further appropriation will also be necessary for repairing fortifications   already established, and the erection of such works as may have real effect   in obstructing the approach of an enemy to our seaport towns, or their remaining   before them.In a country whose constitution is derived from the will of the people, directly   expressed by their free suffrages; where the principal executive functionaries,   and those of the legislature, are renewed by them at short periods; where under   the characters of jurors, they exercise in person the greatest portion of the   judiciary powers; where the laws are consequently so formed and administered   as to bear with equal weight and favor on all, restraining no man in the pursuits   of honest industry, and securing to every one the property which that acquires,   it would not be supposed that any safeguards could be needed against insurrection   or enterprise on the public peace or authority. The laws, however, aware that   these should not be trusted to moral restraints only, have wisely provided punishments   for these crimes when committed. But would it not be salutary to give also the   means of preventing their commission? Where an enterprise is meditated by private   individuals against a foreign nation in amity with the United States, powers   of prevention to a certain extent are given by the laws; would they not be as   reasonable and useful were the enterprise preparing against the United States?   While adverting to this branch of the law, it is proper to observe, that in   enterprises meditated against foreign nations, the ordinary process of binding   to the observance of the peace and good behavior, could it be extended to acts   to be done out of the jurisdiction of the United States, would be effectual   in some cases where the offender is able to keep out of sight every indication   of his purpose which could draw on him the exercise of the powers now given   by law.The states on the coast of Barbary seem generally disposed at present to respect   our peace and friendship; with Tunis alone some uncertainty remains. Persuaded   that it is our interest to maintain our peace with them on equal terms, or not   at all, I propose to send in due time a reinforcement into the Mediterranean,   unless previous information shall show it to be unnecessary.We continue to receive proofs of the growing attachment of our Indian neighbors,   and of their disposition to place all their interests under the patronage of   the United States. These dispositions are inspired by their confidence in our   justice, and in the sincere concern we feel for their welfare; and as long as   we discharge these high and honorable functions with the integrity and good   faith which alone can entitle us to their continuance, we may expect to reap   the just reward in their peace and friendship.The expedition of Messrs. Lewis and Clarke, for exploring the river Missouri,   and the best communication from that to the Pacific ocean, has had all the success   which could have been expected. They have traced the Missouri nearly to its   source, descended the Columbia to the Pacific ocean, ascertained with accuracy   the geography of that interesting communication across our continent, learned   the character of the country, of its commerce, and inhabitants; and it is but   justice to say that Messrs. Lewis and Clarke, and their brave companions, have   by this arduous service deserved well of their country.The attempt to explore the Red river, under the direction of Mr. Freeman, though   conducted with a zeal and prudence meriting entire approbation, has not been   equally successful. After proceeding up it about six hundred miles, nearly as   far as the French settlements had extended while the country was in their possession,   our geographers were obliged to return without completing their work.Very useful additions have also been made to our knowledge of the Mississippi   by Lieutenant Pike, who has ascended to its source, and whose journal and map,   giving the details of the journey, will shortly be ready for communication to   both houses of Congress. Those of Messrs. Lewis and Clarke, and Freeman, will   require further time to be digested and prepared. These important surveys, in   addition to those before possessed, furnish materials for commencing an accurate   map of the Mississippi, and its western waters. Some principal rivers, however,   remain still to be explored, toward which the authorization of Congress, by   moderate appropriations, will be requisite.I congratulate you, fellow-citizens, on the approach of the period at which   you may interpose your authority constitutionally, to withdraw the citizens   of the United States from all further participation in those violations of human   rights which have been so long continued on the unoffending inhabitants of Africa,   and which the morality, the reputation, and the best interests of our country,   have long been eager to proscribe. Although no law you may pass can take prohibitory   effect till the first day of the year one thousand eight hundred and eight,   yet the intervening period is not too long to prevent, by timely notice, expeditions   which cannot be completed before that day.The receipts at the treasury during the year ending on the 30th of September   last, have amounted to near fifteen millions of dollars, which have enabled   us, after meeting the current demands, to pay two millions seven hundred thousand   dollars of the American claims, in part of the price of Louisiana; to pay of   the funded debt upward of three millions of principal, and nearly four of interest;   and in addition, to reimburse, in the course of the present month, near two   millions of five and a half per cent. stock. These payments and reimbursements   of the funded debt, with those which have been made in the four years and a   half preceding, will, at the close of the present year, have extinguished upwards   of twenty-three millions of principal.The duties composing the Mediterranean fund will cease by law at the end of   the present season. Considering, however, that they are levied chiefly on luxuries,   and that we have an impost on salt, a necessary of life, the free use of which   other-wise is so important, I recommend to your consideration the suppression   of the duties on salt, and the continuation of the Mediterranean fund, instead   thereof, for a short time, after which that also will become unnecessary for   any purpose now within contemplation.When both of these branches of revenue shall in this way be relinquished, there   will still ere long be an accumulation of moneys in the treasury beyond the   instalments of public debt which we are permitted by contract to pay. They cannot,   then, without a modification assented to by the public creditors, be applied   to the extinguishment of this debt, and the complete liberation of our revenues   -- the most desirable of all objects; nor, if our peace continues, will they   be wanting for any other existing purpose. The question, therefore, now comes   forward, -- to what other objects shall these surpluses be appropriated, and   the whole surplus of impost, after the entire discharge of the public debt,   and during those intervals when the purposes of war shall not call for them?   Shall we suppress the impost and give that advantage to foreign over domestic   manufactures? On a few articles of more general and necessary use, the suppression   in due season will doubtless be right, but the great mass of the articles on   which impost is paid is foreign luxuries, purchased by those only who are rich   enough to afford themselves the use of them. Their patriotism would certainly   prefer its continuance and application to the great purposes of the public education,   roads, rivers, canals, and such other objects of public improvement as it may   be thought proper to add to the constitutional enumeration of federal powers.   By these operations new channels of communication will be opened between the   States; the lines of separation will disappear, their interests will be identified,   and their union cemented by new and indissoluble ties. Education is here placed   among the articles of public care, not that it would be proposed to take its   ordinary branches out of the hands of private enterprise, which manages so much   better all the concerns to which it is equal; but a public institution can alone   supply those sciences which, though rarely called for, are yet necessary to   complete the circle, all the parts of which contribute to the improvement of   the country, and some of them to its preservation. The subject is now proposed   for the consideration of Congress, because, if approved by the time the State   legislatures shall have deliberated on this extension of the federal trusts,   and the laws shall be passed, and other arrangements made for their execution,   the necessary funds will be on hand and without employment. I suppose an amendment   to the constitution, by consent of the States, necessary, because the objects   now recommended are not among those enumerated in the constitution, and to which   it permits the public moneys to be applied.The present consideration of a national establishment for education, particularly,   is rendered proper by this circumstance also, that if Congress, approving the   proposition, shall yet think it more eligible to found it on a donation of lands,   they have it now in their power to endow it with those which will be among the   earliest to produce the necessary income. This foundation would have the advantage   of being independent on war, which may suspend other improvements by requiring   for its own purposes the resources destined for them.This, fellow citizens, is the state of the public interest at the present moment,   and according to the information now possessed. But such is the situation of   the nations of Europe, and such too the predicament in which we stand with some   of them, that we cannot rely with certainty on the present aspect of our affairs   that may change from moment to moment, during the course of your session or   after you shall have separated. Our duty is, therefore, to act upon things as   they are, and to make a reasonable provision for whatever they may be. Were   armies to be raised whenever a speck of war is visible in our horizon, we never   should have been without them. Our resources would have been exhausted on dangers   which have never happened, instead of being reserved for what is really to take   place. A steady, perhaps a quickened pace in preparations for the defence of   our seaport towns and waters; an early settlement of the most exposed and vulnerable   parts of our country; a militia so organized that its effective portions can   be called to any point in the Union, or volunteers instead of them to serve   a sufficient time, are means which may always be ready yet never preying on   our resources until actually called into use. They will maintain the public   interests while a more permanent force shall be in course of preparation. But   much will depend on the promptitude with which these means can be brought into   activity. If war be forced upon us in spite of our long and vain appeals to   the justice of nations, rapid and vigorous movements in its outset will go far   toward securing us in its course and issue, and toward throwing its burdens   on those who render necessary the resort from reason to force.The result of our negotiations, or such incidents in their course as may enable   us to infer their probable issue; such further movements also on our western   frontiers as may show whether war is to be pressed there while negotiation is   protracted elsewhere, shall be communicated to you from time to time as they   become known to me, with whatever other information I possess or may receive,   which may aid your deliberations on the great national interests committed to   your charge. 