CHAPTER XIII

1844


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _9th January 1844._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I had the pleasure of receiving your kind letter of
the 4th, which is written from Ardenne, where I grieve to see you are
again gone without my beloved Louise.

Charlotte is the admiration of every one, and I wish much I could have
seen the three dear children _en représentation_.

Our fat Vic or Pussette learns a verse of _Lamartine_ by heart, which
ends with "le tableau se déroule à mes pieds"; to show how well she
had understood this difficult line which Mdlle. Charier had explained
to her, I must tell you the following _bon mot_. When she was riding
on her pony, and looking at the cows and sheep, she turned to Mdlle.
Charier and said: "_Voilà_ le tableau qui se déroule à mes pieds." Is
not this extraordinary for a little child of three years old? It is
more like what a person of twenty would say. You have no notion _what_
a knowing, and I am sorry to say _sly_, little rogue she is, and
so _obstinate_. She and _le petit Frère_ accompany us to dear old
Claremont to-day; Alice remains here under Lady Lyttelton's care. How
sorry I am that you should have hurt your leg, and in such a provoking
way; Albert says he remembers well your playing often with a pen-knife
when you talked, and I remember it also, but it is really dangerous.

I am happy that the news from Paris are good; the really good
understanding between our two Governments provokes the Carlists and
Anarchists. Bordeaux[1] is not yet gone; I saw in a letter that it was
_debated_ in his presence whether he was on any favourable occasion
_de se présenter en France!_Do you think that possible? Then again
the papers say that there are fortifications being made on the coast
of Normandy for fear of an invasion; is this so? These are many
questions, but I hope you will kindly answer them, as they interest
me. With Albert's love. Believe me, ever, your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 1: The Duc de Bordeaux, only son of the Duc de
    Berri, had by the death of Charles X. and the renunciation
    of all claims to the French Throne on the part of the Duc
    d'Angoulême, become the representative of the elder branch of
    the Bourbons. He had intended his visit to England to have a
    private character only.]




[Pageheading: THE SPANISH MARRIAGE]


_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._

CLAREMONT, _10th January 1844_.

The Queen understands that there is a negotiation with Sweden and
Denmark pending about the cessation of their tribute to Morocco,
likewise that Prince Metternich has sent a despatch condemning as
unfair the understanding come to between us and France about the
Spanish marriage;[2] that there is a notion of exchanging Hong Kong
for a more healthy colony.

The Queen, taking a deep interest in all these matters, and feeling it
her duty to do so, begs Lord Aberdeen to keep her always well informed
of what is on the _tapis_ in his Department.

    [Footnote 2: _See ante_, vol. i. p. 487.]




_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._

CLAREMONT, _13th January 1844._

The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of the 10th, and returns
him the papers which he sent her, with her best thanks. She does not
remember to have seen them before.

The Queen takes this opportunity to beg Lord Aberdeen to cause the
despatches to be sent a little sooner from the Foreign Office,
as drafts in particular have often come to the Queen a week or a
fortnight after they had actually been sent across the sea.

With respect to the Hanoverian Orders, Lord Aberdeen has not quite
understood what the Queen meant. It was Sir C. Thornton and others
to whom the Queen had refused permission to accept the favour, on a
former occasion, by which the King of Hanover was much affronted. The
Queen would not like to have herself additionally fettered by any new
regulation, but Lord Aberdeen will certainly concur with the Queen
that it would not be expedient to give to the King of Hanover a power
which the Queen herself does not possess, viz. that of granting orders
as favours, or for personal services; as the number of the different
classes of the Guelphic Order bestowed on Englishmen is innumerable,
it would actually invest the King with such a power, which,
considering how much such things are sought after, might be extremely
inconvenient.

The Queen will not give a final decision upon this case until she
returns to Windsor, where she has papers explanatory of the reasons
which caused her to decline the King of Hanover's application in 1838.




[Pageheading: A CARRIAGE ACCIDENT]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

CLAREMONT, _16th January 1844._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Many thanks for your kind letter of the 11th.
Louise can give you the details of the little upset I and Lady Douro
had, and which I did not think worth while to mention.[3] It was the
strangest thing possible to happen, and the most _unlikely_, for we
were going quite quietly, not at all in a narrow lane, with very quiet
ponies and my usual postillion; the fact was that the boy looked the
_wrong_ way, and therefore did not perceive the ditch which he so
cleverly got us into.

We leave dear Claremont, as usual, with the greatest regret; we are
so peaceable here; Windsor is beautiful and comfortable, but it is a
_palace_, and God knows _how willingly_ I would _always_ live with my
beloved Albert and our children in the quiet and retirement of private
life, and not be the constant object of observation, and of newspaper
articles. The children (Pussette and Bertie) have been most remarkably
well, and so have we, in spite of the very bad weather we had most
days. I am truly and really grieved that good excellent Nemours
is again _not_ to get his _dotation_.[4] Really we constitutional
countries are _too shabby_.

Now, dearest Uncle, I must bid you adieu, begging you to believe me,
ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 3: On the 5th of January the Queen's phaeton was
    overturned at Horton, near Dachet, while driving to the meet
    of Prince Albert's Harriers.]

    [Footnote 4: On the occasion of the marriage of the Duc and
    Duchesse de Nemours (1840), the proposal made by the Soult
    Government for a Parliamentary grant of 500,000 francs had
    been rejected.]




[Pageheading: FRANCE AND ENGLAND]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _30th January 1844._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I must begin by thanking you for your kind letter
of the 26th, and by wishing you joy that the fête went off _so_ well.
I am glad Leo will appear at the next ball; he is nearly nine years
old, and it is good to accustom children of his rank early to these
things.

Guizot's speech is exceedingly admired, with the exception of his
having said more than he was justified to do about the right of
search.[5] Our speech has been very difficult to frame; we should like
to have mentioned our visits to France and Belgium, but it has been
found impossible to do so; _France is_ mentioned, and it is the first
time since 1834!

To-morrow we go up to Town "pour ce bore," as the good King always
said to me; whenever there were tiresome people to present he always
said: "Je vous demande pardon de ce _bore_."

I have had a tiresome though not at all violent cold which _I was_
alarmed might spoil the _sonorousness_ of my voice for the speech on
Thursday, but it promises well now.

I own I always look with horror to the beginning of a Parliamentary
campaign.

With Albert's love. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 5: He insisted that French trade must be kept under
    the exclusive surveillance of the French flag.]




[Pageheading: DEATH OF THE DUKE OF COBURG]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _6th February 1844._

MY DEARLY BELOVED UNCLE,--_You_ must now be the father to us poor
bereaved, heartbroken children.[6] To describe to you _all_ that we
_have_ suffered, all that we _do_ suffer, would be difficult; God has
heavily afflicted us; we feel crushed, overwhelmed, bowed down by
the loss of one who was so deservedly loved, I may say adored, by his
children and family; I loved him and looked on him as my own father;
his like we shall _not see again_; that youth, _that amiability_, and
kindness in his own house which was the centre and rendezvous for the
whole family, will never be seen again, and my poor Angel's fondest
thought of beholding that _dearly beloved Vaterhaus_--where his
thoughts continually were--_again_ is for ever gone and his poor
heart bleeds to feel _this_ is for ever gone. Our promised visit,
our dearest Papa's, and our fondest wish, all is put an end to. The
violence of our grief may be over, but the desolate feeling which
succeeds it is worse, and tears are a relief. I have never known real
_grief_ till now, and it has made a lasting impression on me. A father
is _such_ a _near_ relation, you are a _piece_ of him in fact,--and
all (as my poor _deeply afflicted_ Angel says) the earliest pleasures
of your life were given you by a dear father; that can _never be
replaced_ though time may soften the pang. And indeed one loves to
_cling_ to one's grief; I can understand Louise's feeling in her
overwhelming sorrows.

Let me now join my humble entreaties to Albert's, relative to the
request about dearest Louise, which he has made. It is a sacrifice
I ask, but if you _knew_ the sacrifice I make in letting and urging
Albert _to go_, I am sure, if you _can_ you _will_ grant it. I have
_never_ been separated from him even for _one night_, and the _thought
of such_ a separation is quite dreadful; still, I feel I _could_ bear
it,--I have made up my mind to it, as the very _thought_ of going has
been a comfort to my poor Angel, and will be of such use at Coburg.
Still, if I were to remain _quite_ alone I do not think I _could_ bear
it quietly. Therefore _pray_ do send me my dearly beloved Louise; she
would be _such_ a comfort to me; if you could come too--or afterwards
(as you promised us a longer visit), that would be still more
delightful. I may be indiscreet, but you must think of _what_ the
separation from my _all and all_, even only for a _fortnight_, will be
to me!

We feel some _years_ older since these days of mourning. Mamma is
calm, but poor Aunt Julia[7] is indeed much to be pitied. Ever,
dearest Uncle, your devoted and unhappy Niece and Child,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 6: The Duke of Saxe-Coburg Gotha died on 29th
    January.]

    [Footnote 7: The Grand Duchess Constantine of Russia,
    sister of the Duchess of Kent and of the deceased Duke of
    Saxe-Coburg.]




[Pageheading: BEREAVEMENT]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _13th February 1844._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I received your dear, kind but sad letter of the
8th on Sunday, and thank you much for it. God knows, poor dear Uncle,
you have suffered _enough_ in your life, but you should think, dearest
Uncle, of _that blessed_ assurance of _eternity_ where we shall _all
meet again never_ to part; you should think (as we constantly do now)
that those whom we have lost are far happier than we are, and _love
us_ still, and in a far more perfect way than _we can_ do in this
world! When the first moments and days of overwhelming grief are over
these reflections are the greatest balm, the greatest consolation to
the bleeding heart.

I hope you will kindly let me have a few lines of _hope_ by the
Tuesday's messenger. Ever your truly devoted Niece and Child,

VICTORIA R.

_P.S._--O'Connell's being pronounced guilty is a great triumph.[8]

    [Footnote 8: He had been indicted with Charles Gavan Duffy and
    others for seditious conspiracy.]




_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _3rd April 1844._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, with many
thanks for your Majesty's note of the 28th ult. Lord Melbourne
believes that your Majesty is quite right in saying that Lord
Melbourne has still some health left, if he will but take care of
it. Lord Melbourne told Dr Holland, without mentioning your Majesty's
name, that this had been said to him by a friend, and Dr Holland
immediately said that it was very just and true, and very well
expressed, and quite what he should have said himself. At the same
time, the change from strength to weakness and the evident progress
of decadence is a very hard and disagreeable trial. Lord Melbourne has
been reading Cicero on old age, a very pretty treatise, but he does
not find much consolation after it; the principal practical resources
and alleviations which he recommends are agriculture and gardening, to
both of which, but more particularly to the latter, Lord Melbourne has
already had recourse. It is certainly, as your Majesty says, wrong to
be impatient and to repine at everything, but still it is difficult
not to be so. Lady Uxbridge's death[9] is a shocking event, a
dreadful loss to him and to all. Lord Melbourne always liked her. Lord
Melbourne is going down to Brocket Hall to-morrow, and will try to get
Uxbridge and the girls to come over and dine.

Lord Melbourne has felt very much for the grief which your Majesty
must feel at a separation, even short and temporary, from the Prince,
and it is extremely amiable to feel comforted by the recollection
of the extreme pleasure which his visit will give to his and your
Majesty's relations. It is, of course, impossible that your Majesty
should in travelling divest yourself of your character and dignity.

Lord Melbourne has just driven round the Regent's Park, where there
are many almond trees in bloom, and looking beautiful.

    [Footnote 9: Henrietta Maria, daughter of Sir Charles Bagot,
    G.C.B.]




[Pageheading: RECALL OF LORD ELLENBOROUGH]


_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._

WHITEHALL, _23rd April 1844._

Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave to
acquaint your Majesty that he has every reason to believe that the
Court of Directors will _to-morrow_, by an unanimous vote, resolve on
the actual recall of Lord Ellenborough.[10]

    [Footnote 10: This anomalous privilege was exercised by the
    Directors in consequence chiefly of what they considered Lord
    Ellenborough's overbearing demeanour in communication with
    them, his too aggressive policy, and his theatrical love of
    display.]




_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._

Buckingham Palace, _23rd April 1844._

The Queen has heard with the greatest regret from Sir R. Peel that the
Court of Directors, after all, mean to recall Lord Ellenborough. She
cannot but consider this _very_ unwise at this critical moment, and a
very ungrateful return for the eminent services Lord Ellenborough has
rendered to the Company in India. They ought not to forget so soon in
what state Lord Ellenborough found affairs in 1842. The Queen would
not be sorry if these gentlemen knew that this is her opinion.




_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

Laeken, _3rd May 1844._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--Whenever you wish to make me _truly happy_, you
will have the power of doing so by repeating expressions as kind and
affectionate as those contained in your dear little letter of the
30th. I have ever had the care and affection of a _real father_ for
you, and it has perhaps even been freer from many drawbacks which
occasionally will exist betwixt parents and children, be they ever
so well and affectionately together. With me, even from the moment in
January 1820, when I was called by a messenger to Sidmouth, my care
for you has been unremitting, and never has there been a cloud between
us.... A thing which often strikes me, in a very satisfactory manner,
is that we never had any bitter words, a thing which happens even with
people who are very lovingly together; and the little row which we
had in 1838 you remember well, and do not now think that _I_
was wrong.[11] _De pareilles relations sont rares; may they ever
continue!_

I cannot leave this more serious topic without adding that though you
were always warm-hearted and right-minded, it must strike yourself how
matured every kind and good feeling is in your generous heart. _The
heart, and not the head, is the safest guide in positions like yours_,
and this not only for this earthly and very short life, but for that
which we must hope for hereafter. When a life draws nearer its close,
how many earthly concerns are there that appear _still in the same
light_? and how clearly the mind is struck that nothing has been and
is still of _real_ value, than the nobler and better feelings of the
heart; the only good we can hope to keep as a precious store for the
future. What do we keep of youth, beauty, richness, power, and even
the greatest extent of earthly possessions? NOTHING! ... Your truly
devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

    [Footnote 11: _See_ Letters of Queen Victoria and the King of
    the Belgians, _ante_, vol. i. pp. 116-120.]



[Pageheading: HONOURS FOR LORD ELLENBOROUGH]


_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._

WHITEHALL, _5th May 1844._

Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, and believing
that he is acting in accordance with your Majesty's own opinion,
begs leave to submit to your Majesty that it may be advisable that he
should by the present mail inform Lord Ellenborough that it is your
Majesty's intention to confer on him, at a very early period, as a
mark of your Majesty's approval of Lord Ellenborough's conduct and
services in India, the rank of an Earl and the Grand Cross of the
Bath.

Lord Ellenborough may be at liberty (should your Majesty approve) to
notify this publicly in India--and thus make it known that the general
line of policy recently pursued has had the full sanction of your
Majesty, and will not be departed from.

These were the honours conferred upon Lord Auckland.

If they were conferred _on the instant_, it might rather seem a rebuke
to the East India Company than a deliberate approval of the conduct
of Lord Ellenborough, but these honours might shortly follow
the conclusion of the affair respecting the selection of Lord
Ellenborough's successor, and any discussion that may arise in
Parliament.




[Pageheading: THE PRINCE DE JOINVILLE'S _BROCHURE_]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

CLAREMONT, _24th May 1844._

DEAREST UNCLE,--Though _not_ my day I must write you a line to say
_how vexed_ we are at this _most unfortunate_ and _most imprudent
brochure_ of Joinville's;[12] it has made a _very bad_ effect here,
and will rouse all the envy and hatred between the _two Navies_ again,
which it was our great effort to subdue--and this _all_ for _nothing!_
I can't tell you how angry people are, and how poor Hadjy will get
abused. And this _all_ after our having been on such intimate terms
with him and having _sailed_ with him! If he comes here, _what_ shall
we do? Receive with open arms one who has talked of ravaging our
coasts and burning our towns? Indeed it is most lamentable; you know
how we like him, and that therefore it must be very annoying to us to
see him get himself into such a scrape. _We_ shall overlook it, but
the people _here_ won't! It _will_ blow over, but it will do immense
harm. We who wish to become more and more closely united with the
French family are, of course, much put out by this return. We
shall forgive and forget, and feel it was _not_ intended to be
published--but the public _here_ will _not_ so easily, and will put
the worst construction on it all.

Pray, dearest Uncle, tell me what _could_ possess Joinville to write
it, and still more to have it printed? Won't it annoy the King and
Nemours very much? _Enfin c'est malheureux, c'est indiscret au plus
haut degré_--and it provokes and vexes us sadly. Tell me _all_ you
_know_ and think about it; for you _can_ do so with perfect safety by
our courier.

I have written dearest Louise an account of my _old_ birthday, which
will please you, I think. The weather is very fine. Ever your _truly_
devoted Niece and Child,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 12: The _brochure_ was entitled, _Notes sur les forces
navales de la France_. The Prince de Joinville wrote as follows to the
Queen: "Le malheureux éclat de ma brochure, le tracas que cela donne
au Père et à la Reine, me font regretter vivement de l'avoir faite.
Comme je l'écris à ton Roi, je ne renvoie que mépris à toutes les
interprétations qu'on y donne; ce que peuvent dire ministre et
journaux ne me touche en rien, mais il n'y a pas de sacrifices que je
ne suis disposé à faire pour l'intérieur de la Famille."]




[Pageheading: THE CZAR NICHOLAS]


_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._

_29th May 1844._

If Lord Aberdeen should not have read the Prince de Joinville's
pamphlet, the Queen recommends him to do so, as one cannot judge
fairly by the extracts in the newspapers. Though it does not lessen
the extreme imprudence of the Prince's publishing what must do harm
to the various French Governments, it certainly is _not_ intentionally
written to offend England, and on the contrary frankly proves _us_ to
be immensely superior to the French Navy in every way.




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _4th June 1844._

MY BELOVED UNCLE,--I gave Louise a long and detailed description of
the Emperor,[13] etc. The papers are full of the details. A great
event and a great compliment _his_ visit certainly is, and the
people _here_ are extremely flattered at it. He is certainly a _very
striking_ man; still very handsome; his profile is _beautiful_, and
his manners _most_ dignified and graceful; extremely civil--quite
alarmingly so, as he is so full of attentions and _politesses_. But
the expression of the _eyes_ is _formidable_, and unlike anything I
ever saw before. He gives me and Albert the impression of a man who is
_not_ happy, and on whom the weight of his immense power and position
weighs heavily and painfully; he seldom smiles, and when he does
the expression is _not_ a happy one. He is very easy to get on with.
Really, it seems like a dream when I think that we breakfast and walk
out with _this_ greatest of all earthly Potentates as quietly as if we
walked, etc., with Charles or any one. We took him, with the dear good
King of Saxony,[14] who is a great contrast to the _Czar_ (and with
whom I am _quite_ at my ease), to Adelaide Cottage after breakfast.
The grass here is just as if it had been burned with fire. _How_ many
different Princes have we not gone the same round with!! The children
are much admired by the _Sovereigns_--(how _grand_ this sounds!)--and
Alice allowed the Emperor to take her in his arms, and kissed him _de
son propre accord_. We are always so thankful that they are _not_ shy.
Both the Emperor and the King are _quite_ enchanted with Windsor. The
Emperor said very _poliment_: "C'est digne de vous, Madame." I must
say the Waterloo Room lit up with that entire service of gold looks
splendid; and the Reception Room, beautiful to sit in afterwards. The
Emperor praised _my_ Angel very much, saying: "C'est impossible de
voir un plus joli garçon; il a l'air si noble et si bon"; which I must
say _is very_ true. The Emperor amused the King and me by saying he
was so _embarrassé_ when people were presented to him, and that
he felt so "_gauche_" _en frac_, which certainly he is quite
_unaccustomed_ to wear. If we can do anything to get him to do what is
right by you, we shall be most happy, and Peel and Aberdeen are very
anxious for it. I believe he leaves on Sunday again. To-morrow there
is to be a great review, and on Thursday _I_ shall probably go with
them to the races; _they_ are gone there with Albert to-day, but I
have remained at home.

I think it is time to conclude my long letter.

If the French are angry at this visit, let their dear King and their
Princes come; _they_ will be sure of a _truly affectionate_ reception
on our part. The one which Emperor Nicholas has received is cordial
and civil, _mais ne vient pas du c[oe]ur_.

I humbly beg that any remarks which may _not_ be favourable to our
great visitor may _not_ go _beyond_ you and Louise, and _not_ to
_Paris_. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 13: The Emperor Nicholas of Russia had just arrived
    on a visit to England.]

    [Footnote 14: Frederick Augustus II.]




[Pageheading: THE REVIEW]

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S IMPRESSIONS]

[Pageheading: THE CZAR NICHOLAS]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

Buckingham Palace, _11th June 1844._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I received your very kind and long letter of the
7th on Sunday, and thank you very much for it. I am delighted that
my accounts interested you, and I shall try and give you some more
to-day, which you will see come from an unbiassed and impartial mind,
and which I trust therefore _will_ be relied upon. The excitement has
ceased as suddenly as it had begun, and I am still confused about it.
I will go back to where I last left you. The _Revue_[15] on the 5th
was really very interesting, and our reception as well as that of the
Emperor _most_ enthusiastic. Louise tells me you had a review the
same day, and that it also was so hot. Our children were there,
and charmed. On the 6th we went with the Emperor and King to the
races,[16] and I never saw such a crowd; again _here_ the reception
was _most brilliant_. Every evening a large dinner in the Waterloo
Room, and the two last evenings in uniforms, as the Emperor disliked
so being _en frac_, and was quite embarrassed in it. On the 7th we
took him and the King back here, and in the evening had a party of 260
about. On Saturday (8th) my Angel took the Emperor and King to a very
elegant breakfast[17] at Chiswick, which I for prudence' sake did
_not_ go to, but was very sorry for it. In the evening we went to
the Opera (_not_ in State), but they recognised us, and we were most
brilliantly received. I had to force the Emperor forward, as he never
would come forward when I was there, and I was obliged to take him by
the hand and make him appear; it was impossible to be better bred or
more respectful than he was towards me. Well, on Sunday afternoon at
five, he left us (my Angel accompanied him to Woolwich), and he
was much affected at going, and really unaffectedly touched at his
reception and stay, the simplicity and quietness of which told upon
his love of domestic life, which is very great. I will now (having
told _all_ that has passed) give you _my_ opinion and feelings on the
subject, which I may say are Albert's also. I was extremely against
the visit, fearing the _gêne_, and bustle, and even at first, I did
not feel at _all_ to like it, but by living in the same house together
quietly and unrestrainedly (and this Albert, and with great truth,
says is the great advantage of these visits, that I not only _see_
these great people but _know_ them), I got to know the Emperor and he
to know me. There is much about him which I cannot help liking, and
I think his character is _one_ which should be understood, and
looked upon for _once_ as it is. He is stern and severe--with fixed
principles of _duty_ which _nothing_ on earth will make him change;
very _clever_ I do _not_ think him, and his mind is an uncivilised
one; his education has been neglected; politics and military concerns
are the only things he takes great interest in; the arts and all
softer occupations he is insensible to, but he is sincere, I am
certain, _sincere_ even in his most despotic acts, from a sense that
that _is_ the _only_ way to govern; he is not, I am sure, aware of the
dreadful cases of individual misery which he so often causes, for I
can see by various instances that he is kept in utter ignorance of
_many_ things, which his people carry out in most corrupt ways, while
he thinks that he is extremely just. He thinks of general measures,
but does not look into detail. And I am sure _much_ never reaches
his ears, and (as you observed), how can it? He asked for _nothing_
whatever, has merely expressed his great anxiety to be upon the best
terms with us, but _not_ to the _exclusion of others_, only let things
remain as they are.... He is I should say, too frank, for he talks
so openly before people, which he should not do, and with difficulty
restrains himself. His anxiety _to be believed_ is _very_ great, and
I must say his personal promises I _am inclined_ to believe; then his
feelings are very strong; he _feels_ kindness deeply--and his love for
his wife and children, and for all children, is _very_ great. He has a
strong feeling for domestic life, saying to me, when our children were
in the room: "Voilà les doux moments de notre vie." He was not only
civil, but extremely kind _to us both_, and spoke in the highest
praise of dearest Albert to Sir Robert Peel, saying he wished any
Prince in Germany had that ability and sense; he showed Albert great
confidence, and I _think_ it will do great good, as if _he_ praises
him abroad it will have great weight. He is _not_ happy, and that
melancholy which is visible in the countenance made me sad at times;
the sternness of the eyes goes very much off when you know him,
and changes according to his being put out (and he _can_ be much
embarrassed) or not, and also from his being heated, as he suffers
with congestions to the head. My Angel thinks that he is a man
inclined too much to give way to impulse and feeling, which makes him
act wrongly often. His admiration for beauty is very great, and put me
much in mind of you, when he drove out with us, looking out for
pretty people. But he remains very faithful to those he admired
_twenty-eight_ years ago; for instance, Lady Peel, who has hardly
any remains left. Respecting Belgium he did not speak to _me_, but to
Albert and the Ministers. As for unkindly feeling towards _you_, he
disclaims positively any, saying he knew you well, and that you had
served in the Russian Army, etc., but he says those _unfortunate_
Poles are the _only_ obstacle, and that he positively cannot
enter into direct communication _with Belgium_ as long as they are
_employed_. If you could only somehow or other get rid of them, I am
sure the thing would be done at once. We all think he _need_ not
mind this, but I fear he has pledged himself. He admired Charlotte's
picture. _Pour finir_, I must say one more word or two about his
personal appearance. He puts us much in mind of his and our cousins
the Würtembergs, and has altogether much of the Würtemberg family
about him. He is bald now, but in his Chevalier Garde Uniform he is
_magnificent_ still, and very _striking_. I cannot deny that we were
in great anxiety when we took him out lest some Pole might make an
attempt, and I always felt thankful when we got him safe home again.
His poor daughter is very ill, I fear. The good King of Saxony[18]
remains another week with us, and we like him much. He is so
unassuming. He is out sight-seeing _all_ day, and enchanted with
everything. I hope that you will persuade the King to come all
the same in September. Our _motives_ and politics are _not_ to be
exclusive, but to be on good terms with _all_, and why should we not?
We make no secret of it.

Now I must end this very long letter. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

You will kindly not _speak_ of these details, but only in _allgemein_
say the visit went off very satisfactorily on _both sides_, and that
it was _highly pacific_.

    [Footnote 15: In honour of the Emperor a Review was held in
    Windsor Great Park.]

    [Footnote 16: At Ascot.]

    [Footnote 17: Given by the Duke of Devonshire.]

    [Footnote 18: See _ante_, p. 12.]




[Pageheading: A PARLIAMENTARY CRISIS]

[Pageheading: THE KING OF SAXONY]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _18th June 1844._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I had the happiness of receiving your dear and kind
letter of the 13th on Sunday; your _parties_ at Ardenne must have been
truly delightful; perhaps some day _we_ may enjoy them too: that would
be delightful! I can write to you with a light heart, thank goodness,
to-day, for the Government obtained a majority, which _up_ to the
_last_ moment last night we feared they would not have, and we have
been in sad trouble for the last four or five days about it.[19] It
is the more marvellous, as, if the Government asked for a _Vote_
of Confidence, they would have a _Majority_ of 100; but this very
strength makes the supporters of the Government act in a _most_
unjustifiable manner by continually acting and voting against them,
_not_ listening to the debates, but coming down and voting against the
Government. So that we were really in the greatest _possible_ danger
of having a resignation of the Government _without knowing to whom to
turn_, and this from the recklessness of a handful of foolish _half_
"Puseyite" half "Young England"[20] people! I am sure you will agree
with me that Peel's resignation would not only be for us (for _we
cannot_ have a better and a _safer_ Minister), but for the whole
country, and for the peace of Europe--a _great calamity_. Our present
people are all _safe_, and not led away by impulses and reckless
passions. We must, however, take care and not get into another crisis;
for I assure you we have been quite miserable and _quite_ alarmed ever
since Saturday.

Since I last wrote to you, I spoke to Aberdeen (whom I should be
equally sorry to lose, as he is so _very fair_, and has served _us
personally_, so kindly and truly), and he told me that the Emperor has
_positively pledged_ himself to send a Minister to Brussels the moment
those Poles are no longer employed;[21] that he is quite aware of
the importance of the measure, and would be disposed to make the
arrangement easy, and that he spoke very kindly of _you_ personally.
Aberdeen says it is not necessary to disgrace them in any way, but
only for the present _de les éloigner_. The Emperor has evidently some
time ago made some strong declaration on the subject which he feels
he cannot get over, and, as I said before, he will not give up what he
has once pledged his word to. _Then, no one_ on earth _can_ move him.
_Au fond_, it is a fine _trait_, but he carries it too far. He wrote
me a _very_ kind and affectionate letter from the Hague. The Emperor
has given Bertie the Grand Cross of St Andrew, which the boy was quite
proud of.

Our kind and good King of Saxony leaves us to-morrow, after having
seen more than anybody has done almost, and having enjoyed it of all
things. He is quite at home with us and the children, whom he plays
with much. Alice walks quite alone, and looks too funny, as she is so
_very_ fat. Now, ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 19: The Ministry had been defeated on Mr P. Miles's
    motion in favour of giving an increased preference to colonial
    sugar, but on the 17th this vote was rescinded by a majority
    of twenty-two, Mr Disraeli taunting the Premier with expecting
    that "upon every division and at every crisis, his gang should
    appear, and the whip should sound."]

    [Footnote 20: The name given to the group comprising Disraeli,
    George Smythe, Lord John Manners, etc. See _Coningsby_, which
    was published about this time.]

    [Footnote 21: See _ante_, p. 15.]




_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _19th June 1844._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and thanks
your Majesty much for the letter of the 14th inst. Lord Melbourne was
very glad to have the opportunity of seeing the Emperor of Russia at
Chiswick. Lord Melbourne humbly believes that the opinion, which your
Majesty has formed and expresses of the Emperor's character is just,
and he considers it extremely fortunate that a sovereign of such
weight and influence in Europe, and with whom it is probable that
Great Britain will have such near and intimate relations, should also
be a man upon whose honour and veracity strong reliance may be safely
and securely placed.

Lord Melbourne is very glad to believe that the late political
movements, with which the public mind has been agitated, have
subsided, and are entirely terminated by the last vote of the House
of Commons, and by the determination evinced to support the
Administration.[22]

This finishes for the present a business which at one moment seemed
likely to be troublesome, and out of which there did not appear to
present itself any hope or practicable escape.

Lord Melbourne will not make any observation upon what is known and
understood to have passed, further than to say that, as far as he is
acquainted with the history of public affairs in this country, it is
an entire novelty, quite new and unprecedented.[23] Many a Minister
has said to the Crown, "My advice must be taken, and my measures
must be adopted," but no Minister has ever yet held this language or
advanced this pretension to either House of Parliament. However, it
seems to be successful at present, and success will justify much.
Whether it will tend to permanent strength or a steady conduct of
public affairs, remains to be seen.

Lord Melbourne begs to be respectfully remembered to His Royal
Highness.

    [Footnote 22: See _ante_, p. 16.]

    [Footnote 23: Lord Melbourne refers to the House rescinding
    its own vote.]




[Pageheading: LORD ELLENBOROUGH]


_The Earl of Ellenborough to Queen Victoria._

_22nd June 1844._

Lord Ellenborough, with his most humble duty to your Majesty, humbly
acquaints your Majesty that on the 15th of June he received
the announcement of his having been removed from the office of
Governor-General of India by the Court of Directors. By Lord
Ellenborough's advice, letters were immediately despatched by express
to every important native Court to assure the native Princes that this
change in the person at the head of the Government would effect no
change in its policy, and Lord Ellenborough himself wrote in similar
terms to the British Representatives at the several Courts.... Lord
Ellenborough has written a letter to the Earl of Ripon with reference
to the reasons alleged by the Court of Directors for his removal
from office, to which letter he most humbly solicits your Majesty's
favourable and attentive consideration. It treats of matters deeply
affecting the good government of India.

Amidst all the difficulties with which he has had to contend in India,
aggravated as they have been by the constant hostility of the Court of
Directors, Lord Ellenborough has ever been sustained by the knowledge
that he was serving a most gracious Mistress, who would place the most
favourable construction upon his conduct, and he now humbly tenders to
your Majesty the expression of his gratitude, not only for those marks
of Royal favour with which it has been intimated to him that it is
your Majesty's intention to reward his services, but yet more for that
constant support which has animated all his exertions, and has mainly
enabled him to place India in the hands of his successor in a state
of universal peace, the result of two years of victories, and in a
condition of prosperity heretofore unknown.




[Pageheading: ENGLAND, FRANCE, AND RUSSIA]


_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _28th June 1844._

MY BELOVED VICTORIA,--I have again to offer my warmest and best thanks
for a very long and kind letter. I am truly and sincerely happy that
a Ministerial crisis has been spared you; it is in all constitutional
concerns an _awful_ business; but in such a colossal machinery as the
British Empire, it shakes the whole globe. For your sake, for the
good of England, and for the quiet of the whole earth, we must most
devoutly pray that _Sir Robert may remain for many, many years your
trusty and faithful Minister._ Parliaments and Chambers are
extremely fond of governing, particularly as long as it does not bore
themselves. We have had an instance of it recently. I was anxious
to keep the Chamber longer, as there are still many important things
which it ought to have finished; but they were hot, they got tired,
voted twelve _projets de loi_ in one day, and disappeared afterwards,
leaving one the trouble of managing the affairs of the State as best
one may....

As a general political event, the Emperor's visit in England can only
be useful; it is probable that he would _not_ have made the visit if
another had not been talked of. His policy is naturally to _separate_
as much as possible the two great Western Powers; he is too weak to
resist single-handed their dictates in the Oriental question; _but if
they act not in concert_, it is evident that _he is the master_; in
all this he acts wisely and in conformity with the great interests
of his Empire. England has greater interests at stake at the mercy of
Russia than at that of France. With France the questions are
sometimes questions of jealousy, but, on the other hand, a tolerable
understanding keeps France quiet and secures the peace of Europe, much
more in the sense of the European policy of England than of that of
France. The only consolation the French can find in it is that they
are aware that _together_ with England they have a great position,
but they always lament that they can _get nothing by it_. A bad
understanding with France opens not only the door to a European war,
but also to revolution; and that is perhaps the most serious and most
awfully dangerous part of the business. England wants nothing from the
Emperor than that he should leave the _status quo_ of Europe and
great part of Asia alone. At Paris they are not so much moved at the
Emperor's visit as perhaps they ought to be, but they have put the
flattering notion into their heads that he had made _fiasco_, which is
_not true_; as, in fact, he has so far been rather _successful_, and
has convinced people in England that he is a mild and good-natured
man, himself and his Empire, without any ambition. Now it is high time
I should finish my immense scrawl, for which I claim your forgiveness,
remaining ever your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.




[Pageheading: TAHITI]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _27th August 1844._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Many thanks for your kind long letter, which I
received yesterday, dated 23rd. I can report very well of ourselves.
We are all well. The dear day of yesterday[24] we spent very quietly
and happily and full of gratitude to Providence for so many blessings.
I can only pray for the continuance of our present happiness.

The impending political cloud, I hope and trust, looks less black and
lowering. But I think it very unwise in Guizot not to have at once
disavowed D'Aubigny for what you yourself call an "outrage,"[25]
instead of letting it drag on for _four weeks_ and letting our people
get excited. The Tangiers Affair[26] is unfortunate, and I hope that
in future poor Joinville will not be exposed to such disagreeable
affairs. What _can_ be done will be, to get him justified in the eyes
of the public here, but I fear that at first they will not be very
charitable. Those letters in the _Times_ are outrageous, and all that
abuse very bad taste.[27] There is to be an investigation about the
three officers, whose conduct is unworthy of Englishmen. Now, dearest
Uncle, believe me always, your most affectionate Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 24: The Prince Albert's birthday. Prince Alfred was
    born on 6th August of this year.]

    [Footnote 25: The assumption of French sovereignty over
    Tahiti.]

    [Footnote 26: Hostilities had commenced between France and
    Morocco, and Tangiers was bombarded.]

    [Footnote 27: A series of letters had appeared in the _Times_,
    written by British naval officers who had witnessed the
    bombardment of Tangiers, and accused the French Admiral and
    Navy of being deficient in courage. The _Times_ was much
    criticised for its publication of these letters.]




[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND FRANCE]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BLAIR ATHOL, _15th September 1844._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I received your kind letter of the 6th the day we
arrived here, and thank you very much for it. As I have written an
account of our journey to Louise, I will _not_ repeat it here.

The good ending of our difficulties with France is an immense
blessing, but it is really and truly necessary that you and those
at Paris should know that the danger was _imminent_, and that poor
Aberdeen stood _almost alone_ in trying to keep matters peaceable.
We must try and prevent these difficulties for the future. I must,
however, clear _Jarnac_[28] of all blame, for Aberdeen does nothing
but praise him....

In Greece affairs look very black, and God knows how it all will end.

    [Footnote 28: _Chargé d'Affaires_ in the absence of the French
    Ambassador.]




[Pageheading: VISIT OF KING LOUIS PHILIPPE]


_The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _5th October 1844._

MY DEARLY BELOVED VICTORIA,--... I have not much to say about my
father's _lodging habits_ and _likings_.[29] My father is one of the
beings _most easy_ to _please_, _satisfy_, and to _accommodate_.
His eventful life has used him to everything, and makes any kind of
arrangements acceptable to him; there is only _one thing_ which
he _cannot easily do_, it is to be _ready very early_. He means
notwithstanding to try to come to your breakfast, but you _must insist
upon his not doing it_. It would disturb him in all his habits, and be
bad for him, as he would certainly eat, a thing he is not used to
do in the morning. He generally takes hardly what may be called a
_breakfast_, and eats _only twice_ in the day. It would be also _much
better_ for him if he only appeared to luncheon and dinner, and if you
kindly dispensed him altogether of the breakfast. You must not tell
him that I wrote you _this_, but you must manage it with Montpensier,
and kindly order for him a bowl of _chicken broth_. It is the only
thing he takes generally in the morning, and between his meals. I
have also no observation to make, but I have told Montpensier to speak
openly to Albert whenever he thought something ought to be done for my
father, or might hurt and inconvenience him, and you may consult him
when you are in doubt. He is entrusted with all the recommendations
of my mother, for my father is naturally _so imprudent_ and _so little
accustomed_ to _caution and care_, that he must in some measure be
_watched_ to prevent his catching cold or doing what may be injurious
to him. About his _rooms_, a hard bed and a large table for his papers
are the only things he requires. He generally sleeps on a horse-hair
mattress with a plank of wood under it: but _any kind_ of bed will do,
if it is not _too soft_. His liking will be to be entirely at _your
commands_ and to do _all you like_. You know he can take a great deal
of exercise, and _everything_ will _interest_ and _delight_ him, to
see, as to do: this is not a compliment, but a _mere fact_. His only
wish is, that you should not go out of your way for him, and change
your habits on his account. Lord Aberdeen will be, of course, at
Windsor, and I suppose you will ask, as you told me, the Royal Family.
My father hopes to see also Sir Robert Peel, Lord Stanley, and your
other Ministers. You will probably ask most of them during his stay.
He wishes very much to see again those he already knows, and to make
the acquaintance of those he does not know yet. In writing all this
I think I _dream_, I _cannot believe_ yet that in a few days my dear
father will have, God willing, the _unspeakable happiness_ to see you
again and at _Windsor_, a thing he had _so much wished_ for and which
for a _long time_ seemed so _improbable_. You have _no notion_ of the
_satisfaction_ it gives him, and _how delighted_ he will be to see you
again, and to be once more in England. God grant he may have a good
passage, and arrive to you _safely_ and _well_. _Unberufen_, as you
will soon, I trust, be able to see, he is, notwithstanding the usual
talk of the papers, _perfectly well_.... Yours most devotedly,

LOUISE.

    [Footnote 29: The difficulty with France as to Tahiti having
    been satisfactorily disposed of, King Louis Philippe was
    enabled to visit England, the first French King to come on
    a visit to the Sovereign of England. The King was
    enthusiastically received in England, visited Claremont (which
    he was destined to occupy in exile), was installed as a Knight
    of the Garter at Windsor with great magnificence, and visited
    Eton College and Woolwich Arsenal.]




[Pageheading: SOLICITUDE OF QUEEN LOUISE]


_The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _7th October 1844._

MY DEARLY BELOVED VICTORIA,--... I wrote to my mother, to quiet her,
all you kindly tell me about my dear father. We are _quite sure_, I
assure you, that you and Albert will _take care of him_, and that he
is with you _in safe hand_. And what makes my mother _uneasy_ is the
fear that, being at liberty without control, he will make _too much_,
as she says, _le jeune homme_, ride, go about, and do everything as if
he was still twenty years old. If I must tell you _all the truth_, she
is afraid also he will _eat too much_. I am sure he will tell it to
you himself, as he was so much amused with _this fear_; but to do her
pleasure, being well assured by me that you would allow it, and that
it was even _customary_, he has given up, of himself, all thought of
attending your early breakfast: but I perceive I write as if _he was
not already_ under _your_ roof. I will also only say, that though he
has sent over his horses in case they should be wanted, my mother
begs you to _prevent, if possible, his riding at all_. I wrote to her
already that I supposed there would be _no occasion_ for riding,
and that your _promenades_ would be either on foot or in carriage.
I entrusted Montpensier with all my messages for you, my beloved
Victoria and your dear children. He hopes you will permit him, during
his stay at Windsor, to make _two_ excursions--one to London, and one
to Woolwich--he is very curious to see, as an artillery officer. I
mention it as he would be, perhaps, _too shy_ or _too discreet_ to
mention it himself. He might very well do those two trips by the
railroad and be back for dinner-time, and I am sure you will have no
objection to them.... Yours most devotedly,

LOUISE.

I am very glad that Lord Charles Wellesley is one of those who will
attend my father. Montpensier and him will have surely capital fun
together, and he was, you know, a great favourite with every one at
Eu. If by chance Lord Hardwicke was in waiting during my father's
stay, you must kindly put my father in mind to thank him for the
_famous cheese_, which arrived safely, and was found very good....




[Pageheading: THE KING'S ARRIVAL]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _8th October 1844._

DEAREST UNCLE,--You will, I am sure, forgive my writing but a few
lines as I am all alone in the agitation of the dear King's arrival,
and I will leave my letter open to announce it to you. My _dearest_
master is gone to Portsmouth to receive him. The excitement and
curiosity to see the dear King, and the desire to give him a most
hearty reception, is _very great indeed_.

Many thanks for your kind letters of the 28th and 4th. I can't think
who could have said that Peel, etc., would _not_ have been here; for
he, Aberdeen, and the old Duke are to be here the whole time, and all
the other Ministers will come _during_ his stay.

I am very glad Joinville is arrived, and avoided his _entrées
triomphales_. I hope he will take great care of himself.

You will have heard from dear Louise of our voyage, etc. I cannot
reconcile myself to be _here_ again, and pine for my _dear_
Highlands, the hills, the pure air, the quiet, the retirement, the
liberty--_all_--more than is right. The children are well. I am sorry
to hear that you are not quite so yet.

3.30.--The King and Montpensier arrived quite safely at two, and are
both looking extremely well. We have just lunched with them. It seems
like a dream to me, and a very pleasant one.

Albert sends his affectionate love. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

Bertie has immediately taken a passion for Montpensier.




_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

BROCKET HALL, _9th October 1844._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and thanks
your Majesty much for the letter of the 7th inst., which he has just
received, and with very great satisfaction, as he had begun to think
your Majesty's silence rather long. But he perfectly understands the
reasons which prevented your Majesty from writing during your stay in
the Highlands. Lord Melbourne is very glad to find that your Majesty
enjoyed that country so much, and is so enthusiastically fond of it.
Lord Melbourne believes that he was at the places which your Majesty
mentions. In the year 1802 he stayed some months in Perthshire with
the late Lord Kinnaird, and enjoyed it much. It annoys him sometimes
to think how altered he is in strength since that time. Lord Melbourne
has never yet thanked your Majesty for the pretty etchings of poor
Islay and Eos, which your Majesty sent to Lord Melbourne when he was
last at Windsor. Lord Melbourne has ordered them both to be framed,
and will hang them up in his room here. They will afford Lord
Melbourne most agreeable and pleasing souvenirs of the happiest period
of his life, for he cannot say otherwise than that he continually
misses and regrets the time when he had daily confidential
communication with your Majesty. Lord Glenlyon[30] has one merit
in Lord Melbourne's eyes, which is that he was a steady and firm
supporter to the last of Lord Melbourne's Government. Lord Melbourne
hopes and trusts that he feels no animosity against those who opposed
him. But he does and always shall entertain a kindly and grateful
recollection of those who supported him.

Lord Melbourne begs to be remembered to His Royal Highness.

    [Footnote 30: _See_ vol. i. p. 429.]




_The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _12th October 1844._

MY DEARLY BELOVED VICTORIA,--... I thank you very much for attending
to all my recommendations about _my_ father: I only fear that they
will lead you to believe that we consider him as a _great child_ and
treat him like one: but he is so _precious_ and _dear_ to _us all_
that I am sure you will _understand_ and _excuse_ our being _over
anxious_... Yours most devotedly,

LOUISE.




[Pageheading: A SUCCESSFUL VISIT]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE HOUSE, _17th October 1844._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I had intended to have written to you on Monday,
but you will since have heard of the great _confusion_ of that day
which prevented me from doing so. The dear King's visit went off to
perfection, and I much and deeply regret its being passed. He was
_delighted_, and was _most_ enthusiastically and affectionately
received wherever he showed himself. Our proceedings I wrote to good,
dear Louise (whom you should not leave so long alone), who will no
doubt have given you the details. What an extraordinary man the King
is! What a wonderful memory, and how lively, _how sagacious!_He spoke
very openly to us all, and is determined that our affairs should go on
well. He wishes Tahiti _au fond de la mer_. He spoke also very openly
about poor Hadjy's _brochure_ which seems to have distressed him more
than anything. The King praised my dearest Albert most highly, and
fully appreciates his great qualities and talents--and what gratifies
me _so much_, treats him completely as his equal, calling him "Mon
Frère," and saying to me that _my husband_ was the same as me, which
it is--and "Le Prince Albert, c'est pour moi le Roi." The King is
_very_ sad to go, but he is determined, he says, _to see me every
year_. Another _very_ great thing is, that the officers of the two
Navies staying at Portsmouth were on the best terms together and
paying one another every sort of compliment. As Admiral La Susse (a
very gentlemanlike man) and his squadron were sadly disappointed on
Monday,[31] we thought it would please them if we went on board the
_Gomer_, which we did, on Tuesday morning, and breakfasted there, and
I drank the King's health. I am certain that the visit and everything
connected with it can but do the _greatest good_.

We stay here till Monday. It is a very comfortable little house, and
the grounds and place are delightful, so private--and the view so
fine.

I must now conclude, begging you to believe me, ever your devoted
Niece,

VICTORIA R.

I forgot to say how much we liked good Montpensier, who got on
extremely well.

    [Footnote 31: It had been intended that the King should return
    to France, as he had come, by way of Portsmouth, crossing in
    the frigate _Gomer_, but, in consequence of the wet and stormy
    weather, he returned by Dover and Calais.]




[Pageheading: DEPARTURE OF THE KING]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the French._

OSBORNE HOUSE, _le 17 Octobre 1844._

SIRE, ET MON TRÈS CHER FRÈRE,--Votre Majesté m'a écrit deux bien
bonnes lettres de Douvres pour lesquelles je vous remercie de tout mon
c[oe]ur. Les expressions de bonté et d'amitié que vous me vouez ainsi
qu'à mon cher Albert nous touchent sensiblement; je n'ai pas besoin
de vous dire encore, combien nous vous sommes attachés et combien nous
désirons voir se raffermir de plus en plus cette _entente
cordiale_ entre nos deux pays qui existe si heureusement entre nous
personnellement. C'était avec un vif regret que nous nous sommes
séparés de votre Majesté, et de Montpensier, et ce sera une grande
fête que de voir renouveler une visite dont le souvenir nous est si
cher.

Albert se met à vos pieds, Sire, bien sensible ainsi que moi-même de
l'amitié et la confiance que vous lui avez témoignées.

J'ose prier votre Majesté d'offrir mes plus tendres hommages à la
Reine et à Madame votre S[oe]ur et de me rappeler au souvenir de
Montpensier. Je suis pour la vie, Sire et mon cher Frère, de votre
Majesté la bien affectionnée S[oe]ur et fidèle Amie,

VICTORIA R.




[Pageheading: OPENING OF ROYAL EXCHANGE]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _29th October 1844._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I had the happiness of receiving your kind letter
of the 26th while I was dressing to go to the City for the opening
of the Royal Exchange.[32] Nothing ever went off better, and the
procession there, as well as all the proceedings _at_ the Royal
Exchange, were splendid and royal in the extreme. It was a fine and
gratifying sight to see the myriads of people assembled--more than at
the Coronation even, and all in such good humour, and so loyal; the
articles in the papers, too, are most kind and gratifying; they say
_no_ Sovereign _was more_ loved than I am (I am bold enough to say),
and _that_, from our _happy domestic home_--which gives such a good
example. The _Times_ you have, and I venture to add a _Chronicle_,
as I think it very pretty; you should read the accounts. _I_ seldom
remember being so gratified and pleased with any public show, and my
beloved Albert was so enthusiastically received by the people. He
is _so_ beloved by all the really influential people, and by _all_
right-thinking ones. We came back here yesterday evening. The accounts
from Paris are excellent too. How long are the good Joinvilles to
remain in the south, and where? By-the-by, dearest Uncle, have
you read the continuation of Consuelo,[33] called the "Comtesse de
Rudolstadt"? It is _dreadfully_ interesting.

The Knights of the Garter did _not_ wear the whole costume, but only
the mantle. Being on this topic, shall tell you that I intend giving
the Garter to Ernest, but pray do not mention it to E. or _any one_.

With Albert's affectionate love. Ever your devoted Niece and Child,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 32: On the preceding day.]

    [Footnote 33: The novel by George Sand (1804-1876), published
    in 1842.]




_The King of the French to Queen Victoria._

SAINT CLOUD, _le 15 Novembre 1844._

MADAME MA BIEN CHÈRE S[OE]UR,--Mes souvenirs de Windsor sont de ceux
dont aucun ne s'efface. Je n'oublie donc pas une petite question qui
m'a été si joliment adressée, _Where is my gun?_ et à présent j'en ai
trouvé un qui serait indigne de la destinée que je prie votre Majesté
de me permettre de lui donner, si le regret que la disparition du
premier fusil avait causé, ne m'avait pas appris que le second devait
être d'un genre à supporter tous les accidents que l'enfance aime à
infliger à ses joujoux. C'est donc tout simplement un très modeste
fusil de munition adapté a sa taille que j'adresse á votre Majesté
pour son auguste et charmant enfant le Prince de Galles, comme ma
réponse à sa question.

J'ai encore une autre dette dont je vous prie de me permettre de
m'acquitter. Quelque vif que soit mon désir de revoir Windsor, ce
serait un trop long retard que d'attendre cet heureux moment, pour
offrir à la Princesse Royale cette petite boîte à ouvrage, de Paris,
qu'elle m'a fait espérer lui serait agréable, et tout ce que je désire
c'est que vos enfants se ressouviennent un jour d'avoir vu celui qui
a été le fidèle ami de leur grand-père, comme il l'est et le sera
toujours de leurs bien aimés parents.

Que votre Majesté me permette encore d'offrir ici au Prince Albert
l'expression de la vive et sincère amitié que je lui porte et que
je lui garderai toujours, et d'accepter celle de l'inaltérable
attachement avec lequel je suis pour la vie, Madame ma bien chère
S[oe]ur, de votre Majesté, le bon Frère bien affectionné et fidèle
Ami,

LOUIS PHILIPPE R.




[Pageheading: EDUCATION IN INDIA]

[Pageheading: SIR HENRY HARDINGE]


_Sir Henry Hardinge to Queen Victoria._

_23rd November 1844._

Sir Henry Hardinge[34] with his most humble duty to your Majesty,
humbly submits for your Majesty's consideration the following
observations on the state of affairs in this large portion of your
Majesty's dominions.

The return of peace has also increased the desire of the native
population to receive the advantages of English education. The
literature of the West is the most favourite study amongst the Hindoos
in their schools and colleges. They will discuss with accuracy the
most important events in British History. Boys of fifteen years of
age, black in colour, will recite the most favourite passages
from Shakespeare, ably quoting the notes of the English and German
commentators. They excel in mathematics, and in legal subtleties their
acuteness is most extraordinary.

In order to reward native talent and render it practically useful to
the State, Sir Henry Hardinge, after due deliberation, has issued a
resolution, by which the most meritorious students will be appointed
to fill the public offices which fall vacant throughout Bengal.

This encouragement has been received by the Hindoo population with the
greatest gratitude. The studies in the Mohammedan schools and colleges
have hitherto been confined to Arabic, the Koran, and abstruse studies
relating to their religion, having always shown a marked aversion to
English literature. Since the publication of the Resolution they have
at once determined to change their system in order to participate in
the benefits held out to native merit of every sect.

It is impossible throughout your Majesty's immense Empire to employ
the number of highly paid European civil servants which the public
service requires. This deficiency is the great evil of British
Administration. By dispersing annually a proportion of well-educated
natives throughout the provinces, under British superintendence,
well-founded hopes are entertained that prejudices may gradually
disappear, the public service be improved, and attachment to British
institutions increased....

Sir Henry Hardinge, in closing these observations, most humbly
ventures to assure your Majesty that he anticipates no occurrence as
probable, by which the tranquillity of this portion of your Majesty's
dominions is likely to be disturbed.

H. HARDINGE.

    [Footnote 34: Governor-General of India, in succession to Lord
    Ellenborough.]




INTRODUCTORY NOTE

TO CHAPTER XIV


The new year (1845) opened auspiciously, trade improving owing to the
great impetus given to it by the many lines of railway then in
course of promotion. Over two hundred schemes were prepared at
the commencement of the session to seek legislative sanction, and
speculation outran all reasonable limits. The Income Tax (which in the
ordinary course would have expired) was renewed, and the Anti-Corn
Law Leaguers were more persistent than ever in their assaults on
Protection, while the attacks on the Ministry from a section of their
own party were redoubled. The most remarkable measure of the year was
the Government Bill for increasing the grant to the Roman Catholic
College of Maynooth, which was strongly opposed from the Conservative
and the Protestant points of view; Mr Gladstone, though he approved of
the measure, retired from the Ministry, as he had a few years before
written in the opposite sense. Towards the close of the year the
condition of Ireland, owing to the failure of the potato crop, became
very alarming, and the Ministry greatly embarrassed. Lord John Russell
wrote from Edinburgh to the electors of the City of London, announcing
his conversion to the Repeal of the Corn Laws, and the _Times_
announced that such a Bill would be brought in by the Ministry. Peel,
reluctant to accept the task, resigned office in December, and a Whig
Ministry was attempted. Owing to dissensions, the attempt had to be
abandoned, and Peel returned to office, without Lord Stanley, but
with Mr Gladstone, who however did not seek re-election for the seat
vacated by his acceptance of office.

A dispute of great importance arose during the year with the United
States, relating to the boundary line between English and American
territory west of the Rocky Mountains. Twenty-five years earlier the
same question had arisen, and had been settled on the footing of joint
occupancy. The increased importance of the Pacific slope made the
matter more vital, involving as it did the ownership of Vancouver
Island and the mouth of the Columbia River; President Polk
unequivocally claimed the whole, and said he would not shrink from
upholding America's interests; the British Government was equally
firm, and the matter was not adjusted till 1846.

In India, which during nearly the whole year enjoyed peace, the Sikhs
in December assumed the aggressive, and crossed the Sutlej, invading
British India. They were signally defeated by Sir Hugh Gough at
Moodkee and Ferozeshah. In Scinde Sir Charles Napier prosecuted
operations against the mountain desert tribes.

In New Zealand some disastrous collisions took place between the
natives and the settlers; the former on two occasions either defeating
or repulsing the British arms.

In France the most important events were the Bill for fortifying
Paris, the campaign waged against Abd-el-Kader in Algeria, and
a horrible act of cruelty perpetrated there. In Spain Don Carlos
abdicated his claims to the throne in favour of his son; the Queen's
engagement to Count Trapani was rumoured. In other parts of Europe
little that was eventful occurred.




CHAPTER XIV

1845


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _14th January 1845._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--What you say about Aquila[1] and Montpensier
interests me. What madness is it then to force Trapani on Spain! Pray
explain to me the cause of the King's obstinacy about that Spanish
marriage, for _no_ country has a right to dictate in that way to
another. If Tatane[2] was _to think_ of the Infanta, England would be
extremely indignant, and would (and with right) consider it tantamount
to a marriage with the Queen herself. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 1: Louis Charles, Comte d'Aquila, a son of Francis
    I., King of the Two Sicilies, and brother of the Comte de
    Trapani and of Queen Christina; he and his brother were
    therefore uncles of Queen Isabella.]

    [Footnote 2: The Duc de Montpensier.]




_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _18th January 1845._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--... The Spanish marriage question is really very
curious; in fact, all the other Bourbon branches are hostile to the
Orleans family, but the idea that makes the King so constant in his
views about it, is that he imagines it would create in France a bad
impression if _now_ any other than a Bourbon was to marry the Queen of
Spain. That feeling they have _themselves created_, as in France
they did not at all care about it; having, however, declared _quasi_
officially in the French Chambers that they _will not have any but
a Bourbon_, if circumstances should after all decide it otherwise it
would now be a defeat, but certainly one of their own making.... Your
devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _28th January 1845._

...The feeling of loyalty in this country is happily _very_ strong,
and wherever we show ourselves we are most heartily and warmly
received, and the civilities and respect shown to us by those we visit
is _most_ satisfactory. I mention merely a trifling instance to show
_how_ respectful they are--the Duke of Buckingham, who is immensely
proud, bringing the cup of coffee after dinner on a waiter to Albert
himself. And everywhere my dearest Angel receives the respect and
honours I receive.

Many thanks for returning the list;[3] it was not Albert but _Tatane_
who made the black crosses. Are not "Les 3 Mousquetaires," by Dumas,
and "Arthur," by Eugène Sue, _readable_ for _me_?

Now adieu, dearest, best Uncle. Ever your truly devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 3: A list of French books which the Queen was
    proposing to read.]




[PAGEHEADING: STATE OF BUCKINGHAM PALACE]


_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._

PAVILION, _10th February 1845._

Though the Queen knows that Sir Robert Peel has already turned his
attention to the urgent necessity of doing something to Buckingham
Palace, the Queen thinks it right to recommend this subject herself to
his serious consideration. Sir Robert is acquainted with the state of
the Palace and the total want of accommodation for our little family,
which is fast growing up. Any building must necessarily take some
years before it can be safely inhabited. If it were to be begun this
autumn, it could hardly be occupied before the spring of 1848, when
the Prince of Wales would be nearly seven, and the Princess Royal
nearly eight years old, and they cannot possibly be kept in the
nursery any longer. A provision for this purpose ought, therefore, to
be made this year. Independent of this, most parts of the Palace are
in a sad state, and will ere long require a further outlay to render
them _decent_ for the occupation of the Royal Family or any visitors
the Queen may have to receive. A room, capable of containing a larger
number of those persons whom the Queen has to invite in the course
of the season to balls, concerts, etc., than any of the present
apartments can at once hold, is much wanted. Equally so, improved
offices and servants' rooms, the want of which puts the departments
of the household to great expense yearly. It will be for Sir Robert to
consider whether it would not be best to remedy all these deficiencies
at once, and to make use of this opportunity to render the exterior of
the Palace such as no longer to be a _disgrace_ to the country, which
it certainly now is. The Queen thinks the country would be better
pleased to have the question of the Sovereign's residence in London
so finally disposed of, than to have it so repeatedly brought before
it.[4]

    [Footnote 4: Peel replied that, as a renewal of the Income Tax
    was about to be proposed, it would be better to postpone the
    application to Parliament till the public feeling as to the
    tax had been ascertained.]




[PAGEHEADING: TITLE OF KING CONSORT]


_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._

PAVILION, _18th February 1845._

The Queen has received Sir Robert Peel's letter, and is glad that the
progress in the House of Commons was so satisfactory.

The Queen was much hurt at Mr Borthwick's most impertinent manner of
putting the question with respect to the title of King Consort, and
much satisfied with Sir Robert's answer.[5] The title of King is
open assuredly to many difficulties, and would perhaps be no _real_
advantage to the Prince, but the Queen is positive that something must
at once be done to place the Prince's position on a constitutionally
recognised footing, and to give him a title adequate to that
position.[6] _How_ and _when_, are difficult questions....

    [Footnote 5: A paragraph had appeared in the _Morning
    Chronicle_, giving credence to a rumour that this title was
    about to be conferred on the Prince, but, in answer to Mr
    Peter Borthwick, Sir Robert Peel positively contradicted it.]

    [Footnote 6:

    _Sir Robert Peel to the Prince Albert._

    WHITEHALL, _15th February 1845._

    SIR,--I received yesterday the accompanying note from Mr
    Borthwick, and in conformity with the notice therein given,
    he put the question to me in the House of Commons last evening
    respecting the paragraph which appeared in the _Morning
    Chronicle_ respecting the intention of proposing to Parliament
    that your Royal Highness should assume the title of King
    Consort.

    I very much regret that the _Morning Chronicle_ inserted that
    paragraph.

    The prominent place assigned to it in the newspaper, and a
    vague intimation that there was some authority for it, have
    caused a certain degree of credit to be attached to it. It has
    been copied into all the country newspapers and has given rise
    to a good deal of conjecture and speculation, which it is far
    from desirable to excite without necessity.

    It appears to me that the editor of the _Morning Chronicle_
    acted most unwarrantably in inserting such a paragraph with a
    pretence of some sort of authority for it.

    It has produced an impression which strongly confirms the
    observations which I took the liberty of making to your Royal
    Highness on Sunday evening.

    I trust, however, that my decided contradiction of the
    paragraph will put a stop to further surmise and discussion on
    the subject.

    To Mr Borthwick's note I add one of several letters
    addressed to me, which shows the proneness to speculate upon
    constitutional novelties.

    I have the honour to be, Sir, with sincere respect, your Royal
    Highness's most faithful and obedient Servant,

    ROBERT PEEL.]




_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _24th March 1845._

The Queen has received Sir Robert Peel's box containing his
recommendation relative to the filling up of the vacant Bishopric of
Ely. The Queen quite approves of the present Dean of Westminster[7]
as the new Bishop. As Sir Robert has asked the Queen whether she
would like to see Archdeacon Wilberforce succeed to the Deanery of
Westminster in case the Dean should accept the Bishopric, she must say
that such an arrangement would be _very satisfactory_ to us, and the
Queen believes would highly please the Archdeacon. This would again
vacate, the Queen believes, a stall at Winchester, which she would
like to see filled by a person decidedly adverse to Puseyism.

The Queen approves of the Bishop of Lichfield[8] being transferred to
the See of Ely in case Doctor Turton should decline it.

It would give the Queen much pleasure to stand sponsor to Sir Robert
Peel's little grandson, and perhaps Sir Robert would communicate this
to Lady Villiers.

    [Footnote 7: Dr Thomas Turton (1780-1864), formerly Dean of
    Peterborough.]

    [Footnote 8: John Lonsdale (1788-1867) was Bishop of Lichfield
    from 1843 till his death.]




[Pageheading: PURCHASE OF OSBORNE]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _25th March 1845._

... I copied what you wrote me about Peel[9] in a letter I wrote him,
which I am sure will please him much, and a Minister in these days
_does_ require a little encouragement, for the abuse and difficulties
they have to contend with are dreadful. Peel works so hard and has so
much to do, that sometimes he says he does not know _how_ he is to get
through it all!

You will, I am sure, be pleased to hear that we have succeeded in
purchasing _Osborne_ in the Isle of Wight,[10] and if we can manage
it, we shall probably run down there before we return to Town, for
three nights. It sounds so snug and nice to have a place of _one's
own_, quiet and retired, and free from all Woods and Forests, and
other charming Departments who really are the plague of one's life.

Now, dearest Uncle, adieu. Ever your truly devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 9: See Peel's reply, _Life of the Prince Consort_,
    chap. xiii.]

    [Footnote 10: The purchase was suggested by Sir Robert Peel.]




_Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _3rd April 1845._

The Queen had intended to have written to Lord Melbourne from Osborne
to thank him for his last note of the 19th, but we were so occupied,
and so delighted with _our new_ and really delightful _home_, that
she hardly had time for anything; besides which the weather was so
beautiful, that we were out almost all day. The Queen refers Lord
Melbourne to Mr Anson for particulars of the new property, which is
very extensive, as she is not at all competent to explain about
acres, etc. But she thinks it is impossible to imagine a prettier
spot--valleys and woods which would be beautiful anywhere; but all
this near the sea (the woods grow into the sea) is quite perfection;
we have a charming beach quite to ourselves. The sea was so blue and
calm that the Prince said it was like Naples. And then we can walk
about anywhere by ourselves without being followed and mobbed, which
Lord Melbourne will easily understand is delightful. And last, not
least, we have Portsmouth and Spithead so close at hand, that we shall
be able to watch what is going on, which will please the Navy, and be
hereafter very useful for our boys.

The Children are all well. The Queen has just had a lithograph made
after a little drawing which she did herself of the three eldest, and
which she will send Lord Melbourne with some Eau de Cologne.

Fanny and Lord Jocelyn dined here last night; she is looking very
well, and he seems much pleased at being in office, and being
employed.

The Queen hopes Lord Melbourne is enjoying this fine weather, and here
concludes with the Prince's kind remembrance.




[Pageheading: THE MAYNOOTH GRANT]

[Pageheading: RELIGIOUS BIGOTRY]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _15th April 1845._

MY BELOVED UNCLE,--Here we are in a great state of agitation about one
of the greatest measures ever proposed;[11] I am sure poor Peel ought
to be _blessed by_ all Catholics for the manly and noble way in
which he stands forth to protect and do good to poor Ireland. But
the bigotry, the wicked and blind passions it brings forth is quite
dreadful, and I blush for Protestantism![12] A Presbyterian clergyman
said very truly, "_Bigotry_ is more _common than shame_...."

    [Footnote 11: The Bill to increase the grant to the Roman
    Catholic College of Maynooth was carried by Peel in the teeth
    of opposition from half his party: another measure was passed
    to establish colleges for purely secular teaching ("godless
    colleges" they were nicknamed) in Cork, Belfast, and Galway,
    and affiliate them to a new Irish university.]

    [Footnote 12: As Macaulay had said during the previous night's
    debate: "The Orangeman raises his war whoop, Exeter Hall sets
    up its bray, Mr Macneile shudders to see more costly cheer
    than ever provided for the priests of Baal at the table of
    the Queen, and the Protestant operatives of Dublin call for
    impeachments in exceedingly bad English."]




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _23rd April 1845._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Our Maynooth Bill is through the second reading. I
think, if you read Sir Robert's admirable speeches, you will see how
good his plan is. The _Catholics_ are quite delighted at it--full
of gratitude, and behave extremely well; but the Protestants behave
shockingly, and display a narrow-mindedness and want of sense on the
subject of religion which is quite a disgrace to the nation. The case
of Austria, France, etc., cannot be compared to this, as _this_ is a
_Protestant_ country, while the others are Catholic; and I think it
would never do to support a Roman Catholic Church with money belonging
to the Protestant Church. The Protestant Establishment in Ireland
must remain untouched, but let the Roman Catholic Clergy be well and
handsomely educated.

The Duc de Broglie[13] dined with us last night; his _travaux_ are
going on satisfactorily; he asked when you were coming, and said you
were "_beaucoup Anglais et un peu Français_," which is true, I think.

With Albert's affectionate respects, believe me always, your devoted
Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 13: Achille Charles, Duc de Broglie, ex-Minister of
    Foreign Affairs.]




_Mr Goulburn[14] to Queen Victoria._

DOWNING STREET, _30th April 1845._

Mr Goulburn submits with his humble duty to your Majesty that several
representations have been made to the Treasury as to the convenience
which the public would derive from the circulation of silver
threepenny-pieces. Such pieces are lawfully current under your
Majesty's Proclamation of the 5th July 1838. But as such pieces have
been hitherto reserved as your Majesty's Maundy money, and as such
especially belong to your Majesty's service, Mr Goulburn considers
that a coinage of them for general use could not take place without a
particular signification of your Majesty's pleasure.

Mr Goulburn therefore humbly submits for your Majesty's gracious
consideration the signification of your Majesty's pleasure as to the
issue of such a coinage.

    [Footnote 14: Chancellor of the Exchequer.]




[Pageheading: PUBLIC EXECUTIONS]


_Sir James Graham to Queen Victoria._

WHITEHALL, _13th May 1845._

Sir James Graham, with humble duty, begs to lay before your Majesty
the enclosed Memorial.

The proceedings in Newgate on the occasion of the last condemned
sermon and on the morning of the execution have been fully
investigated;[15] and the report established the necessity of
legislative interference to prevent the recurrence of scenes so
disgraceful and demoralising. The policy of depriving capital
executions of their present publicity is well worthy of careful
revision; and Sir James Graham, in obedience to your Majesty's desire,
will bring the subject under the notice of his colleagues. He is
disposed to think that the sentence might be carried into execution in
the presence of a Jury to be summoned by the Sheriff with good effect;
and that the great body of idle spectators might be excluded, without
diminishing the salutary terror and awful warning which this extreme
punishment is intended to produce on the public mind. In dealing,
however, with a matter in which the community has so deep an interest,
it is prudent not to violate public opinion, and caution is necessary
before a change of the long-established usage is proposed.[16]

Sir James Graham deeply regrets the part taken by the newspapers in
seeking to indulge the general curiosity with respect to all details
of the conduct, habits, and demeanour of these wretched criminals in
their last moments; but he fears that the license of the Press cannot
be checked by any act of authority; if the public be excluded from
witnessing the executions, they will probably become still more
anxious to obtain a printed report of all that has taken place; and
Sir James Graham is so thoroughly convinced that the punishment of
death in certain cases must be maintained, that he would consider any
course inexpedient which was likely to lead the public to desire the
remission of capital executions in all cases without exception....

J. R. G. GRAHAM.

    [Footnote 15: The attraction these executions had for the
    general public was at this time a great scandal.]

    [Footnote 16: Public executions were abolished in 1868.]




[Pageheading: A BIRTHDAY LETTER]

[Pageheading: THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE]


_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _21st May 1845._

MY DEAREST AND MOST BELOVED VICTORIA,--Receive my sincerest and most
heartfelt good wishes on the happy reappearance of your birthday. I
need not dwell on my sentiments of devotion to you; they began with
_your life, and will only end with mine_. The only claim I make is to
be remembered with some little affection. Thank heaven, I have little
to wish you, than that your present happiness may not be disturbed,
and that those who are dear to you may be preserved for your
happiness.

My gift is Charlotte's portrait. The face is extremely like, and the
likest that exists; the hair is a little too fair, it had become
also darker. I take this opportunity to repeat that Charlotte was a
noble-minded and highly gifted creature. She was nervous, as all
the family have been; she could be violent, but then she was full
of repentance for it, and her disposition _highly generous_ and
_susceptible_ of _great devotion_.

I am the more bound to say this, as I understood that you had some
notion that she had been _very imperious_, and not mistress of her
temper. Before her marriage some people by dint of flattery had tried
to give her masculine tastes; and in short had pushed her to become
one day a sort of Queen Elizabeth. These sentiments were already
a little modified before her marriage. But she was particularly
determined to be a _good_ and _obedient_ wife; some of her friends
were anxious she should _not_; amongst these Madame de Flahaut must be
mentioned _en première ligne_.

This became even a subject which severed the intimacy between them.
Madame de Flahaut, much older than Charlotte, and of a sour and
determined character, had gained an influence which partook on
Charlotte's part a little of fear. She was afraid of her, but when
once supported took courage.

People were much struck on the 2nd of May 1816 at Carlton House with
the clearness and firmness with which she pronounced "_and obey_,"
etc., as there had been a _general belief_ that it would be _for the
husband_ to give _these promises_. The Regent put me particularly on
my guard, and said, "If you don't resist she will govern you with a
high hand." Your own experience has convinced you that real affection
changes many sentiments that may have been implanted into the mind of
a young girl. With Charlotte it was the more meritorious, as from a
very early period of her life she was considered as the heiress of the
Crown; the Whigs flattered her extremely, and later, when she got by
my intervention reconciled to the Tories, they also made great efforts
to please her.

Her understanding was extremely good; she knew everybody, and I even
afterwards found her judgment generally extremely correct. _She had
read a great deal and knew well what she had read._ Generous she was
almost _too much_, and her _devotion_ was quite affecting, from a
character so much pushed to be selfish and imperious.

I will here end my souvenir of poor dear Charlotte, but I thought
that the subject could not but be interesting to you. Her constancy in
wishing to marry me, which she maintained under difficulties of every
description, has been the foundation of all that touched the family
afterwards. You know, I believe, that your poor father was the chief
promoter, though also the Yorks were; but our correspondence from 1814
till 1816 was entirely carried on through his kind intervention; it
would otherwise have been impossible, as she was really treated as a
sort of prisoner. Grant always to that good and generous Charlotte,
who sleeps already with her beautiful little boy so long, where all
will go to, an affectionate remembrance, and believe me she deserves
it.

Forgive my long letter, and see in it, what it really is, a token of
the great affection I have for you. Ever, my dearest Victoria, your
devoted Uncle.

LEOPOLD R.




_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _12th June 1845._

The Queen understands that the Deanery of Worcester has become vacant
by some new arrangement. Believing that Sir Robert's brother, Mr John
Peel, has a fair claim to such preferment, but being afraid that Sir
Robert would perhaps hesitate to recommend him on account of his near
relationship to him, the Queen wishes to offer herself this Deanery
through Sir Robert to his brother.




_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _12th June 1845._

Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, hastens to
acknowledge your Majesty's most kind and considerate communication,
and to express his grateful acknowledgments for it.

He must, in justice to his brother, assure your Majesty that he never
has expressed, and probably never would express, a wish to Sir Robert
Peel on the subject of preferment in the Church.

Sir Robert Peel might have hesitated to bring the name of one so
nearly connected with him under the notice of your Majesty, but as his
brother was highly distinguished in his academical career at Oxford,
and is greatly respected for the discharge of every professional
duty, Sir Robert Peel could not feel himself justified in offering an
impediment to the fulfilment of your Majesty's gracious intentions in
his favour, if, when the vacancy shall have actually occurred in the
Deanery of Worcester, no superior claim should be preferred.[17]

    [Footnote 17: Dean Peel lived till 1875.]




[Pageheading: AUSTRALIAN WINE]


_Lord Stanley to Queen Victoria._

DOWNING STREET, _10th July 1845._

Lord Stanley, with his humble duty, submits to your Majesty a despatch
just received from the Governor of South Australia, enclosing the
letter of a settler in the province, Mr Walter Duffield, who is
anxious to be allowed the honour of offering for your Majesty's
acceptance a case of the first wine which has been made in the colony.

Lord Stanley will not venture to answer for the quality of the
vintage; but as the wine has been sent over with a loyal and dutiful
feeling, and the importer, as well as the colonists in general, might
feel hurt by a refusal of his humble offering, he ventures to hope
that he may be permitted to signify, through the Governor, your
Majesty's gracious acceptance of the first sample of a manufacture
which, if successful, may add greatly to the resources of this young
but now thriving colony.

The above is humbly submitted by your Majesty's most dutiful Servant
and Subject,

STANLEY.




[Pageheading: THE KING OF HOLLAND]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _29th July 1845._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Accept my best thanks for your very kind little
note of the 26th. As Albert writes to you about the King of Holland's
visit[18] I will say but little, except that it really went off
wonderfully well in our little house. We took him a sail in the
_Victoria and Albert_ on Saturday, which he admired amazingly, and
after luncheon he went away, Albert taking him over to Gosport. He
intends, I believe, to come here one morning for luncheon to take
leave. He is grown old, and has lost all his front teeth, but he is as
talkative and lively as he used to be, and seems very happy to be in
England again. He was very anxious that we should pay him a visit this
year, but was quite satisfied when we told him that this year it was
impossible, but that we hoped some other time to do so. He was much
struck at seeing me now independent and unembarrassed, and talking;
as when he was here in 1836[19] I was extremely crushed and kept
under and hardly dared say a word, so that he was quite astonished.
He thought me grown. Believe me, always, dearest Uncle, your devoted
Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 18: This visit lasted ten days, and included a visit
    to Goodwood races and a review of the Household troops in Hyde
    Park. His Majesty was also appointed a Field-Marshal.]

    [Footnote 19: _Ante_, vol. i. p. 47. He was then Prince of
    Orange, and succeeded his father, who abdicated in his favour
    in 1840.]




_Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne._

OSBORNE, _31st July 1845._

The Queen thanks Lord Melbourne very much for his last kind letter of
the 11th, by which she was truly rejoiced to see he was better. We are
comfortably and peacefully established here since the 19th, and derive
the greatest benefit, pleasure, and satisfaction from our little
possession here. The dear Prince is constantly occupied in directing
the many necessary improvements which are to be made, and in watching
our new house, which is a constant interest and amusement. We are most
anxiously waiting for the conclusion of the Session that we may set
off on our much-wished-for journey to Germany. The Queen is extremely
sorry to leave England without seeing Lord Melbourne, and without
having seen him all this season; but something or other always
prevented us from seeing Lord Melbourne each time we hoped to do so.
We only return the night before the Prorogation and embark that same
day. We have the children here. We went to the Undercliff--Ventnor,
Bonchurch, etc.--on Monday, and were much delighted with all we saw.
We had a visit from the King of Holland last week, who is grown old,
but otherwise just the same as he used to be.

The Queen joins with Lord Melbourne in unfeigned satisfaction at the
success of the Irish measures, after so much factious opposition. Lord
Grey's death[20] will have shocked Lord Melbourne, as it has us. Poor
Lord Dunmore's death is a very shocking event. The Prince wishes to be
most kindly remembered to Lord Melbourne.

    [Footnote 20: Charles, second Earl Grey, had been Prime
    Minister, 1830-1834.]




[Pageheading: THE SOVEREIGN'S ABSENCE]


_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._

WHITEHALL, _6th August 1845._

Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs
leave to acquaint your Majesty that in the course of a long speech
made by Lord John Russell last night, reviewing the policy of the
Government and the proceedings of the Session, Lord John expressed
himself strongly on the subject of your Majesty's absence from
the country, without provision made for the exercise of the Royal
authority by the appointment of Lords Justices.

Sir Robert Peel thinks it very probable that a motion will be made
upon the subject in the course of the next Session--particularly in
the event of any occurrence during your Majesty's absence, which might
cause public inconvenience from the want of immediate access to the
Royal authority, or compel any assumption of power on the part of your
Majesty's servants of a questionable character.

The present Law Officers of the Crown were rather startled at the
intention of departing from the precedent of George IV.'s reign, on
seeing the legal opinions of their predecessors; they did not differ
from the _legal_ doctrines laid down by them, but were not very well
satisfied on the point of discretion and policy.

Sir Robert Peel feels it to be his duty to state to your Majesty
what has passed on this subject, and to apprize your Majesty of the
possibility of a question being hereafter raised in Parliament upon
it.

Sir Robert Peel thinks that in the case of a short absence, and
a distance not precluding easy and rapid communication with your
Majesty, the appointment of Lords Justices may be dispensed with; but
he is humbly of opinion that were the distance greater or the period
of absence longer than that contemplated by your Majesty, the reasons
for the nomination of Lords Justices would preponderate.

Should the subject be again mentioned in Parliament and a direct
question be put upon it, Sir Robert Peel will, of course, assume
the entire responsibility for the non-appointment of Lords Justices;
vindicating the departure from the precedent of George IV. on the
ground of the shorter period of absence and the more easy means of
communication.[21]...

    [Footnote 21: The Queen was accompanied by a Secretary of
    State (Lord Aberdeen), so that an act of State could be
    performed as well abroad as at home; see _Life of the Prince
    Consort_, vol. i. p. 272.]




[Pageheading: VISIT TO THE CHÂTEAU D'EU]

[Pageheading: THE SPANISH MARRIAGES]


_The Earl of Aberdeen to Sir Robert Peel._

CHÂTEAU D'EU, _8th September 1845._

MY DEAR PEEL,--We left Antwerp very early yesterday morning, and
anchored for a few hours off Flushing.[22] We passing down the Channel
during the night, and as the weather was perfectly bright and fine,
found ourselves off Tréport before nine o'clock this morning. The King
came off to the yacht, and took the Queen in his barge to land. I need
not say how joyfully she was received by all the Royal Family.

Although I shall have opportunities, both this evening and to-morrow
morning, of speaking again with the King and Guizot, I have already
discussed several subjects with each of them; and as the Queen
particularly desires to send a messenger this evening, I will give you
some notion of what has passed between us.

I think the marriage of the Queen of Spain is the subject on which the
greatest interest is felt at this moment. It was the first introduced,
both by the King and Guizot, and treated by both in the same manner.
They said, that having promised to support the King of Naples, they
were bound not to abandon the Count de Trapani, so long as there was a
chance of his being successful in his suit. I said in answer to
their desire, that we would assist this arrangement, that we had no
objection to Count Trapani, and that we would take no part against
him; but unless it should be the decided wish of the Spanish
Government and people, we could give no support to the marriage, as we
were honestly of opinion that it was not desired in Spain, and that
we saw nothing in the proposal to call for our support under these
circumstances. Both the King and Guizot said they had no objection to
the Duke of Saville[23] (Don Enrique), and that if it should be found
that Count Trapani was impossible, they would willingly support him.

With respect to the Infanta, they both declared in the most positive
and explicit manner, that _until the Queen was married and had
children_, they should consider the Infanta precisely as her sister,
and that any marriage with a French Prince would be entirely out of
the question. The King said he did not wish that his son should have
the prospect of being on the throne of Spain; but that if the Queen
had children, by whom the succession would be secured, he did not
engage to preclude himself from the possibility of profiting by the
great inheritance which the Infanta would bring his son. All this,
however, was uncertain, and would require time at all events to
accomplish; for I distinctly understood, that it was not only a
marriage and a child, but _children, that were necessary to secure the
succession_.

I thought this was as much as we could desire at present, and that the
policy of a marriage with a French Prince might safely be left to be
considered whenever the contingency contemplated should arrive. Many
things may happen, both in France and Spain, in the course of a few
years to affect this question in a manner not now apparent.

ABERDEEN.

    [Footnote 22: Parliament was prorogued on the 9th of August,
    and the Queen and Prince sailed in the evening for Antwerp
    in the Royal yacht. Sir Theodore Martin gives a very full
    description of the visit to Coburg. The Queen was especially
    delighted with the Rosenau and Reinhardtsbrunn. On the morning
    of the 8th of September the yacht, which had left the Scheldt
    on the previous evening, arrived at Tréport, and a second
    visit was paid to the King and Queen of the French at the
    Château d'Eu.]

    [Footnote 23: Younger son of Don Francisco de Paula, and first
    cousin to Queen Isabella, both through his father and his
    mother.]




[Pageheading: CHURCH APPOINTMENTS]


_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._

OSBORNE, _15th September 1845._

Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave to
acquaint your Majesty that there remains the sum of £700 to be applied
in the current year to the grant of Civil List Pensions.

Sir Robert Peel humbly recommends to your Majesty that another sum
of £200 should be offered to Mr Tennyson, a poet of whose powers of
imagination and expression many competent judges think most highly.

He was brought under the notice of Sir Robert Peel by Mr Hallam. His
pecuniary circumstances are far from being prosperous.

There is a vacancy in the Deanery of Lincoln, but the preferment is
less eligible from there being no residence, and the necessity for
building one at the immediate expense of the new Dean.

Sir Robert Peel is inclined to recommend to your Majesty that an
offer of this preferment should be made to Mr Ward, the Rector of St
James's.

Should Mr Ward decline, there is a clergyman of the name of
Maurice,[24] of whom the Archbishop says: "Of unbeneficed London
clergy there is no one, I believe, who is so much distinguished by his
learning and literary talent as the Rev. Frederick Maurice, Chaplain
of St Guy's Hospital. His private character is equally estimable."

Should Mr Ward decline[25] the Deanery it might, should your Majesty
approve of it, be offered to Mr Maurice. The Archbishop says that the
appointment of Mr Maurice would be very gratifying to the _King of
Prussia_.

    [Footnote 24: Frederick Denison Maurice (1805-1872), the
    friend of Kingsley, afterwards Chaplain of St. Peter's, Vere
    Street.]

    [Footnote 25: Mr Ward accepted the Deanery.]




_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

ST CLOUD, _10th October 1845._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--... All you say about our dear Albert, whom
I love like my own child, is perfectly true. The attacks, however
unjust, have but one advantage, that of showing the points the enemy
thinks _weakest_ and best calculated to hurt. This, being the case,
Anson, without boring A. with _daily_ accounts which in the end
become very irksome, should pay attention to these very points, and
contribute to avoid what may be turned to account by the enemy.
To hope to _escape_ censure and calumny is next to impossible, but
whatever is considered by the enemy as a fit subject for attack is
better modified or avoided. The dealings with artists, for instance,
require great prudence; they are acquainted with all classes of
society, and for that very reason dangerous; they are hardly _ever
satisfied_, and when you have too much to do with them, you are sure
to have _des ennuis_.... Your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.




[Pageheading: LORD METCALFE]


_Queen Victoria to Lord Stanley._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _2nd November 1845._

The Queen has read with great concern Lord Stanley's letter of the
1st November. From private information she had been led to expect that
Lord Metcalfe would not be able to continue at his irksome post.[26]
He will be an immense loss, and the selection of a successor will be
most difficult. The Queen hopes that there will not be too great a
delay in making the new appointment, as experience has shown that
nothing was more detrimental to the good government of Canada than the
last interregnum after Sir Charles Bagot's death; it would certainly
likewise be desirable that Lord Metcalfe should be able personally
to make over his Government to his successor, whom he could verbally
better put in possession of the peculiarities of his position than
any instructions could do. It strikes the Queen to be of the _greatest
importance_, that the judicious system pursued by Lord Metcalfe (and
which, after a long continuation of toil and adversities, only
now just begins to show its effect) should be followed up by his
successor.

The Queen knows nobody who would be as fit for the appointment as Lord
Elgin, who seems to have given great satisfaction in Jamaica, where he
has already succeeded Lord Metcalfe, whose original appointment there
had _likewise_ taken place under circumstances of great difficulty,
which his prudence and firmness finally overcame.[27]

    [Footnote 26: He retired from the Governor-Generalship of
    Canada through ill-health.]

    [Footnote 27: Lord Stanley, in reply, submitted a private
    letter from Lord Elgin, expressing a wish to return home; Earl
    Cathcart was provisionally appointed Governor-General.]




_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._

OSBORNE, _28th November 1845._

The Queen is very sorry to hear that Sir Robert Peel apprehends
further differences of opinion in the Cabinet, at a moment of
impending calamity; it is more than ever necessary that the Government
should be strong and united.

The Queen thinks the time is come when a removal of the restrictions
upon the importation of food cannot be successfully resisted. Should
this be Sir Robert's own opinion, the Queen very much hopes that none
of his colleagues will prevent him from doing what it is _right_ to
do.




[Pageheading: THE CORN LAWS]


_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._

WHITEHALL, _4th December 1845._

Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave
to acquaint your Majesty that a leading paragraph in the _Times_ of
to-day, asserting that your Majesty's servants had unanimously agreed
to an immediate and total repeal of the Corn Laws, is quite without
foundation.[28]

    [Footnote 28: See _Memoirs of the Life of Henry Reeve_, vol.
    i. p. 175, for Lord Dufferin's refutation of the story that
    Sidney Herbert confided the secret to Mrs Norton, and that she
    sold it to the _Times_. The story has obtained a wide currency
    through Mr Meredith's _Diana of the Crossways_. Lord Stanmore,
    in his _Life of Sidney Herbert_, substantially attributes
    the communication to Lord Aberdeen, but does not give the
    details.]




_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._[29]

WHITEHALL, _5th December 1845._

(_Friday evening._)

Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and will
wait upon your Majesty to-morrow evening, leaving London by the
half-past twelve train.

Sir Robert Peel will avail himself of your Majesty's kind proposal to
remain at Osborne until Monday morning.

He will come to Osborne with a heart full of gratitude and devotion to
your Majesty, but with a strong conviction (all the grounds for which
he will, with your Majesty's permission, explain to your Majesty) that
in the present state of affairs, he can render more service to your
Majesty and to the country in a private than in a public station.

    [Footnote 29: Peel reported to the Queen the Cabinet
    discussions on the Corn Law question. The Queen wrote that
    the news caused her much uneasiness, and that she felt certain
    that her Minister would not leave her at a moment of such
    difficulty, and when a crisis was impending.]




[Pageheading: CABINET DISSENSIONS]

[Pageheading: INTERVIEW WITH PEEL]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

OSBORNE, _7th December 1845._

On receiving the preceding letter[30] ... we were, of course, in great
consternation. Yesterday Sir Robert Peel arrived here and explained
the condition of affairs.

    [Footnote 30: From Sir Robert Peel, 5th December, _ante._]

On 1st November he had called his Cabinet, and placed before its
members the reports of the Irish Commissioners, Dr Buckland, Dr
Playfair and Dr Lindley, on the condition of the potato crop, which
was to the effect that the half of the potatoes were ruined by the
rot, and that no one could guarantee the remainder. Belgium, Holland,
Sweden, and Denmark, in which states the potato disease had likewise
deprived the poorer class of its usual food, have immediately taken
energetic means, and have opened the harbours, bought corn, and
provided for the case of a rise of prices. Sir Robert proposed the
same thing for England, and, by opening the ports, a preparation for
the abolition of the Corn Laws. His colleagues refused, and of the
whole Cabinet only Lord Aberdeen, Sir James Graham, and Mr Sidney
Herbert voted with him. Sir Robert hoped that in time the opinions of
the others would change, and therefore postponed a final decision.
In the meanwhile the agitation of the Anti-Corn Law League began;
in every town addresses were voted, meetings were held, the
_Times_--barometer of public feeling--became suddenly _violently_
Anti-Corn Law, the meetings of the Cabinet roused attention, a general
panic seized on the mass of the public. Sir Robert called anew his
Cabinet. In the midst of their deliberation Lord John Russell issues
from Edinburgh an address to the City of London.[31]

    [Footnote 31: Declaring for the Repeal of the Corn Laws.]

The whole country cries out: the Corn Laws are doomed.

Thereon Sir Robert declared to his Cabinet that nothing but unanimity
could save the cause, and pressed for a decision.

The Duke of Buccleuch and Lord Stanley declared they could not take a
part in a measure abolishing the Corn Laws, and would therefore have
to resign. The other members, including the Duke of Wellington, showed
themselves ready to support Sir Robert, yet, as the latter says,
"apparently not willingly and against their feelings." Thereupon Sir
Robert resolved to lay down his office as Minister.

When he arrived here he was visibly much moved, and said to me, that
it was one of the most painful moments of his life to separate himself
from us, "but it is necessary, and if I have erred it was from loyalty
and too great an anxiety not to leave Her Majesty in a moment of such
great difficulty. I ought to have gone when I was first left by my
colleagues in a minority in my own Cabinet. I was anxious, however, to
try my utmost, but it is impossible to retrieve lost time. As soon as
I saw Lord John's letter I felt that the ground was slipping away
from under me, and that whatever I might now propose would appear as
dictated by the Opposition, as taking Lord John's measure. On the 1st
of November the whole country was prepared for the thing; there had
been no agitation, everybody looking to the Government, as soon as
they saw this wavering and hesitating, the country decided for itself,
and Lord John has the merit, owing to his most dexterous move and our
want of unanimity."

On my observing that Sir Robert has a majority of one hundred in the
House of Commons, and asking whether it was not possible for him to
continue the Government, he said:--

"The Duke of Buccleuch will carry half Scotland with him, and Lord
Stanley, leading the Protectionists in the House of Lords, would lead
to great and immediate defections even in Her Majesty's household. The
Duchess of Buccleuch, Lord Hardwicke, Lord Exeter, Lord Rivers,
Lord Beverley, etc., would resign, and we should not be able to find
successors; in the House of Commons I am sure I should be beat, the
Tories, agriculturists, etc., in rage would turn round upon me and
be joined by the Whigs and Radicals, who would say, 'This is _our_
measure and we will not allow you to carry it.' It is better that
I should go now, when _nobody has committed himself_ in the heat
of party contest, when no factions have been formed, no imprudent
declarations been made; it is better for Her Majesty and for the
country that it should be so."

After we had examined what possibilities were open for the Crown, the
conclusion was come to that Lord John was the only man who could be
charged with forming a Cabinet. Lord Stanley, with the aristocracy as
his base, would bring about an insurrection [or riots], and the ground
on which one would have to fight would be this: to want to force the
mass of the people, amidst their great poverty, to pay for their bread
a high price, in favour of the landlords.

It is a matter of the utmost importance not to place the House of
Lords into direct antagonism with the Commons and with the masses of
the people. Sir Robert says very correctly:--

"I am afraid of other interests getting damaged in the struggle about
the Corn Laws; already the system of promotion in the Army, the Game
Laws, the Church, are getting attacked with the aid of the league."

After Victoria had in consequence [of the foregoing] decided in favour
of Lord John, and asked Sir Robert: "But how is it possible for him
to govern with so exceedingly small a minority?" Sir Robert said: "He
will have difficulties and perhaps did not consider what he was doing
when he wrote that letter; but _I will support him_. I feel it my duty
to your Majesty not to leave you without a Government. Even if Lord
John goes to the full extent of his declaration in that letter (which
I think goes too far), I will support him in Parliament and use all
my influence with the House of Lords to prevent their impeding his
progress. I will do more, if he likes it. I will say that the increase
of the estimates which will become necessary are my work, and I alone
am responsible for it."

Sir Robert intends to give me a memorandum in which he is to make this
promise in writing.

He was greatly moved, and said it was not "the loss of power (for I
hate power) nor of office," which was nothing but a plague for him,
but "the breaking up of those relations in which he stood to the Queen
and me, and the loss of our society," which was for him a loss, for
which there was no equivalent; we might, however, rely on his being
always ready to serve us, in what manner and in what place it might
be. Lord Aberdeen is said to feel the same, and very deeply so; and on
our side the loss of two so estimable men, who possess our whole and
perfect confidence in public as well as in private affairs, and have
always proved themselves true friends, leaves _a great gap_.

ALBERT.




[Pageheading: LORD MELBOURNE INFORMED]


_Victoria to Viscount Melbourne._

OSBORNE, _7th December 1845._

Sir Robert Peel has informed the Queen that in consequence of
differences prevailing in the Cabinet, he is very reluctantly
compelled to solicit from the Queen the acceptance of his resignation,
which she has as reluctantly accepted.

From the Queen's unabated confidence in Lord Melbourne, her first
impulse was to request his immediate attendance here that she might
have the benefit of his assistance and advice, but on reflection the
Queen does not think herself justified, in the present state of Lord
Melbourne's health, to ask him to make the sacrifice which the return
to his former position of Prime Minister would, she fears, impose upon
him.

It is this consideration, and this _alone_, that has induced the Queen
to address to Lord John Russell the letter of which she sends a copy.
The Queen hopes, however, that Lord Melbourne will not withhold from
her new Government his advice, which would be so valuable to her.

It is of the _utmost importance_ that the whole of this communication
should be kept a _most profound secret_ until the Queen has seen Lord
John Russell.




[Pageheading: LORD MELBOURNE'S ATTITUDE]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

_8th December 1845._

Sir Robert helped us in the composition of the letters to Lord John
and to Lord Melbourne. We considered it necessary to write to the
latter, in consideration of the confidential position which he
formerly enjoyed.

Sir Robert Peel has not _resigned_, thinking it a matter of great
strength for the Sovereign to keep his ministry until a new one can be
got.

ALBERT.




_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

BROCKET HALL, _9th December 1845._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has just
received your Majesty's letter of the 7th inst., which, of course,
has astonished him by the magnitude of the event which it announces,
although something of this sort has been long pending and to be
expected. Lord Melbourne returns your Majesty many thanks for
this communication, and more for your Majesty's great kindness and
consideration for him personally at the present moment. He is better,
but so long a journey would still not have been convenient to him,
and he has such a horror of the sea, that a voyage from Southampton
to Cowes or from Portsmouth to Ryde seems to him in prospect as
formidable as a voyage across the Atlantic.

Lord Melbourne will strictly observe your Majesty's injunction of
secrecy.

With respect to the kind wishes about office which your Majesty
is pleased to express, Lord Melbourne will of course give to your
Majesty's new Government, if formed under Lord John Russell, all the
support in his power, but as to taking office, he fears that he would
find some difficulty. He would be very unwilling to come in pledged
to a total and immediate reform of the Corn Law, and he also strongly
feels the difficulty which has in fact compelled Sir Robert Peel to
retire, viz. the difficulty of carrying on the Government upon the
principle of upholding and maintaining the present law with respect to
corn.

Lord Melbourne again thanks your Majesty for your great and
considerate kindness.




[Pageheading: PEEL'S ATTITUDE]


_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._

WHITEHALL, _10th December 1845._

Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
influenced by no other motive than the desire to contribute if
possible to the relief of your Majesty from embarrassment, and the
protection of the public interests from injury, is induced to make
this confidential communication to your Majesty explanatory of his
position and intentions with regard to the great question which is now
agitating the public mind.

Your Majesty can, if you think fit, make this communication known to
the Minister who, as successor to Sir Robert Peel, may be honoured by
your Majesty's confidence.

On the first day of November last Sir Robert Peel advised his
colleagues, on account of the alarming accounts from Ireland and many
districts of Great Britain as to the failure of the potato crop from
disease, and for the purpose of guarding against contingencies which
in his opinion were not improbable, humbly to recommend to your
Majesty that the duties on the import of foreign grain should be
suspended for a limited period either by Order in Council, or by
Legislative Enactment, Parliament in either case being summoned
without delay.

Sir Robert Peel foresaw that this suspension, fully justified by the
tenor of the reports to which he has referred, would compel, during
the interval of suspension, the reconsideration of the Corn Laws.

If the opinions of his colleagues had been in concurrence with his
own, he was fully prepared to take the responsibility of suspension,
and of the necessary consequence of suspension, a comprehensive review
of the laws imposing restrictions on the import of foreign grain and
other articles of food, with a view to their gradual diminution and
ultimate removal. He was disposed to recommend that any new laws to be
enacted should contain within themselves the principle of gradual and
ultimate removal.

Sir Robert Peel is prepared to support in a private capacity measures
which may be in general conformity with those which he advised as a
Minister.

It would be unbecoming in Sir Robert Peel to make any reference to the
details of such measures.

Your Majesty has been good enough to inform him that it is your
intention to propose to Lord John Russell to undertake the formation
of a Government.

The principle on which Sir Robert Peel was prepared to recommend the
reconsideration of the laws affecting the import of the main articles
of food, was in general accordance with that referred to in the
concluding paragraph of Lord John Russell's letter to the electors of
the City of London.[32]

Sir Robert Peel wished to accompany the removal of restrictions on the
admission of such articles, with relief to the land from such charges
as are unduly onerous, and with such other provisions as in the terms
of Lord John Russell's letter "caution and even scrupulous forbearance
may suggest."

Sir Robert Peel will support measures founded on that general
principle, and will exercise any influence he may possess to promote
their success.

Sir Robert Peel feels it to be his duty to add, that should your
Majesty's servants, after consideration of the heavy demands upon the
Army of this country for colonial service, of our relations with the
United States, and of the bearing which steam navigation may have upon
maritime warfare, and the defence of the country, deem it advisable
to propose an addition to the Army, and increased naval and military
estimates, Sir Robert Peel will support the proposal, will do all that
he can to prevent it from being considered as indicative of hostile
or altered feeling towards France, and will assume for the increase in
question any degree of responsibility present or retrospective which
can fairly attach to him.

ROBERT PEEL.

    [Footnote 32: That paragraph urged that, with a revision
    of taxation to make the arrangement more equitable, and the
    safeguards suggested by caution and scrupulous forbearance,
    restrictions on the admission of the main articles of food and
    clothing used by the mass of the people should be removed.]




[Pageheading: LORD STANLEY RESIGNS]


_Lord Stanley to Queen Victoria._

ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _11th December 1845._

... Lord Stanley humbly hopes that he may be permitted to avail
himself of this opportunity to express to your Majesty the deep regret
and pain with which he has felt himself compelled to dissent from the
advice intended to have been tendered to your Majesty on the subject
of the Corn Laws. He begs to assure your Majesty that he would have
shrunk from making no personal sacrifice, short of that of principle,
for the purpose of avoiding the inconvenience to your Majesty and to
the country inseparable from any change of Administration; but being
unconvinced of the necessity of a change of policy involving an
abandonment of opinions formerly maintained, and expectations held
out to political supporters, he felt that the real interests of
your Majesty's service could not be promoted by the loss of personal
character which the sacrifice of his own convictions would necessarily
have involved; and that he might far more usefully serve your Majesty
and the country out of office, than as the official advocate of a
policy which he could not sincerely approve. Lord Stanley begs to
assure your Majesty that it will be his earnest endeavour to allay,
as far as may lie in his power, the excitement which he cannot but
foresee as the consequence of the contemplated change of policy; and
he ventures to indulge the hope that this long trespass upon your
Majesty's much occupied time may find a sufficient apology in the deep
anxiety which he feels that his regret at being compelled not only to
retire from your Majesty's service, but also to take a step which he
is aware may have had some influence on the course finally adopted
by Sir Robert Peel, may not be still farther increased by the
apprehension of having, in the performance of a most painful duty,
incurred your Majesty's displeasure. All which is humbly submitted by
your Majesty's most dutiful Servant and Subject,

STANLEY.




_Queen Victoria to Lord Stanley._

OSBORNE, _12th December 1845._

The Queen, of course, _much regrets_ that Lord Stanley could not agree
in the opinions of Sir Robert Peel upon a subject of such importance
to the country. However, Lord Stanley may rest assured that the Queen
gives full credit to the disinterested motives which guided Lord
Stanley's conduct.




[Pageheading: THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF]


_Queen Victoria to the Duke of Wellington._

OSBORNE, _12th December 1845._

The Queen has to inform the Duke of Wellington that, in consequence of
Sir Robert Peel's having declared to her his inability to carry on any
longer the Government, she has sent for Lord John Russell, who is not
able at present to state whether he can form an Administration, and is
gone to Town in order to consult his friends. Whatever the result of
his enquiries may be, the Queen has a _strong_ desire to see the Duke
of Wellington remain at the head of her Army. The Queen appeals to the
Duke's so often proved loyalty and attachment to her person, in asking
him to give her this assurance. The Duke will thereby render the
greatest service to the country and to her own person.




[Pageheading: THE DUKE'S ADVICE]


_The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria._

STRATHFIELDSAYE, _12th December 1845._

(_11 at night._)

Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble duty to your
Majesty; he has just now received your Majesty's commands from Osborne
of this day's date.

He humbly submits to your Majesty that the duties of the
Commander-in-Chief of your Majesty's Land Forces places him in
constant confidential relations with all your Majesty's Ministers,
and particularly with the one filling the office of First Lord of the
Treasury.

Under these circumstances he submits to your Majesty the counsel, that
your Majesty would be graciously pleased to consult the nobleman or
gentleman who should be your Majesty's first Minister, before any
other step should be taken upon the subject. He might think that he
had reason to complain if he should find that it was arranged that
the Duke of Wellington should continue to fill the office of
Commander-in-Chief, and such impression might have an influence upon
his future relations with that office.

Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington believes that Lord John Russell
and all your Majesty's former Ministers were aware, that during
the whole period of the time during which Lord Hill was the General
Commanding-in-Chief your Majesty's Forces, the professional opinion
and services of Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington were at all times
at the command and disposition of your Majesty's servants, and were
given whenever required.

He happened to be at that time in political opposition to the
Government in the House of Parliament, of which he was a member; but
that circumstance made no difference.

It is impossible for the Duke of Wellington to form a political
connection with Lord John Russell, or to have any relation with the
political course of the Government over which he should preside.

Such arrangement would not conciliate public confidence, be considered
creditable to either party, or be useful to the service of your
Majesty.

Nor, indeed, would the performance of the duties of the
Commander-in-Chief of the Army require that such should exist; on the
other hand, the performance of these duties would require that the
person filling the office should avoid to belong to, or to act in
concert with, a political party opposed to the Government.

Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington has considered it his duty
to submit these considerations, in order that your Majesty may be
perfectly aware of the position in which he is about to place himself,
in case Lord John Russell should counsel your Majesty to command
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington to continue to hold the office of
Commander-in-Chief of your Majesty's Land Forces.

He at once submits to your Majesty the assurance that he will
cheerfully devote his service to your Majesty's command upon receiving
the official intimation thereof, and that he will as usual make every
effort in his power to promote your Majesty's service.

All of which is humbly submitted to your Majesty by your Majesty's
most dutiful Subject and devoted Servant,

WELLINGTON.




[Pageheading: KING LOUIS PHILIPPE]


_The King of the French to Queen Victoria._

ST CLOUD, _le 16 Décembre 1845._

MADAME MA TRÈS CHÈRE S[OE]UR,--J'ai à remercier votre Majesté de
l'excellente lettre que ma bonne Clém m'a remise de sa part. Elle m'a
été droit au c[oe]ur, et je ne saurais exprimer à quel point j'ai été
touché de vos bons voeux pour ma famille, et de tout ce que vous
me témoignez sur l'accroissement qu'il a plû à la Providence de lui
donner dans mes _onze petits fils_.

Je me disposais à dire à votre Majesté que, quoiqu'avec un bien vif
regret, je comprenais parfaitement les motifs qui vous portaient à
remettre à une autre année, cette visite si vivement désirée, et que
j'espérais toujours trouver une compensation à cette privation, en
allant de nouveau Lui offrir en Angleterre, l'hommage de tous les
sentiments que je Lui porte, et qui m'attachent si profondément à
Elle, ainsi qu'au Prince son Epoux, lorsque j'ai reçu la nouvelle de
la démission de Sir Robert Peel, de Lord Aberdeen et de tous leurs
Collégues. Je me flattais que ces Ministres qui s'étaient toujours
si bien entendus avec les miens pour établir entre nos deux
Gouvernements, cette heureuse _entente cordiale_ qui est la base du
repos du monde et de la prospérité de nos pays, continueraient encore
longtemps à l'entretenir, et à la consolider de plus en plus. Cet
espoir est déçu!![33] Il faut s'y résigner; mais je suis empressé
d'assurer votre Majesté, que quelque soit son nouveau Ministère, celui
qui m'entoure aujourd'hui, et que je désire, et que j'espère conserver
longtemps, n'omettra aucun effort pour cultiver et maintenir cet
heureux accord qu'il est si évidemment dans notre intérêt commun de
conserver intact.

Dans de telles circonstances, il me devient doublement précieux d'être
uni à votre Majesté et au Prince Albert par tant de liens, et qu'il se
soit formé entre nous cet attachement mutuel, cette affection et cette
confiance, qui sont au dessus et indépendants de toute considération
politique; mais qui pourront toujours plus ou moins exercer
une influence salutaire sur l'action et la marche de nos deux
Gouvernements. Aussi, je le dis à votre Majesté et à son Epoux avec
un entier abandon, j'ai besoin de compter sur cette assistance
occasionnelle, et j'y compte entièrement en vous demandant d'avoir la
même confiance de mon côté, et en vous répétant que cette confiance ne
sera pas plus déçue dans l'avenir, qu'elle ne l'a été dans le passé.

Votre Majesté me permettra d'offrir ici au Prince Albert l'expression
de ma vive et sincère amitié. Je la prie aussi de recevoir celle de
l'inviolable attachement avec lequel je suis, Madame ma très chère
S[oe]ur, de votre Majesté, le bon Frère et bien fidèle Ami,

LOUIS PHILIPPE R.

    [Footnote 33: The return of Palmerston to the Foreign Office
    was of course dreaded by the King and Guizot.]




[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S ACCEPTANCE]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _16th December 1845._

The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letter of this day's
date,[34] and considering that it is of great importance that no time
should be lost, has immediately forwarded it to Sir Robert Peel.

The Queen fully understands the motives which guide Lord John in
using every effort to ensure the success of the great measure which is
impending before he undertakes to form a Government.

The Queen sees from Lord John's second letter that he has taken a copy
of Sir R. Peel's letter of the 15th to her. As she does not feel to
have been authorised to allow this, the Queen hopes that in case Sir
Robert should have an objection to it Lord John will not retain the
copy.

    [Footnote 34: It is printed in the _Annual Register_, 1846, p.
    17. Lord John considered the temporary suspension or repeal
    of duties, with the prospect of their re-imposition, open to
    grave objections.]




[Pageheading: INSUPERABLE DIFFICULTIES]


_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _18th December 1845._

Lord John Russell returned at five this evening, and informed
the Queen that after considerable discussion, and after a full
consideration of his position, _he will undertake to form a
Government_.

As at present arranged, the Council is to be on Monday; the Queen much
wishing to have a parting interview with Sir R. Peel, however painful
it will be to her, wishes Sir Robert Peel to inform her when he thinks
it best to come down here.[35]

    [Footnote 35: Lord John Russell, however, found insuperable
    difficulties in forming the Cabinet; and, to quote Disraeli,
    "handed back with courtesy the poisoned chalice to Sir
    Robert."]




[Pageheading: GREY AND PALMERSTON]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _20th December 1845._

(_12 o'clock._)

We just saw Lord John Russell, who came in order to explain why he had
to give up the task of forming a Government. He had written to all his
former colleagues to join him in his attempt, amongst others to Lord
Grey, who answered, "that he could only belong to a Government which
pledged itself to the principle of absolute free trade and abolition
of all protection; that he had his own views upon the sugar question
(as to which he advocated the admission of slave labour) and upon
the Irish question (as to which his principle was to establish entire
religious equality); that he hoped that in the formation of a new
Government no personal considerations should stand in the way of a
full attention to public Duty."

Lord John replied that he advocated free trade, but as the immediate
question before them was the _Corn Laws_, he thought it wiser not to
complicate this by other declarations which would produce a good deal
of animosity; that the sugar question and Ireland might be discussed
in Cabinet when circumstances required it; that he agreed entirely in
the last sentence.

After this Lord Grey declared himself quite satisfied. Lord John
considered now with his colleagues the peculiar measure to be
proposed, and Mr Baring thought he could arrange a financial scheme
which would satisfy Lord Lansdowne's demands for relief to the landed
interest. They all felt it their duty to answer the Queen's call upon
them, though they very much disliked taking office under such peculiar
difficulties. Now Lord John undertook to apportion the different
offices. He saw Lord Palmerston, and told him that the Queen had some
apprehension that his return to the Foreign Office might cause great
alarm in other countries, and particularly in France, and that this
feeling was still more strongly manifested in the city; whether under
these circumstances he would prefer some other office--for instance,
the Colonies? Lord Palmerston declared that he was not at all anxious
for office, and should much regret that his accession should in any
way embarrass Lord John; that he was quite prepared to support him out
of office, but that his taking another department than his former one
would be a public recognition of the most unjust accusations that
had been brought against him; that he had evinced throughout a long
official life his disposition for peace, and only in one instance
broke with France;[36] that that matter was gone by, and that nobody
had stronger conviction of the necessity to keep in amity with that
Power than himself. Upon this Lord John said that he could not form a
Government without him, and showed himself quite satisfied with Lord
Palmerston's declaration.

    [Footnote 36: In reference to affairs in Syria in 1840.]

Suddenly Lord Grey, who had heard of this, cried out: "This was an
infringement of their compact"; that no _personal_ consideration
should interfere with the discharge of public duty, and that he must
decline entering the Government, as he considered Lord Palmerston's
return to the Foreign Office as fraught with danger to the peace
of Europe. Lord John could not, under these circumstances, form a
Government. He read to us a long letter from Lord Grey, written with
the intention that it should be seen by the Queen, in which Lord
Grey enters more fully into his motives, and finishes by saying
that therefore _he_ was not answerable for the failure to form an
Administration.[37]

    [Footnote 37: Lord Grey's attitude was condemned by Macaulay
    in a letter to a Mr Macfarlan, who unwisely communicated it to
    the Press.]

Lord John gave the Queen a written statement[38] of the causes which
induced him to relinquish the Government, and of the position he means
to assume in Parliament. (He is most anxious that Sir R. Peel should
re-enter and successfully carry his measures.)

    [Footnote 38: Printed in _Annual Register_, 1846, p. 20.]

The arrangements Lord John had contemplated have been--

  Lord PALMERSTON,      _Foreign Secretary_.
  Lord GREY,            _Colonial Secretary_.
  Sir GEORGE GREY,      _Home Secretary_.

(Sir George was anxious later to retire from Parliament, and willing
to go as Governor-General to Canada.)

  Mr BARING,            _Chancellor of the Exchequer_.
  Lord CLARENDON,       _President of the Board of Trade_.

(The Vice-Presidency was to have been offered to his brother, Mr
Villiers, but finally, by his advice, to Mr Cobden!! (Lord Grey wanted
Mr Cobden to be in the Cabinet!!!) This Lord John thought quite out of
the question.)

  Lord LANSDOWNE,       _President of the Council_.




[Pageheading: CHIVALROUS ATTITUDE OF PEEL]

[Pageheading: PEEL RESUMES OFFICE]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _20th December 1845._

(_4 o'clock_ P.M.)

We saw Sir Robert Peel, who had been apprised by Sir James Graham (to
whom Lord John Russell had written) of what had passed. He was much
affected, and expressed his concern at the failure of Lord John to
form a Government, seemed hurt at Lord John's not having shown more
confidence in the integrity of his (Sir Robert Peel's) motives. He
would have supported Lord John in _any_ measure which he should have
thought fit to introduce, and many would have followed his example. He
blamed the want of deference shown to the Queen, by not answering
her call with more readiness; he said it was quite new and
unconstitutional for a man to take a week before he undertook to form
a Government, and to pass that time in discussion with other people,
to whom the Sovereign had not yet committed the task; and he had been
certain it would end so, when so many people were consulted. He in
1834 had been called from Italy, had travelled with all haste and
had gone straight to the King, had told him that he had seen nobody,
consulted nobody, but immediately kissed the King's hand as his
Minister.

He was now prepared to stand by the Queen, all other considerations
he had thrown aside, he would undertake to deal with the difficulties,
and should have to go down alone to the House of Commons. He had
written to his colleagues that he would serve the Queen if she called
upon him to do so, that he expected them to meet him at nine o'clock
that evening, and that he would tell them what he meant to do. Those
who would not go with him, he would dismiss at once. He did not wish
to avail himself of any undue advantage, and therefore would not
advise an Order in Council, but go at once to Parliament, laying his
measure before it: "Reject it, if you please; there it is!"

He called the crisis an alarming one, which determination alone could
overcome.

We showed him Lord John Russell's statement, with which he declared
himself very much satisfied. He advised the Queen to write a letter
to Lord John, announcing to him Sir Robert's consent to go on with the
Government, and wrote a draft of it, which follows here.

He had heard strange instances of disagreement amongst the men whom
Lord John had assembled in town.

Sir Robert seemed throughout much moved, and said with much warmth:
"There is no sacrifice that I will not make for your Majesty, except
that of my honour."




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _20th December 1845._

Sir Robert Peel has just been here. He expressed great regret that
Lord John Russell had felt it necessary to decline the formation of a
Government.

He said he should have acted towards Lord John Russell with the most
scrupulous good faith, and that he should have done everything in his
power to give Lord John support.

He thinks many would have been induced to follow his example.

Sir Robert Peel did not hesitate a moment in withdrawing his offer of
resignation. He said he felt it his duty at once to resume his office,
though he is deeply sensible of the difficulties with which he has to
contend.




[Pageheading: PEEL CORDIALLY SUPPORTED]


_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._

WHITEHALL, _21st December 1845._

Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and proceeds
to give your Majesty an account of what has passed since he left your
Majesty at four o'clock yesterday.

The Cabinet met at Sir Robert Peel's house in Downing Street at
half-past nine.

Sir Robert Peel informed them that he had not summoned them for the
purpose of deliberating on what was to be done, but for the purpose
of announcing to them that he was your Majesty's Minister, and whether
supported or not, was firmly resolved to meet Parliament as your
Majesty's Minister, and to propose such measures as the public
exigencies required.

Failure or success must depend upon their decision, but nothing could
shake Sir Robert Peel's determination to meet Parliament and to advise
the Speech from the Throne.

There was a dead silence, at length interrupted by Lord Stanley's
declaring that he must persevere in resigning, that he thought the
Corn Law ought to be adhered to, and might have been maintained.

The Duke of Wellington said he thought the Corn Law was a subordinate
consideration. He was _delighted_ when he received Sir Robert Peel's
letter that day, announcing to the Duke that his mind was made up to
place his services at your Majesty's disposal.

The Duke of Buccleuch behaved admirably--was much agitated--thought
new circumstances had arisen--would not then decide on resigning.

Sir Robert Peel has received this morning the enclosed note from the
Duke.[39]

He has written a reply very strongly to the Duke, stating that the
present question is not one of Corn Law, but whether your Majesty's
former servants or Lord Grey and Mr Cobden shall constitute your
Majesty's Government. Sir Robert Peel defied the wit of man to suggest
now another alternative to your Majesty.

Lord Aberdeen will see the Duke to-day.

All the other members of the Government cordially approved of Sir
Robert Peel's determination not to abandon your Majesty's service.

There was no question about details, but if there is any, it shall not
alter Sir Robert Peel's course.

    [Footnote 39: _See_ next letter.]




_The Duke of Buccleuch to Sir Robert Peel._

MONTAGU HOUSE, _20th December 1845._

MY DEAR SIR ROBERT,--That which has occurred this evening, and that
which you have communicated to us, the very critical state in which
the country now is, and above all the duty which I owe to her Majesty
under the present circumstances, has made a most strong impression
upon my mind. At the risk, therefore, of imputation of vacillation
or of any other motive by others, may I ask of you to give me a few
hours' time for further reflection, before finally deciding upon the
course which I may feel it to be my duty to pursue? Believe me, my
dear Sir Robert, yours most sincerely,

BUCCLEUCH.




_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._

WHITEHALL, _22nd December 1845._

Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the
utmost satisfaction in informing your Majesty that Mr Gladstone is
willing to accept the Seals of the Colonial Office should your Majesty
be pleased to confide them to him.[40]

Sir Robert Peel thinks this of great importance, and that immediate
decision in filling up so eminent a post will have a good effect.

    [Footnote 40: Mr Gladstone, by accepting office, vacated the
    seat at Newark which he had held through the influence of the
    Protectionist Duke of Newcastle. He did not seek re-election,
    and though a Secretary of State, remained without a seat in
    Parliament.]




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S ESTIMATE OF PEEL]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _23rd December 1845._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Many thanks for your two kind letters of the
17th and 19th, which gave me much pleasure. I have little to add to
Albert's letter of yesterday, except my _extreme_ admiration of
our worthy Peel, who shows himself a man of unbounded _loyalty_,
_courage_, patriotism, and _high-mindedness_, and his conduct towards
me has been _chivalrous_ almost, I might say. I never have seen him
so excited or so determined, and _such_ a good cause must succeed. We
have indeed had an escape, for though Lord John's _own notions_ were
_very_ good and moderate, he let himself be entirely twisted and
twirled about by his _violent_ friends, and _all_ the moderate ones
were crushed....

VICTORIA R.




_Sir Robert Peel to the Prince Albert._

WHITEHALL, _23rd December 1845._

SIR,--I think Her Majesty and your Royal Highness will have been
pleased with the progress I have made in execution of the great trust
again committed to me by Her Majesty.

It will be of great importance to conciliate Lord Stanley's support
out of office, to induce him to _discourage_ hostile combinations.

I would humbly recommend Her Majesty, when Her Majesty sees Lord
Stanley to-day, to receive him with her usual kindness, to say that I
had done full justice in my reports to Her Majesty to the motives by
which he had been actuated, and to the openness and frankness of his
conduct, to regret greatly the loss of his services, but to hope
that he might be still enabled not to oppose and even to promote
the accomplishment of what cannot now be safely resisted. I have the
honour to be, etc., etc., etc.,

ROBERT PEEL.




[Pageheading: THE NEW ARRANGEMENTS]

[Pageheading: THE CORN LAWS]

[Pageheading: THE UNEMPLOYED]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _25th December 1845._

We had a Council yesterday, at which Parliament was prorogued to
the 22nd of January, then to meet for the despatch of business. Lord
Stanley had an audience of the Queen before, and delivered up the
Seals of his office. He was much agitated, and had told Sir Robert
that he dreaded this interview very much. The Queen thanked him for
his services, and begged he would do his best out of office to smooth
down the difficulties her Government would have to contend with. At
the Council Lord Dalhousie took his seat, and Mr Gladstone received
the Colonial Seals. The Queen saw the Duke of Buccleuch and
thanked him for the devotion he had shown her during these trying
circumstances; the same to the Duke of Wellington, who is in excellent
spirits. On my saying, "You have such an influence over the House
of Lords, that you will be able to keep them straight," he answered:
"I'll do anything; I am now beginning to write to them and to convince
them singly of what their duty is."

We saw afterwards Sir Robert Peel, who stayed more than three hours.
He is in the highest spirits at having got Mr Gladstone and kept the
Duke of Buccleuch; he proposed that the Duke should be made President,
and Lord Haddington Privy Seal in his stead. (Lord Haddington had
behaved very well, had given up his place to Sir Robert, and told him
he should do with him just as he liked--leave him out of the Cabinet,
shift him to another place, or leave him at the Admiralty, as would
suit him best.)

Sir Robert hinted to Lord Ripon that Lord Haddington had behaved so
well, but got no more out of him, but "that he would _almost_ have
done the same." Sir Robert proposes to see Lord Ellenborough in order
to offer him the Admiralty, received the Queen's sanction likewise to
Lord St Germans (the Postmaster-General) being put into the Cabinet. I
said: "With your Government that has no inconvenience, and even if you
had a hundred members in the Cabinet, as you don't tell them but
what is absolutely necessary, and follow your own course." He said in
reply, that he should be very sorry if he had to have told his
Cabinet that he meant to send for Lord Ellenborough. We could not help
contrasting this conduct with the subjection Lord John has shown to
his people. It is to his _own_ talent and firmness that Sir Robert
will owe his success, which cannot fail. He said he had been
determined not to go to a general election with the fetters the last
election had imposed upon him, and he had meant at the end of the next
Session to call the whole Conservative Party together and to declare
this to them, that he would not meet another Parliament pledged to the
maintenance of the Corn Laws, which could be maintained no longer, and
that he would make a public declaration to this effect before another
general election came on. This had been defeated by events coming too
suddenly upon him, and he had no alternative but to deal with the Corn
Laws before a national calamity would _force_ it on. The league had
made immense progress, and had enormous means at their disposal. If
he had resigned in November, Lord Stanley and the Protectionists would
have been prepared to form a Government, and a Revolution might have
been the consequence of it. Now they felt that it was too late.

Sir Robert has _an immense scheme in view_; he thinks he shall be able
to remove the contest entirely from the dangerous ground upon which it
has got--that of a war between the manufacturers, the hungry and the
poor against the landed proprietors, the aristocracy, which can only
end in the ruin of the latter; he will not bring forward a measure
upon the Corn Laws, but a much more comprehensive one. He will deal
with the whole commercial system of the country. He will adopt
the principle of the League, _that of removing all protection and
abolishing all monopoly_, but not in favour of one class and as a
triumph over another, but to the benefit of the nation, farmers as
well as manufacturers. He would begin with cotton, and take in all the
necessaries of life and corn amongst them. The experiments he had
made in 1842 and 1845 with boldness but with caution had borne out the
correctness of the principle: the wool duty was taken off, and wool
sold higher than ever before; foreign cattle were let in, and the
cattle of England stood better in the market than ever. He would not
ask for compensation to the land, but wherever he could give it, and
at the same time promote the social development, there he would do it,
but on that ground. For instance, one of the greatest benefits to
the country would be the establishment of a rural police on the
same principle as the metropolitan police. By taking this on the
Consolidated Fund, the landowners would be immensely relieved in all
those counties which kept a police. One of the heaviest charges on
the land was the present administration of law and the carrying on of
prosecutions. Sir Robert could fancy this to be very much improved
by the appointment of a _public_ prosecutor by the State, which would
give the State a power to prevent vexatious, illegal, and immoral
prosecutions, and reduce the expenses in an extraordinary degree. Part
of the maintenance of the poor, according to the Poor Law, might be
undertaken by the State. A great calamity must be foreseen, when the
innumerable railroads now in progress shall have been terminated,
which will be the case in a few years. This will throw an enormous
labouring population suddenly out of employment. There might be a
law passed which would provide employment for them, and improve the
agriculture and production of the country, by enabling the State to
advance money to the great proprietors for the improvements of their
estates, which they could not obtain otherwise without charging their
estates beyond what they already have to bear.

Sir Robert means to go with Mr Gladstone into all these details.

ALBERT.




[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON'S JUSTIFICATION]

[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON'S POLICY]


_Viscount Palmerston to Viscount Melbourne._[41]

BOWOOD, _26th December 1845._

MY DEAR MELBOURNE,--I return you with many thanks George Anson's
letter, which was enclosed in yours of the 23rd, which I received just
as we were setting off for this place. Pray, when next you write to
George Anson, say how gratefully I appreciate the kind consideration
on the part of H.R.H. Prince Albert, which suggested George Anson's
communication. But I can assure you that although John Russell, in his
Audience of the Queen, may inadvertently have overstated the terms in
which he had mentioned to me what Her Majesty had said to him about
my return to the Foreign Office, yet in his conversations with me upon
that subject he never said anything more than is contained in George
Anson's letter to you; and I am sure you will think that under all the
circumstances of the case he could hardly have avoided telling me thus
much, and making me aware of the impression which seemed to exist upon
the Queen's mind as to the way in which other persons might view my
return to the Foreign Office.

With regard to Her Majesty's own sentiments, I have always been
convinced that Her Majesty knows me too well to believe for an instant
that I do not attach the greatest importance to the maintenance, not
merely of peace with all foreign countries, but of the most friendly
relations with those leading Powers and States of the world with which
serious differences would be attended with the most inconvenience. As
to Peace, I succeeded, as the organ of Lord Grey's Government and of
yours, in preserving it unbroken during ten years[42] of great and
extraordinary difficulty; and, if now and then it unavoidably happened
during that period of time, that in pursuing the course of policy
which seemed the best for British interests, we thwarted the views
of this or that Foreign Power, and rendered them for the moment less
friendly, I think I could prove that in every case the object which we
were pursuing was of sufficient importance to make it worth our while
to submit to such temporary inconvenience. There never was indeed,
during those ten years, any real danger of war except on three
occasions; and on each of those occasions the course pursued by the
British Government prevented war. The first occasion was just after
the accession of the King of the French, when Austria, Russia, and
Prussia were disposed and preparing to attack France, and when the
attitude assumed by the British Government prevented a rupture. The
second was when England and France united by a Convention to wrest the
Citadel of Antwerp from the Dutch, and to deliver it over to the
King of the Belgians.[43] If England had not then joined with France,
Antwerp would have remained with the Dutch, or the attempt to take it
would have led to a war in Europe. The third occasion was when Mehemet
Ali's army occupied Syria, and when he was constantly threatening
to declare himself independent and to march on Constantinople; while
Russia, on the one hand, asserted that if he did so she would occupy
Constantinople, and on the other hand, France announced that if Russia
did so, she, France, would force the Dardanelles. The Treaty of July
1840, proposed and brought about by the British Government, and the
operations in execution of that Treaty, put an end to that danger;
and, notwithstanding what has often been said to the contrary, the
real danger of war arising out of the affairs of Syria was put an end
to, and not created by the Treaty of 1840.

I am well aware, however, that some persons both at home and abroad
have imbibed the notion that I am more indifferent than I ought to be
as to running the risk of war. That impression abroad is founded upon
an entire mistake, but is by some sincerely felt, and being sincere,
would soon yield to the evidence of contradictory facts. At home that
impression has been industriously propagated to a limited extent,
partly by the legitimate attacks of political opponents, and partly
by a little cabal within our own ranks. These parties wanted to attack
me, and were obliged to accuse me of something. They could not charge
me with failure, because we had succeeded in all our undertakings,
whether in Portugal, Spain, Belgium, Syria, China, or elsewhere; they
could not charge me with having involved the country in war, because,
in fact, we had maintained peace; and the only thing that was left for
them to say was that my policy had a _tendency_ to produce war, and I
suppose they would argue that it was quite wrong and against all rule
that it did not do so.

But notwithstanding what may have been said on this matter, the
transaction which has by some been the most criticised in this
respect, namely, the Treaty of 1840, and the operations connected with
it, were entirely approved by the leaders of the then Opposition, who,
so far from feeling any disposition to favour me, had always made a
determined run at the Foreign Policy of the Whig Government. The Duke
of Wellington, at the opening of the Session of 1841, said in
the House of Lords that he entirely approved our policy in that
transaction, and could not find that any fault had been committed
by us in working it out; and I happen to know that Sir Robert Peel
expressed to the representative of one of the German Powers, parties
to the Alliance, his entire approval of our course, while Lord
Aberdeen said to one of them, that the course I had taken in that
affair made him forgive me many things of former years, which he had
thought he never should have forgiven.

I am quite ashamed of the length to which this letter has grown, and
shall only add, with reference to our relations with France, that
I had some very friendly interviews with Thiers, who was my chief
antagonist in 1840, and that although we did not enter into any
conspiracy against Guizot and Peel, as the newspapers pretended, we
parted on very good terms, and he promised to introduce me to all his
friends whenever I should go to Paris, saying that of course Guizot
would do me the same good office with his supporters. My dear
Melbourne, yours affectionately,

PALMERSTON.

    [Footnote 41: Submitted to the Queen by Lord Melbourne.]

    [Footnote 42: 1830-1834, and 1835-1841.]

    [Footnote 43: The English and French came in 1832 to the
    assistance of the Belgians, who some time before had entered
    Antwerp, but failed to take the Citadel.]




[Pageheading: THE MINISTRY REINSTATED]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the French._

CH. DE W., _le 30 Décembre 1845._

SIRE ET MON TRÈS CHER FRÈRE,--Votre Majesté me pardonnera si je viens
seulement maintenant vous remercier de tout mon c[oe]ur de votre
lettre si bonne et si aimable du 16, mais vous savez combien j'étais
occupée pendant ces dernières 3 semaines. La Crise est passée et j'ai
tout lieu de croire que le Gouvernement de Sir R. Peel va s'affermir
de plus en plus, ce que je ne puis que désirer pour le bien-être du
pays. Je dois cependant dire à votre Majesté que si le Ministère
eût changé, j'ai la certitude que le nouveau se serait empressé de
maintenir, comme nous le désirons si vivement, cette entente cordiale
si heureusement établie entre nos deux Gouvernements.

Permettez-moi, Sire, de vous offrir au nom d'Albert et au mien nos
félicitations les plus sincères à l'occasion de la nouvelle Année,
dans lequel vous nous donnez le doux espoir de vous revoir. Nous avons
lu avec beaucoup d'intérêt le Speech de V.M., dans lequel vous parlez
si aimablement du "friendly call" à Eu et des coopérations des 2
pays dans différentes parties du monde, et particulièrement pour
l'Abolition de la Traite des noirs.

Ayez la grâce, Sire, de déposer nos hommages et nos félicitations aux
pieds de la Reine et de votre S[oe]ur. Agréez encore une fois, les
expressions d'amitié et d'attachement sincère avec lesquelles je suis,
Sire et mon bien cher Frère, de votre Majesté, la bien bonne S[oe]ur
et fidèle Amie,

VICTORIA R.




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _30th December 1845._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Many thanks for your kind letter of the 27th,
by which I see how glad you are at our good Peel being again--and I
sincerely and confidently hope for many years--my Minister. I have
heard many instances of the confidence the country and _all_ parties
have in Peel; for instance, he was immensely cheered at Birmingham--a
most Radical place; and _Joseph Hume_ expressed great distress when
Peel resigned, and the greatest contempt for Lord John Russell. The
Members of the Government have behaved extremely well and with much
disinterestedness. The Government has secured the services of Mr
Gladstone and Lord Ellenborough,[44] who will be of great use. Lord E.
is become very quiet, and is a very good speaker.

We had a very happy Christmas. This weather is extremely unwholesome.
Now, ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 44: Lord Ellenborough was one of the few
    Conservative statesmen of the day who, after remaining
    faithful to Sir Robert Peel till the middle of 1846,
    subsequently threw in his fortunes with Lord Derby and Mr
    Disraeli. He was President of the Board of Control with those
    Ministers in 1858 for the fourth time.]




INTRODUCTORY NOTE

TO CHAPTER XV


The closing days of the year 1845 had been marked by startling
political events, and Lord John Russell's failure to form a
Government, and Sir Robert Peel's resumption of office, with Mr
Gladstone substituted for Lord Stanley, were now followed by the
Ministerial measure for the Repeal of the Corn Laws. Embarrassed as
he now was by the attacks of his old supporters, led by Bentinck
and Disraeli, Peel was supported whole-heartedly but in a strictly
constitutional manner by the Queen and the Prince. Amid bitter taunts,
the Premier piloted the measure through Parliament, but on the night
that it finally passed the Lords he was defeated on an Irish Coercion
Bill by a factious combination in the Commons between the Whigs and
Protectionists, and resigned. Lord John Russell on this occasion was
able to form an administration, though he failed in his attempt to
include in it some important members of the outgoing Government.

Thus, owing to the Irish famine, the Tory party which had come into
power in 1841 with a majority of ninety to support the Corn Laws, was
shattered; after Peel's defeat it became clear that no common action
could take place between his supporters in the struggle of 1846
and men like Bentinck and Disraeli, who now became leaders of the
Protectionist party. For the remainder of the year Peel was on the
whole friendly to the Russell Government, his chief care being to
maintain them in office as against the Protectionists.

In India the British army was successful in its operations against the
Sikhs, Sir Harry Smith defeating them at Aliwal, and Sir Hugh Gough at
Sobraon. Our troops crossed the Sutlej, and terms of peace were agreed
on between Sir Henry Hardinge (who became a Viscount) and the Sirdars
from Lahore, peace being signed on 8th March.

On the continent of Europe the most important events took place in the
Peninsula. The selection of husbands for the Queen of Spain and her
sister, which had so long been considered an international question,
came at last to a crisis; the policy of Great Britain had been to
leave the matter to the Spanish people, except in so far as might be
necessary to check the undue ambition of Louis Philippe; and neither
the Queen, Prince Albert, Peel, nor Aberdeen had in any way supported
the candidature of Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg.

It was common ground that no son of Louis Philippe should marry the
Queen, but both that monarch and Guizot had further solemnly engaged
at the Château d'Eu that no son should marry even the Infanta until
the Queen was married and had children. The return of Palmerston to
the Foreign Office, and his mention of Prince Leopold in a Foreign
Office despatch as one of the candidates, gave the King and his
Minister the pretext they required for repudiating their solemn
undertaking. In defiance of good faith the engagements were
simultaneously announced of the Queen to her cousin, Don Francisco
de Asis, and of the Infanta to the Duc de Montpensier, Don Francisco
being a man of unattractive, even disagreeable qualities, and feeble
in _physique_. By this unscrupulous proceeding Queen Victoria and the
English nation were profoundly shocked.

At the same time Queen Maria found some difficulty in maintaining her
position in Portugal. She dismissed in a somewhat high-handed manner
her Minister the Duc de Palmella, and had to bear the brunt of an
insurrection for several months: at the close of the year her arms
were victorious at the lines of Torres Vedras, but the Civil War was
not entirely brought to an end.

In February a Polish insurrection broke out in Silesia, and the
Austrian troops were driven from Cracow; the rising was suppressed by
Austria, Russia, and Prussia, who had been constituted the "Protecting
Powers" of Cracow by the Treaty of Vienna. This unsuccessful attempt
was seized upon as a pretext for destroying the separate nationality
of Cracow, which was forthwith annexed to Austria. This unjustifiable
act only became possible in consequence of the _entente_ between
England and France (equally parties to the Treaty of Vienna) having
been terminated by the affair of the Spanish marriages; their formal
but separate protests were disregarded.

There remains to be mentioned the dispute between Great Britain and
the United States as to the Oregon boundary, which had assumed so
ominous a phase in 1845. Lord Aberdeen's last official act was to
announce in the Lords that a Convention, proposed by himself for
adjusting the question, had been accepted by the American President.




CHAPTER XV

1846


_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _23rd January 1846._

The Queen must compliment Sir Robert Peel on his beautiful and indeed
_unanswerable_ speech of last night, which we have been reading with
the greatest attention.[1] The concluding part we also greatly admire.
Sir R. Peel has made a very strong case. Surely the impression which
it has made must have been a good one. Lord John's explanation is
a fair one;[2] the Queen has _not_ a doubt that he will support Sir
Robert Peel.

He has indeed pledged himself to it. He does not give a very
satisfactory explanation of the causes of his failure, but perhaps he
could not do so without exposing Lord Palmerston.

What does Sir Robert think of the temper of the House of Commons, and
of the debate in the House of Lords? The debates not being adjourned
is a good thing. The crowd was immense out-of-doors yesterday, and we
were never better received.

    [Footnote 1: The Queen had opened Parliament in person; the
    Prime Minister took the unusual course of speaking immediately
    after the seconder of the Address, and in his peroration,
    after laying stress on the responsibilities he was incurring,
    proceeded: "I do not desire to be Minister of England; but
    while I am Minister of England I will hold office by no
    servile tenure; I will hold office unshackled by any other
    obligation than that of consulting the public interests and
    providing for the public safety."]

    [Footnote 2: He explained that the attitude of Lord Grey made
    the difficulties attending the formation of a Whig Ministry
    insuperable.]




[Pageheading: EXTENSION OF INDIAN FRONTIER]


_Sir Henry Hardinge to Queen Victoria._[3]

CAMP, LULLIANEE, 24 miles from LAHORE, _18th February 1846._

The territory which it is proposed should be ceded in perpetuity to
your Majesty is a fine district between the Rivers Sutlej and Beas,
throwing our frontier forward, within 30 miles of Amritsar, so as
to have 50 miles of British territory in front of Loodiana, which,
relatively with Ferozepore, is so weak, that it appeared desirable to
the Governor-General to improve our frontier on its weakest side, to
curb the Sikhs by an easy approach towards Amritsar across the Beas
River instead of the Sutlej--to round off our hill possessions near
Simla--to weaken the Sikh State which has proved itself to be too
strong--and to show to all Asia that although the British Government
has not deemed it expedient to annex this immense country of the
Punjab, making the Indus the British boundary, it has punished the
treachery and violence of the Sikh nation, and exhibited its powers
in a manner which cannot be misunderstood. For the same political
and military reason, the Governor-General hopes to be able before the
negotiations are closed to make arrangements by which Cashmere may be
added to the possessions of Gholab Singh, declaring the Rajpoot Hill
States with Cashmere independent of the Sikhs of the Plains. The Sikhs
declare their inability to pay the indemnity of one million and a
half, and will probably offer Cashmere as an equivalent. In this case,
if Gholab Singh pays the money demanded for the expenses of the war,
the district of Cashmere will be ceded by the British to him, and the
Rajah become one of the Princes of Hindostan.

There are difficulties in the way of this arrangement, but considering
the military power which the Sikh nation has exhibited of bringing
into the field 80,000 men and 300 pieces of field artillery, it
appears to the Governor-General most politic to diminish the means of
this warlike people to repeat a similar aggression. The nation is in
fact a dangerous military Republic on our weakest frontier. If the
British Army had been defeated, the Sikhs, through the Protected
States, which would have risen in their favour in case of a reverse,
would have captured Delhi, and a people having 50,000 regular troops
and 300 pieces of field artillery in a standing permanent camp within
50 miles of Ferozepore, is a state of things that cannot be tolerated
for the future....

The energy and intrepidity displayed by your Majesty's
Commander-in-Chief, Sir Hugh Gough, his readiness to carry on the
service in cordial co-operation with the Governor-General, and the
marked bravery and invincibility of your Majesty's English troops,
have overcome many serious obstacles, and the precautions taken have
been such that no disaster or failure, however trifling, has attended
the arduous efforts of your Majesty's Arms.

    [Footnote 3: The Sikhs were defeated at Sobraon on 10th
    February by the British troops under Sir Hugh Gough,
    reinforced by Sir Harry Smith, fresh from his victory at
    Aliwal. _See_ p. 71.]




[Pageheading: PEEL'S ANXIETIES]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _3rd March 1846._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I hasten to thank you for a most dear and kind
letter of the 28th, which I received this morning. You know how I
love and esteem my dearest Louise; she is the dearest friend, after my
beloved Albert, I have.

I wish you could be here, and hope you will come here for a few days
during your stay, to see the innumerable alterations and improvements
which have taken place. My dearest Albert is so happy here, out all
day planting, directing, etc., and it is so good for him. It is a
relief to be away from all the bitterness which people create for
themselves in London. Peel has a very anxious and a very peculiar
position, and it is the force of circumstances and the great energy
he _alone possesses_ which will carry him through the Session. He
certainly acts a most disinterested part, for did he not feel (as
_every one_ who is fully acquainted with the _real state_ of the
country must feel) that the line he pursues is the _only right_ and
sound one for the welfare of this country, he never would have
exposed himself to all the annoyance and pain of being attacked by his
friends. He was, however, determined to have done this before the next
general election, but the alarming state of distress in Ireland forced
him to do it now. I must, however, leave him to explain to you fully
himself the peculiar circumstances of the present very irregular state
of affairs. His majority was _not_ a _certain_ one _last year_, for on
Maynooth, upwards of a _hundred_ of his followers voted against him.

The state of affairs in India is very serious. I am glad you do
justice to the bravery of our good people.




[Pageheading: DEATH OF SIR ROBERT SALE]


_Queen Victoria to Sir Henry Hardinge._

OSBORNE, _4th March 1846._

The Queen is anxious to seize the first opportunity of expressing to
Sir Henry Hardinge, her admiration of his conduct on the last most
trying occasion, and of the courage and gallantry of the officers and
men who had so severe a contest to endure.[4] Their conduct has been
in every way worthy of the British name, and both the Prince and Queen
are deeply impressed with it. The severe loss we have sustained in
so many brave officers and men is very painful, and must alloy the
satisfaction every one feels at the brilliant successes of our Arms.
Most deeply do we lament the death of Sir Robert Sale, Sir John
M'Caskill,[5] and Major Broadfoot,[6] and most deeply do we sympathise
with that high-minded woman, Lady Sale, who has had the misfortune
to lose her husband less than three years after she was released from
captivity and restored to him.

We are truly rejoiced to hear that Sir H. Hardinge's health has
not suffered, and that he and his brave son have been so mercifully
preserved. The Queen will look forward with great anxiety to the next
news from India.

    [Footnote 4: At Moodkee on 18th December, and Ferozeshah on
    21st and 22nd December.]

    [Footnote 5: Who had commanded a brigade under Pollock in the
    second Afghan campaign.]

    [Footnote 6: Major George Broadfoot, C.B., Political Agent on
    the north-western frontier.]




[Pageheading: THE PRINCE'S MEMORANDUM]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st April 1846._

I saw this day Sir R. Peel, and showed him a memorandum, which I had
drawn up respecting our conversation of the 30th.

It filled six sheets, and contained, as minutely as I could render
it, the whole of the arguments we had gone through. Sir Robert read
it through and over again, and, after a long pause, said: "I was not
aware when I spoke to your Royal Highness that my words would be taken
down, and don't acknowledge that this is a fair representation of my
opinion." He was visibly uneasy, and added, if he knew that what he
said should be committed to paper, he would speak differently, and
give his opinion with all the circumspection and reserve which a
Minister ought to employ when he gave responsible advice; but he had
in this instance spoken quite unreservedly, like an advocate defending
a point in debate, and then he had taken another and tried to carry
this as far as it would go, in order to give me an opportunity of
judging of the different bearings of the question. He did so often in
the Cabinet, when they discussed important questions, and was often
asked: "Well, then, you are quite against this measure?" "Not at
all, but I want that the counter argument should be gone into to the
fullest extent, in order that the Cabinet should not take a one-sided
view."

He viewed the existence of such a paper with much uneasiness, as it
might appear as if he had left this before going out of office in
order to prepossess the Queen against the measures, which her future
Minister might propose to her, and so lay secretly the foundation
of his fall. The existence of such a paper might cause great
embarrassment to the Queen; if she followed the advice of a Minister
who proposed measures hostile to the Irish Church, it might be said,
she knew what she undertook, for Sir R. Peel had warned her and left
on record the serious objections that attached to the measure.

I said that I felt it to be of the greatest importance to possess
his views on the question, but that I thought I would not have been
justified in keeping a record of our conversation without showing it
to him, and asking him whether I had rightly understood him; but if
he felt a moment's uneasiness about this memorandum, I would at once
destroy it, as I was anxious that nothing should prevent his
speaking without the slightest reserve to me in future as he had done
heretofore. I felt that these open discussions were of the greatest
use to me in my endeavour to investigate the different political
questions of the day and to form a conclusive opinion upon them.
As Sir Robert did not say a word to dissuade me, I took it as an
affirmative, and threw the memorandum into the fire, which, I could
see, relieved Sir Robert.

ALBERT.




_Mr Gladstone to Queen Victoria._

13 CARLTON HOUSE TERRACE, _1st April 1846._

Mr William Gladstone presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
prays that he may be honoured with your Majesty's permission to direct
that the Park and Tower Guns may be fired forthwith in celebration of
the victory which was achieved by your Majesty's forces over the Sikh
army in Sobraon on the 10th of February.[7]

    [Footnote 7: In September 1882 Mr Gladstone quoted this as
    a precedent for firing the Park Guns after the victory of
    Tel-el-Kebir. See _Life of Right Hon. Hugh C. E. Childers_, by
    Colonel Childers, C.B., R.E., vol. ii p. 127.]




_Queen Victoria to Sir Henry Hardinge._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _6th April 1846._

The Queen must write a line to Sir Henry Hardinge in order to express
her extreme satisfaction at the brilliant and happy termination of
our severe contest with the Sikhs, which he communicated to her in his
long and interesting letter of the 18th and 19th February. The
Queen much admires the skill and valour with which their difficult
operations have been conducted, and knows how much she owes to Sir
Henry Hardinge's exertions. The Queen hopes that he will see an
acknowledgment of this in the communication she has ordered to be made
to him relative to his elevation to the Peerage.

The Prince, who fully knows all the Queen's feelings on this glorious
occasion, wishes to be named to Sir Henry Hardinge.




[Pageheading: KING LOUIS PHILIPPE]


_The King of the French to Queen Victoria._

PARIS, _5 Mai 1846._

MADAME MA TRÈS CHÈRE S[OE]UR,--Quand le 1^er de Mai, au moment où
j'allais commencer les nombreuses et longues réceptions de mon jour
de fête, on m'a remis la lettre si gracieuse que votre Majesté a eu
l'aimable attention de m'écrire de manière à ce que je la reçoive ce
jour là, j'en ai été pénétré, et j'ai pensé tout de suite aux paroles
du Menuet d'Iphigénie comme exprimant le remercîment qu'à mon grand
regret, je ne pouvais que sentir, et non exprimer par écrit dans un
pareil moment. J'ai donc fait chercher tout de suite la partition de
ce menuet, et celles du Ch[oe]ur du même Opéra de Glück "_Chantons,
célébrons notre Reine!_" mais on n'a pu, ou pas su se les procurer, et
j'ai dû me contenter de les avoir arrangés pour le piano dans un
livre (pas même relié) qui a au moins pour excuse de contenir toute la
musique de cet Opéra. Je l'ai mis dans une grande enveloppe adressée
à votre Majesté et j'ai fait prier Lord Cowley de l'expédier par
le premier Courier qui pourrait s'en charger, comme Dépêche, afin
d'éviter ces postages dont Lord Liverpool m'a révélé l'étonnant usage.

Que vous dirai-je, Madame, sur tous les sentiments dont m'a pénétré
cette nouvelle marque d'amitié de votre part? Vous connaissez celle
que je vous porte, et combien elle est vive et sincère. J'espère
bien que l'année ne s'écoulera pas sans que j'aie été présenter mes
hommages à votre Majesté....

Tout ce que j'entends, tout ce que je recueille, me donne de plus en
plus l'espérance que la crise Parlementaire dans laquelle le Ministère
de votre Majesté se trouve engagé, se terminera, comme Elle sait
que je le désire vivement, c'est-à-dire que Sir Robert Peel, Lord
Aberdeen, etc., will hold fast, et qu'ils seront encore ses Ministres
quand j'aurai le bonheur de Lui faire ma Cour. Je vois avec plaisir
que ce v[oe]u est à peu près général en France, et qu'il se manifeste
de plus en plus....

Que votre Majesté me permette d'offrir ici au Prince Albert
l'expression de ma plus tendre amitié, et qu'elle veuille bien me
croire pour la vie, Madame ma très chère S[oe]ur, de votre Majesté, le
bon Frère et bien fidèle Ami,

LOUIS PHILIPPE, R.

J'ai volé ces feuilles de papier à ma bonne Reine pour échapper aux
reproches trop bien fondés que Lord Aberdeen a faits à la dernière
fourniture dont je me suis servi.




[Pageheading: IRISH CRIMES BILL]


_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._

HOUSE OF COMMONS, _12th June 1846._ (_Friday Night._)

Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave to
acquaint your Majesty that no progress has been made to-night with the
Irish Bill.[8]

On reading the order of the day Sir Robert Peel took that opportunity
of defending himself from the accusations[9] brought forward by
Lord George Bentinck and Mr Disraeli against Sir Robert Peel for
transactions that took place twenty years since. The debate on this
preliminary question lasted until nearly half-past eleven.

Like every unjust and malignant attack, this, according to Sir Robert
Peel's impressions, recoiled upon its authors.

He thinks the House was completely satisfied. Lord John Russell and
Lord Morpeth behaved very well.

The vindictive motive of the attack was apparent to all but a few
Protectionists.

    [Footnote 8: In consequence of a serious increase of crime in
    Ireland, a Coercion Bill had been introduced.]

    [Footnote 9: This refers to the Catholic Emancipation
    discussions of 1827, when Bentinck and Disraeli accused Peel
    of having hounded Canning to death.]




[Pageheading: ATTACK ON PEEL]


_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._

WHITEHALL, _22nd June 1846._

Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and assures
your Majesty that he is penetrated with a deep sense of your Majesty's
great kindness and your Majesty's generous sympathy with himself and
Lady Peel.

Sir Robert Peel firmly believes that the recent attack made upon him
was the result of a foul conspiracy concocted by Mr Disraeli and Lord
George Bentinck, in the hope and belief that from the lapse of time
or want of leisure in Sir Robert Peel to collect materials for his
defence, or the destruction of documents and papers, the means of
complete refutation might be wanting....

He hopes, however, he had sufficient proof to demonstrate the
falseness of the accusation, and the malignant motives of the
accusers.

He is deeply grateful to your Majesty and to the Prince for the kind
interest you have manifested during the progress of this arduous
struggle, which now he trusts is approaching to a successful
termination.




_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._

DOWNING STREET, _26th June 1846._ (_Two o'clock._)

Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave
to acquaint your Majesty that the members of the Government met in
Cabinet to-day at one.

Sir Robert Peel is just returned from this meeting.

He stated to the Cabinet that after the event of yesterday (the
rejection of the Irish Bill by so large a majority as 73) he felt
it to be his duty as head of the Government humbly to tender his
resignation of office to your Majesty. He added that, feeling no
assurance that the result of a Dissolution would be to give a majority
agreeing with the Government in general principles of policy, and
sufficient in amount to enable the Government to conduct the business
of the country with credit to themselves and satisfaction to your
Majesty and the public at large, he could not advise your Majesty to
dissolve the Parliament.

Sir Robert Peel said that, in his opinion, the Government generally
ought to resign, but his mind was made up as to his own course.

There was not a dissenting voice that it was the duty of the
Government to tender their resignation to your Majesty, and for the
reasons stated by Sir Robert Peel, not to advise dissolution. If Sir
Robert Peel does not receive your Majesty's commands to wait upon your
Majesty in the course of to-day, Sir Robert Peel will be at Osborne
about half-past three to-morrow.




[Pageheading: PEEL'S RESIGNATION]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

OSBORNE HOUSE, _28th June 1846._

Sir Robert Peel arrived yesterday evening and tendered his
resignation. He is evidently much relieved in quitting a post, the
labours and anxieties of which seem almost too much for anybody to
bear, and which in these last six months were particularly onerous.
In fact, he said that he would not have been able to stand it much
longer. Nothing, however, would have induced him to give way before
he had passed the Corn Bill and the Tariff.[10] The majority upon the
Irish Bill was much larger than any one had expected; Sir Robert was
glad of this, however, as it convinced his colleagues of the necessity
of resigning. He told them at the Cabinet that, as for himself
personally, he had made up his mind to resign, and on being asked
what he advised his Cabinet to do, he recommended them to do the
same, which received general concurrence. The last weeks had not been
without some intrigue. There was a party headed by Lord Ellenborough
and Lord Brougham, who wished Sir Robert and Sir James Graham to
retire, and for the rest of the Cabinet to reunite with the Protection
section of the Conservatives, and to carry on the Government. Lord
Ellenborough and Lord Brougham had in December last settled to head
the Protectionists, but this combination had been broken up by Lord
Ellenborough's acceptance of the post of First Lord of the Admiralty;
Lord Brougham then declared for free trade, perhaps in order to follow
Lord Ellenborough into office. The Duke of Wellington had been for
dissolution till he saw the complete disorganisation of his party
in the House of Lords. The Whigs, having been beat twice the evening
before by large majorities on the Roman Catholic Bill, had made every
exertion on the Coercion Bill, and the majority was still increased by
Sir Robert's advising the Free Traders and Radicals, who had intended
to stay away in order not to endanger Sir Robert's Government, not to
do so as they would not be able to save him. Seventy Protectionists
voted with the majority.

    [Footnote 10: By a remarkable coincidence the Corn Bill passed
    through the Lords on the same night that the Ministry were
    defeated in the Commons.]

Before leaving Town Sir R. Peel addressed a letter to Lord John
Russell, informing him that he was going to the Isle of Wight in order
to tender his and his colleagues' resignation to the Queen, that he
did not the least know what Her Majesty's intentions were, but that in
case she should send for Lord John, he (Sir Robert) was ready to see
Lord John (should he wish it), and give him any explanation as to
the state of public affairs and Parliamentary business which he could
desire. Sir Robert thought thereby, without in the least committing
the Queen, to indicate to Lord John that he had nothing to fear on his
part, and that, on the contrary, he could reckon upon his assistance
in starting the Queen's new Government. He hoped likewise that this
would tend to dispel a clamour for dissolution which the Whigs have
raised, alarmed by their defeats upon the Catholic Bill.

ALBERT.




[Pageheading: END OF THE OREGON DISPUTE]


_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._

HOUSE OF COMMONS, _29th June 1846._

Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave to
acquaint your Majesty that he has just concluded his speech notifying
to the House the resignation of the Government.

He thinks it was very well received.[11] Lord Palmerston spoke after
Sir Robert Peel, but not very effectively, but no other person spoke.
Sir Robert Peel is to see Lord John Russell at ten to-morrow morning.

Sir Robert Peel humbly congratulates your Majesty on the intelligence
received _this day_ from America. The defeat of the Government on
the day on which they carried the Corn Bill, and the receipt of the
intelligence from America[12] on the day on which they resign, are
singular coincidences.

    [Footnote 11: He expressed his hope to be remembered with
    goodwill "in the abodes of those whose lot it is to labour,
    and to earn their daily bread by the sweat of their brows,
    when they shall recruit their exhausted strength with abundant
    and untaxed food, the sweeter because no longer leavened with
    a sense of injustice."]

    [Footnote 12: The Convention for adjusting the dispute as to
    the Oregon boundary had been accepted by the United States
    Government.]




[Pageheading: PEEL'S TRIBUTE TO COBDEN]


_The Bishop of Oxford[13] to Mr Anson._

61 EATON PLACE, _29th June 1846._ (_Midnight._)

MY DEAR ANSON,--Your kind letter reached me half an hour ago whilst
Sir T. Acland was sitting with me; and I must say a few words in reply
by the early post. I went down to hear Peel in the House of Commons,
and very fine it was. The House crowded, Peers and Ambassadors filling
every seat and overflowing into the House. Soon after six all private
business was over; Peel not come in, all waiting, no one rose for
anything; for ten minutes this lasted: then Peel came in, walked up
the House: colder, dryer, more introverted than ever, yet to a close
gaze showing the fullest working of a smothered volcano of emotions.
He was out of breath with walking and sat down on the Treasury Bench
(placing a small despatch box with the Oregon despatches on the table)
as he would be fully himself before he rose. By-and-by he rose, amidst
a breathless silence, and made the speech you will have read long ere
this. It was very fine: very effective: really almost solemn: to fall
at such a moment. He spoke as if it was his last political scene: as
if he felt that between alienated friends and unwon foes he could
have no party again; and could only as a shrewd bystander observe and
advise others. There was but one point in the Speech which I thought
doubtful: the apostrophe to "Richard Cobden."[14] I think it was
wrong, though there is very much to be said for it. The opening of the
American peace was noble; but for the future, what have we to look to?
Already there are whispers of Palmerston and War; the Whig budget and
deficiency. The first great question all men ask is: does Lord John
come in, leaning on Radical or Conservative aid? Is Hawes to be in the
Cabinet? the first Dissenter? the first tradesman? the Irish Church? I
wish you were near enough to talk to, though even then you would know
too much that must not be known for a comfortable talk. But I shall
hope soon to see you; and am always, my dear Anson, very sincerely and
affectionately yours,

S. OXON.

    [Footnote 13: Dr S. Wilberforce.]

    [Footnote 14: "Sir, the name which ought to be, and which will
    be, associated with the success of these measures, is the name
    of a man who, acting, I believe, from pure and disinterested
    motives, has advocated their cause with untiring energy, and
    by appeals to reason, enforced by an eloquence the more to
    be admired because it was unaffected and unadorned--the
    name which ought to be and which will be associated with the
    success of these measures is the name of Richard Cobden."]




[Pageheading: THE NEW GOVERNMENT]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

OSBORNE HOUSE, _30th June 1846._

Lord John Russell arrived here this afternoon; he has seen Sir Robert
Peel this morning, and is prepared to undertake the formation of
a Government which he thinks will stand; at least, for the present
session he anticipates no difficulty, as Sir R. Peel has professed
himself ready not to obstruct its progress, and as the Protectionists
have held a meeting on Saturday at which Lord Stanley has declared
that he would let this Government go on smoothly unless the word
"Irish Church" was pronounced. About men and offices, Lord John has
consulted with Lord Lansdowne, Palmerston, Clarendon, and Cottenham,
who were of opinion that the Liberal members of Sir Robert's Cabinet
ought to be induced to retain office under Lord John, viz. Lord
Dalhousie, Lord Lincoln, and Mr Sidney Herbert. Sir Robert Peel at the
interview of this morning had stated to Lord John that he would not
consider it as an attempt to draw his supporters away from him (it not
being his intention to form a party), and that he would not dissuade
them from accepting the offer, but that he feared that they would not
accept. We concurred in this opinion, but Lord John was authorised
by Victoria to make the offer. Mr F. Baring, the Chancellor of the
Exchequer under the late Whig Government, has intimated to Lord John
that he would prefer if no offer of office was made to him; Lord John
would therefore recommend Mr Charles Wood for this office. Lord Grey
was still a difficulty; in or out of office he seemed to be made a
difficulty. It would be desirable to have him in the Cabinet if he
could waive his opinions upon the Irish Church. His speech in the
House of Lords[15] at the beginning of the session had done much harm,
had been very extreme, and Lord John was decidedly against him in
that. Lord Grey knew that everybody blamed it, but said everybody
would be of those (his) opinions ten years hence, and therefore he
might just as well hold them now. Mr Wood having great influence with
him might keep him quiet, and so would the Colonial seals, as he would
get work enough. About Lord Palmerston, he is satisfied, and would no
more make any difficulty.

    [Footnote 15: On the 23rd of March, in the course of a long
    speech on the state of Ireland, Earl Grey had contrasted the
    poverty of the Roman Catholic Church in that country with the
    affluence of the Establishment, diverted, as he said, by the
    superior power of England from its original objects; adding
    that the Protestant Church was regarded by the great mass of
    the Irish people as an active cause of oppression and misery.]

Lord John Russell told me in the evening that he had forgotten to
mention one subject to the Queen: it was that Sir Robert Peel by his
speech and his special mention of Mr Cobden as the person who had
carried the great measure, had made it very difficult for Lord John
not to offer office to Mr Cobden. The Whigs were already accused of
being exclusive, and reaping the harvest of other people's work. The
only thing he could offer would be a _Cabinet_ office. Now this would
affront a great many people whom he (Lord J.) had to conciliate, and
create even possibly dissension in his Cabinet. As Mr Cobden was going
on the Continent for a year, Lord John was advised by Lord Clarendon
to write to Mr C., and tell him that he had heard he was going
abroad, that he would not make any offer to him therefore, but that
he considered him as entitled once to be recommended for office to the
Queen. This he would do, with the Queen's permission....




[Pageheading: THE NEW MINISTRY]




_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._

OSBORNE, _1st July 1846._

The Queen returns these letters, with her best thanks. The settlement
of the Oregon question has given us the greatest satisfaction. It does
seem strange that at the moment of triumph the Government should
have to resign. The Queen read Sir Robert Peel's speech with great
admiration. The Queen seizes this opportunity (though she will see Sir
Robert again) of expressing her _deep_ concern at losing his services,
which she regrets as much for the Country as for herself and the
Prince. In whatever position Sir Robert Peel may be, we shall ever
look on him as a kind and true friend, and ever have the greatest
esteem and regard for him as a Minister and as a private individual.

The Queen will not say anything about what passed at Lord John
Russell's interview, as the Prince has already written to Sir Robert.
She does not think, however, that he mentioned the wish Lord John
expressed that Lord Liverpool should retain his office, which however
(much as we should personally like it) we think he would not do.

What does Sir Robert hear of the Protectionists, and what do his own
followers say to the state of affairs?




[Pageheading: WHIG JEALOUSIES]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _6th July 1846._

Yesterday the new Ministry were installed at a Privy Council, and the
Seals of Office transferred to them. We had a long conversation with
Sir Robert Peel, who took leave. I mentioned to him that his word
of "Richard Cobden" had created an immense sensation, but he was not
inclined to enter upon the subject. When we begged him to do nothing
which could widen the breach between him and his party, he said, "I
don't think that we can ever get together again." He repeated that he
was anxious not to undertake a Government again, that his health would
not stand it, that it was better likewise for the Queen's service
that other, younger men should be brought forward. Sir Robert, Lord
Aberdeen, and Sir James Graham parted with great emotion, and had
tears in their eyes when they thanked the Queen for her confidence
and support. Lord Aberdeen means to have an interview with Lord
Palmerston, and says that when he (Lord A.) came into office, Lord
Palmerston and the _Chronicle_ assailed him most bitterly as an
imbecile Minister, a traitor to his country, etc., etc. He means now
to show Lord P. the contrast by declaring his readiness to assist him
in every way he can by his advice, that he would at all times speak to
him as if he was his colleague if he wished it.

The new Court is nearly completed, and we have succeeded in obtaining
a very respectable and proper one, notwithstanding the run which
the Party made upon it which had been formerly used to settle these
matters, to _their_ liking only. The Government is not a united one,
however, by any means. Mr Wood and Lord Clarendon take the greatest
credit in having induced Lord Grey to join the Government,[16] and are
responsible to Lord John to keep him quiet, which they think they will
be able to do, as he had been convinced of the folly of his former
line of conduct. Still, they say Lord Lansdowne will have the lead
only nominally, that Lord Grey is to take it really in the House
of Lords. There is the _Grey Party_, consisting of Lord Grey, Lord
Clarendon, Sir George Grey, and Mr Wood; they are against Lord
Lansdowne, Lord Minto, Lord Auckland, and Sir John Hobhouse,
stigmatising them as old women. Lord John leans entirely to the
last-named gentlemen. There is no cordiality between Lord John and
Lord Palmerston, who, if he had to make a choice, would even forget
what passed in December last, and join the Grey Party in preference to
Lord John personally. The curious part of all this is that they
cannot keep a secret, and speak of all their differences. They got
the _Times_ over by giving it exclusive information, and the leading
articles are sent in and praise the new Cabinet, but the wicked paper
added immediately a furious attack upon Sir John Hobhouse, which
alarmed them so much that they sent to Sir John, sounding him, whether
he would be hereafter prepared to relinquish the Board of Control.
(This, however, is a mere personal matter of Mr Walter, who stood
against Sir John at Nottingham in 1841 and was unseated.) Sir John
Easthope, the proprietor of the _Morning Chronicle_, complains
bitterly of the subserviency to the _Times_ and treason to him. He
says he knows that the information was sent from Lord John's house,
and threatens revenge. "If you will be ruled by the _Times_," he
said to one of the Cabinet, "the _Times_ has shown you already by a
specimen that you will be ruled by a rod of iron."

    [Footnote 16: In spite of the opposition of the latter to
    Palmerston's re-appointment to the Foreign Office. See _ante_,
    p. 60.]

A Brevet for the Army and Navy is proposed, in order to satisfy Lord
Anglesey with the dignity of Field-Marshal.

ALBERT.

The Protectionists, 150 strong, including Peers and M.P.'s, are to
give a dinner to Lord Stanley at Greenwich, at which he is to announce
his opinions upon the line they are to take. Lord George Bentinck is
there to lay down the lead which the Party insisted upon. Who is to
follow him as their leader in the Commons nobody knows.




[Pageheading: A WEAK GOVERNMENT]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _7th July 1846._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have to thank you for your kind letter of the
3rd. It arrived yesterday, which was a very hard day for me. I had to
part with Sir R. Peel and Lord Aberdeen, who are irreparable losses
to us and the Country; they were both so much overcome that it quite
overset me, and we have in them two devoted friends. We felt so safe
with them. Never, during the five years that they were with me, did
they _ever_ recommend a _person_ or a thing which was not for my or
the Country's best, and never for the Party's advantage only; and the
contrast _now_ is very striking; there is much less respect and much
less high and pure feeling. Then the discretion of Peel, I believe, is
unexampled.

Stockmar has, I know, explained to you the state of affairs, which
is unexampled, and I think the present Government _very_ weak and
extremely disunited. What may appear to you as a mistake in November
was an inevitable evil. Aberdeen very truly explained it yesterday.
"We had ill luck," he said; "if it had not been for this famine in
Ireland, which rendered immediate measures necessary, Sir Robert would
have prepared them gradually for the change." Then, besides, the Corn
Law Agitation was such that if Peel had not wisely made this change
(for which the _whole_ Country blesses him), a convulsion would
shortly have taken place, and we should have been _forced_ to yield
what has been granted as a boon. No doubt the breaking up of the Party
(which _will_ come together again, whether under Peel or some one
else) is a very distressing thing. The only thing to be regretted, and
I do not know exactly _why_ he did it (though we _can_ guess), was his
praise of _Cobden_, which has shocked people a good deal.

But I can't tell you how sad I am to lose Aberdeen; you can't think
what a delightful companion he was; the breaking up of all this
intercourse during our journeys, etc., is deplorable.

We have contrived to get a _very_ respectable Court.

Albert's use to me, and I may say to the _Country_, by his firmness
and sagacity, is beyond all belief in these moments of trial.

We are all well, but I am, of course, a good deal overset by all these
tribulations.

Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

I was much touched to see Graham so very much overcome at taking leave
of us.




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S ANXIETY]


_Queen Victoria to Viscount Hardinge._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _8th July 1846._

The Queen thanks Lord Hardinge for his interesting communications.
Lord Hardinge will have learnt all that has taken place in the
Country; one of the most brilliant Governments this Country ever
had has fallen at the moment of victory! The Queen has now, besides
mourning over this event, the anxiety of having to see the Government
carried on as efficiently as possible, for the welfare of the Country.
The Queen would find a guarantee for the accomplishment of this
object in Lord Hardinge's consenting to continue at the head of the
Government of India, where great experiments have been made which
require unity of purpose and system to be carried out successfully.




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _10th July 1846._

... The Queen approves of the pensions proposed by Lord J. Russell,
though she cannot conceal from him that she thinks the one to Father
Mathew a doubtful proceeding. It is quite true that he has done much
good by preaching temperance, but by the aid of superstition, which
can hardly be patronised by the Crown.[17]

The Queen is sure that Lord John will like her at all times to speak
out her mind, and has, therefore, done so without reserve.

    [Footnote 17: The pension was, however, granted.]




[Pageheading: THE FRENCH ROYAL FAMILY]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _14th July 1846._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--We are very happily established here since
Thursday, and have beautiful weather for this truly enjoyable place;
we drive, walk, and sit out--and the nights are so fine. I long for
you to be here. It has quite restored my spirits, which were much
shaken by the sad leave-takings in London--of Sir R. Peel, Lord
Aberdeen, Lord Liverpool, etc. Lord L. could _not well_ have stayed.
Lord Aberdeen was very much overset.

The present Government is weak, and I think Lord J. does not possess
the talent of keeping his people together. Most people think,
however, that they will get through this Session; the only question of
difficulty is the _sugar_ question.

I think that the King of the French's visit is more than ever
desirable--now; for if he were to be shy of coming, it would prove
to the world that this _new_ Government was hostile, and the _entente
cordiale_ no longer sure. Pray impress this on the King--and I _hope_
and _beg_ he will let the dear Nemours pay us a little visit in
November. It would have the best effect, and be so pleasant, as we are
so dull in the winter all by ourselves. I hope that in future, when
the King and the Family are at _Eu_, some of them will frequently come
over to see us _here_. It would be so nice and _so near_.

Now adieu, dearest Uncle. I hope I shall _not_ have to _write_ to
you again, but have the happiness of _saying de vive voix_, that I am
ever, your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.




[Pageheading: THE SPANISH MARRIAGES]


_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

FOREIGN OFFICE, _16th July 1846._

... With regard to the marriage of the Queen of Spain, Viscount
Palmerston has received a good deal of general information from
persons who have conversed with him on the subject, but he has learnt
nothing thereupon which was not already known to your Majesty. The
state of that matter seems, in a few words, to be that the Count
of Trapani is now quite out of the question, that the Count of
Montemolin, though wished for by Austria, and in some degree supported
by the Court of the Tuileries, would be an impossible choice, and that
the alternative now lies between Don Enrique and the Prince Leopold
of Coburg, the two Queens being equally set against the Duke of Cadiz,
Don Enrique's elder brother. In favour of Prince Leopold seem to be
the two Queens, and a party (of what extent and influence does not
appear) in Spain. Against that Prince are arrayed, ostensibly at
least, the Court of the Tuileries and the Liberal Party in Spain; and
probably to a certain degree the Government of Austria.

In favour of Don Enrique are a very large portion of the Spanish
nation, who would prefer a Spanish prince for their Sovereign's
husband; and the preference, expressed only as an opinion and without
any acts in furtherance of it, by your Majesty's late Administration.
Against Don Enrique are the aversion of the Queen Mother, founded on
her family differences with her late sister, and the apprehensions of
the present Ministers in Spain, who would think their power endangered
by the political connection between Don Enrique and the more Liberal
Party. The sentiments of the King of the French in regard to Don
Enrique seem not very decided; but it appears likely that the King of
the French would prefer Count Montemolin or the Duke of Cadiz to Don
Enrique; but that he would prefer Don Enrique to the Prince Leopold of
Coburg, because the former would fall within the category of Bourbon
princes, descended from Philip the Fifth of Spain, proposed by the
King of the French as the limited circle within which the Queen of
Spain should find a husband.




_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

_16th July 1846._

The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's interesting letter, and is
very much satisfied with his parting conversation with Ibrahim
Pasha, which she conceives will not be lost upon him. The view Lord
Palmerston takes about the present position of the Spanish marriage
question appears to the Queen quite correct. She finds only one
omission, which is Queen Isabella's personal objection to Don Enrique,
and the danger which attaches to marriage with a Prince taken up by a
Political Party in Spain, which makes him the political enemy of the
opposite Party.[18]

The Queen thanks Lord Palmerston for his zeal about Portugal, which
is really in an alarming state.[19] She sends herewith the last letter
which she received from the King of Portugal. The Queen is sorry to
have lost the opportunity of seeing Marshal Saldanha.

    [Footnote 18: On the 18th of July Lord Palmerston wrote his
    celebrated despatch to Mr Bulwer, and unfortunately showed
    a copy of it to Jarnac, the French Ambassador in London. The
    mention of Prince Leopold in it, as a possible candidate for
    the Queen of Spain's hand, gave the French King and Minister
    the opportunity they wanted, and brought matters to a crisis.
    See _Life of the Prince Consort_, vol. i. chap. xvii.;
    Dalling's _Life of Lord Palmerston,_ vol. iii. chaps. vii. and
    viii.]

    [Footnote 19: Owing to the insurrection, a run took place on
    the Bank of Lisbon. The Ministry (in which Saldanha was War
    Minister) had some difficulty in raising a loan.]



[Pageheading: THE PREROGATIVE OF DISSOLUTION]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE HOUSE, _16th July 1846._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's communication of yesterday,
and sincerely hopes that Lord John's sugar measure[20] may be such
that the Committee of the Cabinet, as well as the whole Cabinet and
_Parliament_, may concur in it, which would save the country another
struggle this year. The Queen trusts, moreover, that late experience
and good sense may induce the West Indians to be moderate and
accommodating. As Lord John touches in his letter on the possibility
of a Dissolution, the Queen thinks it right to put Lord John in
possession of her views upon this subject _generally_. She considers
the power of dissolving Parliament a most valuable and powerful
instrument in the hands of the Crown, but which ought not to be used
except in extreme cases and with a certainty of success. To use this
instrument and be defeated is a thing most lowering to the Crown
and hurtful to the country. The Queen strongly feels that she made
a mistake in allowing the Dissolution in 1841; the result has been a
majority returned against her of nearly one hundred votes; but suppose
the result to have been nearly an equality of votes between the two
contending parties, the Queen would have thrown away her last remedy,
and it would have been impossible for her to get any Government which
could have carried on public business with a chance of success.

The Queen was glad therefore to see that Sir Robert Peel did not ask
for a Dissolution, and she _entirely concurs_ in the opinion expressed
by him in his last speech in the House of Commons, when he said:

"I feel strongly this, that no Administration is justified in advising
the exercise of that prerogative, unless there be a fair, reasonable
presumption, even a strong moral conviction, that after a Dissolution
they will be enabled to administer the affairs of this country through
the support of a party sufficiently powerful to carry their measures.
I do not think a Dissolution justifiable to strengthen a party. I
think the power of Dissolution is a great instrument in the hands of
the Crown, and that there is a tendency to blunt that instrument if it
be resorted to without necessity.

"The only ground for Dissolution would have been a strong presumption
that after a Dissolution we should have had a party powerful enough in
this House to give effect practically to the measures which we might
propose. I do not mean a support founded on a concurrence on _one
great question of domestic policy_, however important that may be, not
of those who differ from us on almost all questions of public policy,
agreeing with us in one; but that we should have the support of a
powerful party united by a general concurrence of political opinions."

The Queen is confident that these views will be in accordance with
Lord John Russell's own sentiments and opinions upon this subject.

    [Footnote 20: In pursuance of the policy of free trade, the
    Ministry introduced and passed a Bill reducing the duties
    on foreign slave-grown sugar, with the ultimate intention of
    equalising them with those on Colonial produce.]




[Pageheading: LORD MELBOURNE'S VIEWS]


_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _21st July 1846._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has just
received your Majesty's letter of yesterday, and is much delighted at
again hearing from your Majesty.

What your Majesty says of the state of public affairs and of parties
in Parliament is true. But in November last Sir Robert Peel had
a party which might have enabled him to have long carried on the
Government if he had not most unaccountably chosen himself to scatter
it to the winds.

Lord Melbourne is much gratified by the intimation that your Majesty
would not have been displeased or unwilling to see him again amongst
your confidential servants, but your Majesty acted most kindly and
most judiciously in not calling upon him in November last, and John
Russell has done the same in forbearing to make to Lord Melbourne any
offer at present. When Lord Melbourne was at Brocket Hall during
the Whitsuntide holidays he clearly foresaw that Sir Robert Peel's
Government must be very speedily dissolved; and upon considering the
state of his own health and feelings, he came to the determination,
which he communicated to Mr Ellice, who was with him, that he could
take no active part in the then speedily approaching crisis. He felt
himself quite unequal to the work, and also to that of either of the
Secretaries of State, or even of the more subordinate and less heavy
and responsible offices. He is very subject to have accesses of
weakness, which render him incapable for exertion, and deprive his
life of much of its enjoyment. They do not appear at present to hasten
its termination, but how soon they may do so it is impossible to
foretell or foresee.

Lord Melbourne hopes that he shall be able to wait upon your Majesty
on Saturday next, but he fears the weight of the full dress uniform.
He begs to be remembered to His Royal Highness.




[Pageheading: THE PRINCE AND PEEL]


_Sir Robert Peel to the Prince Albert._

DRAYTON MANOR, FAZELEY, _August 1846._

SIR,--I shall be very happy to avail myself of your Royal Highness's
kind permission occasionally to write to your Royal Highness. However
much I am enjoying the contrast between repose and official life,
I may say--I hope without presumption, I am sure with perfect
sincerity--that the total interruption of every sort of communication
with your Royal Highness would be a very severe penalty.

It was only yesterday that I was separating from the rest of my
correspondence all the letters which I had received from the Queen
and your Royal Highness during the long period of five years, in order
that I might ensure their exemption from the fate to which in these
days all letters seem to be destined, and I could not review them
without a mixed feeling of gratitude for the considerate indulgence
and kindness of which they contained such decisive proofs, and
of regret that such a source of constantly recurring interest and
pleasure was dried up.

I can act in conformity with your Royal Highness's gracious wishes,
and occasionally write to you, without saying a word of which the most
jealous or sensitive successor in the confidence of the Queen could
complain.... Your faithful and humble Servant,

ROBERT PEEL.




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _3rd August 1846._

The Queen has just seen Lord Bessborough, who presses very much for
her going to Ireland; she thinks it right to put Lord John Russell in
possession of her views on this subject.

It is a journey which must one day or other be undertaken, and which
the Queen would be glad to have accomplished, because it must be
disagreeable to her that people should speculate whether she _dare_
visit one part of her dominions. Much will depend on the proper
moment, for, after those speculations, it ought to succeed if
undertaken.

The Queen is anxious that when undertaken it should be a National
thing, and the good which it is to do must be a permanent and not a
transitory advantage to a particular Government, having the appearance
of a party move.

As this is not a journey of pleasure like the Queen's former ones, but
a State act, it will have to be done with a certain degree of State,
and ought to be done handsomely. It cannot be expected that the main
expense of it should fall upon the Civil List, nor would this be able
to bear it.




[Pageheading: CANADIAN AFFAIRS]


_The Prince Albert to Earl Grey._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _3rd August 1846._

MY DEAR LORD GREY,--The Queen wishes me to return you the enclosed
letter. The subject of the Government of Canada is one which the Queen
has much at heart. Canada has been for a long time, and may probably
_still_ be for the future, a source of great weakness to this Empire,
and a number of experiments have been tried. It was in a very bad
state before the Union, continually embarrassing the Home Government,
and the Union has by no means acted as a remedy, but it may be said
almost to have increased the difficulties. The only thing that has
hitherto proved beneficial was the prudent, consistent, and impartial
administration of Lord Metcalfe. Upon the continuance and consistent
application of the system which he has laid down and acted upon,
will depend, in the Queen's estimation, the future welfare of that
province, and the maintenance of proper relations with the mother
country. The Queen therefore is most anxious that in the appointment
of a new Governor-General (for which post she thinks Lord Elgin very
well qualified), regard should be had to securing an uninterrupted
development of Lord Metcalfe's views. The Queen thought it the more
her duty to make you acquainted with her sentiments upon this subject,
because she thinks that additional danger arises from the impressions
which the different agents of the different political parties in
Canada try to produce upon the Home Government and the imperial
Parliament, and from their desire to mix up Canadian _party_ politics
with general English _party_ politics.[21] Ever yours, etc.

ALBERT.

    [Footnote 21: In the event, Lord Elgin was appointed.]




_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _4th August 1846._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is
greatly obliged to your Majesty for your Majesty's communication
respecting a Royal visit to Ireland. He concurs in your Majesty's
observations on that subject. He is of opinion that if the visit
partook in any way of a party character, its effects would be
mischievous, and not beneficial.

He is also doubtful of the propriety of either incurring very large
expense on the part of the public, or of encouraging Irish proprietors
to lay out money in show and ceremony at a time when the accounts of
the potato crop exhibit the misery and distress of the people in an
aggravated shape.




[Pageheading: THE WELLINGTON STATUE]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

_7th August_ [_1846_].

With regard to the Statue[22] on the arch on Constitution Hill, the
Queen is of opinion that if she is considered individually she is
bound by her word, and must allow the Statue to go up, however bad the
appearance of it will be. If the constitutional fiction is applied to
the case, the Queen acts by the advice of her _responsible_ advisers.
One Government advised her to give her assent, another advises the
withdrawal of that assent. This latter position has been taken in Lord
Morpeth's former letter to the Committee, and in the debate in the
House of Commons; it must therefore now be adhered to, and whatever
is decided must be the act of the Government. It would accordingly
be better to keep the word "Government" at the conclusion of Lord
Morpeth's proposed letter, and that the Prince should not go to Town
to give an opinion upon the appearance of the figure, when up.

    [Footnote 22: The equestrian statue of the Duke of Wellington
    at Hyde Park Corner was much criticised at the time of its
    erection: it is now at Aldershot.]




_The Prince Albert to Viscount Palmerston._

[_9th August 1846._]

MY DEAR LORD PALMERSTON,--The Queen is much obliged for Lord Howard
de Walden's private letter to you, and begs you will never hesitate to
send her such private communications, however unreserved they may
be in their language, as our chief wish and aim is, by hearing all
parties, to arrive at a just, dispassionate, and correct opinion
upon the various political questions. This, however, entails a strict
scrutiny of what is brought before us....




[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND SPAIN]




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _17th August 1846._

The Queen has received a draft to Mr Bulwer from Lord Palmerston. The
perusal of it has raised some apprehensions in the Queen's mind,
which she stated to Lord Palmerston she would communicate to Lord John
Russell.

The draft lays down a general policy, which the Queen is afraid may
ultimately turn out very dangerous. It is this:

England undertakes to interfere in the internal affairs of Spain, and
to promote the development of the present constitutional Government of
Spain in a more democratic direction, and this for the avowed purpose
of counteracting the influence of France. England becomes therefore
_responsible_ for a particular direction given to the _internal_
Government of Spain, which to control she has no sufficient means. All
England can do, and will have to do, is: to keep up a particular party
in Spain to support her views.

France, knowing that this is directed against her, must take up the
opposite party and follow the opposite policy in Spanish affairs.

This must bring England and France to quarrels, of which we can hardly
foresee the consequences, and it dooms Spain to eternal convulsions
and reactions.

This has been the state of things before; theory and experience
therefore warn against the renewal of a similar policy.

The natural consequence of this is that Don Enrique would appear
as the desirable candidate for the Queen of Spain's hand, and Lord
Palmerston accordingly for the first time deviates from the line
hitherto followed by us, and _urges_ Don Enrique, which in the eyes of
the world must stamp him as "_an English Candidate_." Lord Palmerston,
from his wish to see him succeed, does, in the Queen's opinion, not
sufficiently acknowledge the obstacles which stand in the way of
this combination, and which all those who are on the spot and in the
confidence of the Court represent as almost insurmountable.

The Queen desires Lord John Russell to weigh all this most maturely,
and to let her know the result.




_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _19th August 1846._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to state that he has maturely considered, together with
Lord Palmerston, Lord Lansdowne, and Lord Clarendon, your Majesty's
observations on the draft sent by Lord Palmerston for your Majesty's
approbation.

Lord John Russell entirely concurs in your Majesty's wish that England
and France should not appear at Madrid as countenancing conflicting
parties. Lord John Russell did not attach this meaning to Lord
Palmerston's proposed despatch, but he has now re-written the draft in
such a manner as he trusts will obtain your Majesty's approval.

Lord John Russell will pay the utmost attention to this difficult and
delicate subject.




[Pageheading: THE SPANISH MARRIAGES]

[Pageheading: DON ENRIQUE]


_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

FOREIGN OFFICE, _19th August 1846._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
endeavoured to modify and rearrange his proposed instruction to Mr
Bulwer in deference to your Majesty's wishes and feelings as expressed
to Lord John Russell; and with this view also Viscount Palmerston has
divided the instruction into two separate despatches--the one treating
of the proposed marriage of the Queen, the other of the possible
marriage of the Infanta. But with regard to these new drafts, as well
as with regard to the former one, Viscount Palmerston would beg
to submit that they are not notes to be presented to any Foreign
Government, nor despatches to be in any way made public; but that they
are confidential instructions given to one of your Majesty's Ministers
abroad, upon matters upon which your Majesty's Government have been
urgently pressed, to enable that Minister to give advice; and Viscount
Palmerston would beg also to submit that in a case of this kind it
would not be enough to communicate drily the opinion of the British
Government, without stating and explaining some of the reasons upon
which those opinions are founded.

It is quite evident from Mr Bulwer's communication, and especially
from the postscript to his despatch of the 4th of this month, that
Queen Christina, the Duke of Rianzares, and Señor Isturitz, are
earnestly and intently bent upon marrying the Queen Isabella to Prince
Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, and it is very difficult to find conclusive
grounds for saying that such a match would not perhaps, on the whole,
be the best for Queen Isabella and the Spanish nation. But still, all
things considered, your Majesty's Government incline to the opinion
that a Spanish Prince would be a preferable choice, and they are
prepared to give that opinion to the Spanish Court.

There is however but one Spanish Prince whom it would be creditable
to the British Government to recommend as husband to the Queen, and to
that Prince Queen Christina is known to feel objections, principally
founded upon apprehensions bearing upon her own personal interests.
Viscount Palmerston has endeavoured to furnish Mr Bulwer with such
arguments in favour of Don Enrique as appeared likely to meet Queen
Christina's fears, and he has occasion to believe, from a conversation
which he had a few days ago with Count Jarnac, that the French
Government, impelled by the apprehension that your Majesty's
Government intend to support Prince Leopold of Coburg, would be
willing, in order to draw the British Government off from such a
course, to give at least an ostensible though perhaps not a very
earnest support to Don Henry. But your Majesty will no doubt at
once perceive that although the British Government may come to an
understanding with that of France as to which of the candidates shall
be the one in whose favour an opinion is to be expressed, it would be
impossible for the British Government to associate itself with that of
France in any joint step to be taken upon this matter, and that each
Government must act separately through its own agent at Madrid. For
the two Governments have not only different objects in view in these
matters, England wishing Spain to be independent, and France desiring
to establish a predominant influence in Spain; but moreover, in regard
to this marriage question, Great Britain has disclaimed any right to
interfere except by opinion and advice, while France has assumed
an authority of dictation, and it is essential that your Majesty's
Government should so shape the mode of co-operating with France as not
to appear to sanction pretensions which are founded in no right and
are inconsistent with justice.

Viscount Palmerston is by no means confident that the joint advice of
the British and French Governments in favour of Don Enrique will be
successful, and especially because he fears that M. Bresson has taken
so active a part in favour of other arrangements, that he will not be
very eager in support of Don Enrique, and will perhaps think that if
this arrangement can be rendered impossible the chances may become
greater in favour of some other arrangement which he and his
Government may prefer. But such future embarrassments must be dealt
with when they arise, and Viscount Palmerston submits that for the
moment, unless the British Government had been prepared to close with
the offers of the Duke of Rianzares, and to follow at once the course
recommended by Mr Bulwer, the steps suggested in the accompanying
drafts are the safest and the best.

Viscount Palmerston has great pleasure in submitting the accompanying
private letter from Mr Bulwer announcing the withdrawal of the Spanish
troops from the frontier of Portugal.




[Pageheading: THE DOUBLE BETROTHAL]


_Mr Bulwer to Viscount Palmerston._

MADRID, _29th August 1846._

MY LORD,--I have troubled your Lordship of late with many
communications....

I have now to announce to your Lordship that the Queen declared last
night at twelve o'clock that she had made up her mind in favour of
His Royal Highness Don Francisco de Asis.... Your Lordship is aware
under what circumstances Don Francisco was summoned here, the Court
having been, when I wrote on the 4th, most anxious to conclude a
marriage with Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, and only induced to
abandon this idea from the repeated intimations it received that it
could not be carried out....

The same night a Council was held of the Queen Mother's friends,
who determined to bring matters forthwith to a conclusion. Queen
Christina, I understand, spoke to her daughter and told her she
must choose one of two things, either marrying now, or deferring the
marriage for three or four years. That the Prince of Saxe-Coburg was
evidently impossible; that Count Trapani would be dangerous; that Don
Henry had placed himself in a position which rendered the alliance
with him out of the question, and that Her Majesty must either make up
her mind to marry her cousin Don Francisco de Asis, or to abandon for
some time the idea of marrying.

The Queen, I am told, took some little time to consider, and then
decided in favour of her cousin. The Ministers were called in, and the
drama was concluded....

H. L. BULWER.

_P.S._--I learn that directly the Queen had signified her intention
of marrying her cousin, Count Bresson formally asked the hand of the
Infanta for the Duke of Montpensier, stating that he had powers to
enter upon and conclude that affair, and the terms of the marriage
were then definitively settled between M. Isturitz and him.

H.L.B.




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S INDIGNATION]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

On Board the _Victoria and Albert_, FALMOUTH HARBOUR, _7th September
1846._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Though I have not heard from you for ages, you will
perhaps be glad to hear from us, and to hear that our trip has been
most successful. We left Osborne on the 2nd, at eight in the morning,
and reached Jersey at seven that evening. We landed at St Heliers the
next morning, and met with a most brilliant and enthusiastic reception
from the good people. The island is beautiful, and like an orchard.

The settlement of the Queen of Spain's marriage, _coupled with
Montpensier's_, is _infamous_, and we _must_ remonstrate. Guizot has
had the barefacedness to say to Lord Normanby that though _originally_
they said that Montpensier should _only_ marry the Infanta _when_ the
Queen _was married_ and _had children_, that Leopold's being named one
of the candidates had changed all, and that they must settle it now!
This is _too_ bad, for _we_ were so honest as _almost to prevent_
Leo's marriage (which _might_ have been, and which Lord Palmerston, as
matters now stand, regrets much did not take place), and the return is
this unfair _coupling_ of the _two_ marriages which have nothing, and
ought to have nothing, to do with one another. The King should know
that _we_ are extremely indignant, and that this conduct is _not_ the
way to keep up the _entente_ which _he_ wishes. It is done, moreover,
in such a _dishonest_ way. I must do Palmerston the credit to say that
he takes it very quietly, and will act very temperately about it.

I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

Vicky and Bertie enjoy their tour very much, and the people here are
delighted to see "the Duke of Cornwall."




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN OF THE FRENCH]


_The Queen of the French to Queen Victoria._

NEUILLY, _8 Septembre 1846._

MADAME,--Confiante dans cette précieuse amitié dont votre Majesté
nous a donné tant de preuves et dans l'aimable intérêt que vous avez
toujours témoigné à tous nos Enfants, je m'empresse de vous annoncer
la conclusion du mariage de notre fils Montpensier avec l'Infante
Louise Fernanda. Cet événement de famille nous comble de joie, parce
que nous espérons qu'il assurera le bonheur de notre fils chéri, et
que nous retrouverons dans l'Infante une fille de plus, aussi bonne
et aussi aimable que ses Aînées, et qui ajoutera à notre bonheur
intérieur, le seul vrai dans ce monde, et que vous, Madame, savez
si bien apprécier. Je vous demande d'avance votre amitié pour
notre nouvel Enfant, sûre qu'elle partagera tous les sentiments de
dévouement et d'affection de nous tous pour vous, pour le Prince
Albert, et pour toute votre chère Famille. Madame, de votre Majesté,
la toute dévouée S[oe]ur et Amie,

MARIE AMÉLIE.




_Queen Victoria to the Queen of the French._

OSBORNE, _10 Septembre 1846._

MADAME,--Je viens de recevoir la lettre de votre Majesté du 8 de ce
mois, et je m'empresse de vous en remercier. Vous vous souviendrez
peut-être de ce qui s'est passé à Eu entre le Roi et moi, vous
connaissez, Madame, l'importance que j'ai toujours attachée au
maintien de Notre Entente Cordiale et le zèle avec lequel j'y ai
travaillé, vous avez appris sans doute que nous nous sommes refusés
d'arranger le mariage entre la Reine d'Espagne et notre Cousin Léopold
(que les deux Reines avaient vivement désiré) dans le seul but de ne
pas nous éloigner d'une marche qui serait plus agréable à votre Roi,
quoique nous ne pouvions considérer cette marche comme la meilleure.
Vous pourrez donc aisément comprendre que l'annonce soudaine de ce
_double mariage_ ne pouvait nous causer que de la surprise et un bien
vif regret.

Je vous demande bien pardon de vous parler de politique dans ce
moment, mais j'aime pouvoir me dire que j'ai toujours été _sincère_
envers vous.

En vous priant de présenter mes hommages au Roi, je suis, Madame, de
votre Majesté, la toute dévouée S[oe]ur et Amie,

VICTORIA R.




[Pageheading: VIEWS OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT]


_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

CARLTON TERRACE, _12th September 1846._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
returns with many acknowledgments the accompanying letters which your
Majesty has been pleased to send him, and which he has thought your
Majesty would wish him also to communicate to Lord John Russell.

The letter of the Queen of the French seems to Viscount Palmerston to
look like a contrivance to draw your Majesty on to express, in
regard to the Montpensier marriage in its character as a domestic
arrangement, some sentiments or wishes which might be at variance
with the opinions which your Majesty might entertain regarding that
marriage in its political character and bearing. But your Majesty's
most judicious answer has defeated that intention, if any such
existed, and has stated in a firm, but at the same time in the
friendliest manner, the grounds of complaint against the conduct of
the French Government in this affair.

Viscount Palmerston had yesterday afternoon a very long conversation
with the Count de Jarnac upon these matters.

Viscount Palmerston said that with regard to the marriage of the Queen
of Spain, that was a matter as to which the British Government have
no political objection to make. They deeply regret that a young Queen
should have been compelled by moral force, and to serve the personal
and political interests of other persons, to accept for husband a
person whom she can neither like nor respect, and with whom her future
life will certainly be unhappy at home, even if it should not be
characterised by circumstances which would tend to lower her in the
estimation of her people. But these are matters which concern the
Queen and people of Spain more than the Government and people of
England. But that the projected marriage of the Duke of Montpensier is
a very different matter, and must have a political bearing that must
exercise a most unfortunate effect upon the relations between England
and France.




[Pageheading: THE SPANISH MARRIAGES]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _14th September 1846._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have to thank you for a most kind letter of the
31st from Basle, by which I was sorry to see that your journey had
been delayed, and that you were still not well.

We are, alas! sadly engrossed with this Spanish marriage, which,
though it does not threaten _war_ (for the English care very little
about the Spanish marriages) threatens complications. Albert has told
you all that passed between the dear Queen and me, and the very absurd
ground on which the French make their stand. The details of the story
are very bad--and I grieve to say that the good King, etc., have
behaved _very dishonestly_.

We have protested, and mean to protest very strongly, against
Montpensier's marriage with the Infanta, _as long as she is
presumptive heiress to the Throne of Spain_. The King departs from his
principle, for _he insisted_ on a _Bourbon_, _because_ he declared he
would _not_ marry one of his sons to the Queen; and now he effects the
Queen's marriage with the worst Bourbon she could have, and marries
his son to the Infanta, who in all probability will become Queen!
It is very bad. Certainly at Madrid [Palmerston] mismanaged it--as
Stockmar says--by forcing Don Enrique, in spite of all Bulwer could
say. If our dear Aberdeen was still at his post, the whole thing would
not have happened; for he would _not_ have forced Enriquito (which
enraged Christine), and secondly, Guizot would not have _escamoté_
Aberdeen with the wish of triumphing over him as he has done over
Palmerston, who has behaved most openly and fairly towards France, I
must say, in this affair. But say what one will, it is _he again_ who
_indirectly_ gets us into a squabble with France! And it is such a
personal sort of a quarrel, which pains and grieves me so; and I pity
the poor good Piat,[23] whom we are very fond of. One thing, however,
I feel, that in opposing this marriage, we are not really affecting
his happiness, for he has never seen the Infanta--and she is a child
of fourteen, and not pretty. The little Queen I pity so much, for
the poor child dislikes her cousin, and she is said to have consented
_against her will_. We shall see if she really does marry him.
Altogether, it is most annoying, and must ruffle our happy intercourse
with the French family for a time at least.

I was obliged to write very strongly and openly to poor dear Louise
too. You may rely upon nothing being done rashly or intemperately on
our part. Lord Palmerston is quite ready to be guided by us. In haste,
ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

We go into our new house to-day.

    [Footnote 23: A name by which the Duc de Montpensier was
    sometimes called in the family circle.]




_Baron Stockmar to Queen Victoria._

_18th September 1846._

Baron Stockmar has been honoured with your Majesty's kind note of the
17th instant. The very day the Baron heard of the Spanish news, he
wrote to a man at Paris, whom the King sees as often as he presents
himself at the palace. In this letter the Baron stated _fairly and
moderately but without palliation_ in what light M. Bresson's conduct
must necessarily appear _in London_, and what very naturally and most
probably _must be the political consequences of such conduct_.

The Baron's statement was read to the King, word for word, the very
evening it reached Paris.

His Majesty listened to it most attentively, and said after some
pause: "Notwithstanding all this, the marriage will take place. I
don't consider Montpensier's marriage an affair between nations, and
the English people, in particular, care very little about it; it is
much more a private affair between myself and the English Secretary,
Lord Palmerston, _and as such_ it will not bring on important
political consequences."




[Pageheading: LETTER TO QUEEN LOUISE]


_Queen Victoria to the Queen of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _18 Septembre 1846._

MA BIEN CHÈRE LOUISE,--Je te remercie pour ton retour de franchise;
je ne désire pas que cette controverse entre de plus dans notre
correspondance privée, comme elle est le sujet et le sera je crains
encore davantage de discussion politique. Je veux seulement dire qu'il
est _impossible_ de donner à cette affaire le cachet d'une simple
affaire de famille; l'attitude prise à Paris sur cette affaire de
mariage dès le commencement était une fort étrange; il fallait toute
la discrétion de Lord Aberdeen pour qu'elle n'amenât un éclat plutôt;
mais ce dénouement, si contraire à la parole du Roi, qu'il m'a donnée
lors de cette dernière visite à Eu _spontanément_, en ajoutant à la
complication, pour la _première fois_, celle du projet de mariage de
Montpensier, aura mauvaise mine devant toute l'Europe.

Rien de plus pénible n'aurait pu arriver que toute cette dispute qui
prend un caractère si personnel....

VICTORIA R.




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S INDIGNATION]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _21st September 1846._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have to thank you very much for your very kind
letter of the 5th from Zurich. It is very unfortunate that you should
be so far off at this moment. Since I wrote to you we have decided to
remonstrate both at Madrid (this went a week ago), and at Paris, but
this last not in a formal note but in a despatch to Lord Normanby,
against this very unjustifiable breach of faith on the part of France.
We have seen these despatches, which are very firm, but written in a
very proper and kind tone, exposing at the same time the fallacy
of what has been done; for the King himself declared that he would
_never_ let _one of his sons marry_ the Queen, he _insisted_ on her
marrying a descendant of Philip V. This has been done, and at the same
moment he says his _son_ is to marry the _Infanta_, who may _become
Queen to-morrow!_And to all this he says, "C'est seulement une
affaire de famille"! The King is very fond of England, and still more
of peace, and he never _can_ sacrifice this (for though it would
not be immediate war it would cause coolness with us and with other
Powers, and would probably lead to war in a short time), for a
breach of faith and _for one of his sons'_ marriages. No quarrel or
misunderstanding in the world _could be more disagreeable_ and to me
_more cruelly painful_, for it is _so personal_, and has come into
the midst of all our communications and correspondence, and is too
annoying. It is so sad, too, for dear Louise, to whom one cannot say
that her father has behaved dishonestly. I hope, however, another ten
days will show us some _daylight_. I will not mention anything about
Leopold's[24] answer, as Albert will, I doubt not, write to you all
about it. It is very satisfactory, however.

We are since this day week in our charming new house, which is
delightful, and to-morrow we go, alas! to Windsor, where we expect the
Queen-Dowager and the Princess of Prussia, who will remain a week with
us. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

I received this afternoon your kind letter from Gais of the 12th. One
word more I must just add. No doubt if Lord Aberdeen had been at his
post what has happened would _not_ have taken place, and suspicion of
Lord Palmerston _has_ been the cause of the _unjustifiable_ conduct of
the French Government. But just as they _did_ suspect him, they should
have been more cautious to do anything which could bring on a quarrel,
which is surely not what the King can wish.

    [Footnote 24: Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg.]




[Pageheading: THE PRINCESS OF PRUSSIA]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _29th September 1846._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I received last week your very kind and
_satisfactory_ letter of the 16th. Your opinion on this truly
unfortunate and, on the part of the French, disgraceful affair is a
great support to us. Stockmar has, I know, communicated to you what
has passed, and he will send you copies of the King's letter and my
answer. Our conduct has been throughout _honest_, and the King's and
Guizot's the contrary. _How_ the King _can_ wantonly throw away the
friendship of one who has stood by him with such sincere affection,
for a _doubtful_ object of personal and family aggrandizement, is to
me and to the whole country inexplicable. Have _confidence_ in _him_ I
fear I never can again, and Peel, who is here on a visit, says a
_war may_ arise any moment, _once_ that the good understanding is
disturbed; think, then, that the King has done this in his 74th
year, and leaves this inheritance to his successor; and to whom--to
a _Grandchild_, and a _Minor!_And for Nemours and Paris, _our_
friendship is of the greatest importance, and yet he prefers the
troubles of governing Spain, which will be a source of constant worry
and anxiety, to the happy understanding so happily existing between
our two countries! I cannot comprehend him. Guizot behaves shamefully,
and so totally without good faith. Our protests have been presented. I
feel more than ever the loss of our valuable Peel.

I wish, dearest Uncle, you would not go to Paris at all at present.

The Queen-Dowager and the Princess of Prussia[25] have left us this
morning after a week's stay, and I have been delighted with the
Princess. I find her so clever, so amiable, so well informed, and so
good; she seems to have some enemies, for there are whispers of
her being _false_; but from all that I have seen of her--from her
discretion, her friendship through thick and thin, and to her own
detriment, for Hélène, and for the Queen-Dowager who has known her
from her birth, I _cannot_ and will not believe it. Her position is
a very difficult one; she is too enlightened and liberal for the
Prussian Court not to have enemies; but _I believe_ that she is a
friend to us and our family, and I do believe that _I_ have a friend
in her, who may be most useful to us. I must conclude, envying your
being in Tyrol. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 25: Marie Louise Augusta, daughter of the Grand
    Duke Charles of Saxe-Weimar, subsequently Empress of Germany,
    mother of Prince Frederick William, afterwards the Emperor
    Frederick, who in 1858 married the Princess Royal.]




[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND THE THREE POWERS]


_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _1st October 1846._

The Queen wishes to express her approval of the step taken by Lord
Palmerston in urging the Three Northern Powers to join in the protest
against the Montpensier marriage on the ground of the Treaty of
Utrecht and the Declaration of Philip V. She thinks, however, that it
is necessary to do more, and wishes Lord Palmerston should send a note
to the Cabinets of the three Powers, explanatory of the whole of the
proceedings relative to the Spanish marriages, showing the attitude
taken by us from the first, and disclosing the facts which led to this
unfortunate termination. The three Powers ought to be enabled to see
the whole of the transaction if we wish them to sympathise with us.




_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

_1st October 1846._

Lord John Russell saw Count Jarnac to-day, and told him that your
Majesty's displeasure had not been removed. He had in his hands a
memorandum, which is apparently word for word the letter of the King
of the French to the Queen of the Belgians.[26]

Lord John Russell observed that it was admitted that the Duke of
Montpensier was not to marry the Infanta till the Queen of Spain had
children, and that voluntary engagement had been departed from. We
might expect the same departure from the professions now made not to
interfere in the affairs of Spain.

Count Jarnac protested against this inference, and repeated that the
promise with regard to the Infanta was only conditional.

Lord John Russell expects that in consequence of the remonstrances of
England, and the attention of Europe to the question, France will be
cautious in her interference with the internal government of Spain,
and may probably not be able to direct her external policy.

M. Bresson has written a long letter to Lord Minto, defending his own
conduct.

    [Footnote 26: See Louis Philippe's long letter of the 14th of
    September, printed in the _Life of the Prince Consort_, vol.
    i. Appendix B. Queen Victoria's complete and unanswerable
    reply will be found there also.]




[Pageheading: THE SPANISH MARRIAGES]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _6th October 1846._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I thank you very much for your last kind letter
from Gais of the 23rd. This unfortunate Spanish affair has gone on,
heedlessly--and our _entente wantonly_ thrown away! I mourn over it,
and feel deeply the ingratitude shown; for--without boasting--I must
say they never had a _truer_ friend than we; and one who _always_
stood by them. When Hadjy wrote that foolish _brochure_, who stood
by him through thick and thin, but we? and our friendship for the
children will ever continue, but how can we _ever_ feel at our ease
with L. P. again? Guizot's conduct is beyond _all_ belief shameful,
and so _shabbily_ dishonest. Molé and Thiers both say he cannot stand.
It is the King's birthday to-day, but I thought it better _not_
to write to him, for to say _fine words_ at _this_ moment would be
mockery. For my beloved Louise my heart bleeds; it is _so_ sad....

I must now conclude. Begging you to believe me, ever your devoted
Niece,

VICTORIA R.




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _17th November 1846._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I yesterday received your long and interesting
letter of the 14th. I would much rather not say anything more about
this truly unfortunate and painful Spanish business; but in justice to
myself I must make a few observations. You say that the King thinks
me _resentful_; this is extraordinary, for I have no such feeling; my
feelings were and are _deeply_ wounded at the unhandsome and secret
manner (so totally, in _letter_ and _in meaning_, contrary to an
_entente cordiale_) in which this affair was settled, and in which the
two marriages were incorporated.

What can I do?

The King and French Government never _expressed regret_ at the sudden
and _unhandsome_ manner, to say the _least_, in which they behaved to
their _best ally_ and _friend_, and _we_ really _cannot admit_ that
_they have to forgive us for duping us!_Why have they not tried to
make _some_ sort of apology? What do I do, but remain silent _for the
present_?

It is a sad affair, but _resentment_ I have none whatever, and this
accusation is a new version of the affair.

With respect to Portugal, I refute most positively the unfounded
accusations against us; we _cannot_ interfere in internal dissensions
beyond ensuring the personal safety of the King, Queen, and Royal
Family. The Constitution may be, and I believe is, an unfortunate
thing in those Southern countries; but once it is established, the
Queen must abide by it; but, unfortunately, the _coup de main_ in
sending away Palmella's Government (which would inevitably have
crumbled to pieces of itself), was both unconstitutional and unsafe,
and I fear they are in a much worse position _vis-à-vis_ of the
country than they ever were.[27]

We are all going to-morrow to Osborne for four weeks. Ever your truly
devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 27: The Duke de Palmella's Ministry was abruptly
    dismissed by the Queen of Portugal on the 10th of October, in
    consequence of their inability to raise money on loan. Civil
    war broke out, Das Antas, Loulé, Fornos, and Sà da Bandeira
    being the chief rebel leaders. The British Fleet was ordered
    to the Tagus to support the Queen against her subjects, with
    the ulterior object of restoring Constitutional Government.]




[Pageheading: ETON MONTEM]


_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

DOWNING STREET, _19th November 1846._

... Lord John Russell breakfasted with Dr Hawtrey yesterday, and had
much conversation with him. He finds Dr Hawtrey strongly impressed
with the evils of Montem, and he declared himself as decidedly against
its continuance. He thinks your Majesty would please the Etonians
equally by going to the boats once a year, which he said the late King
was in the habit of doing. The Chancellor of the Exchequer,[28] who
was at Eton, wishes to see Montem abolished. Lord Morpeth would prefer
seeing it regulated. Upon the whole, Lord John Russell thinks it would
not be advisable for your Majesty to interpose your authority
against the decided opinion of Dr Hawtrey, the Provost, and the
assistants.[29]

    [Footnote 28: Mr (who a few weeks later became Sir) Charles
    Wood.]

    [Footnote 29: Montem, the triennial Eton ceremony, the chief
    part of which took place at Salt Hill (_ad montem_), near
    Slough, was abolished in 1847.]




[Pageheading: A PENINSULAR MEDAL]


_Queen Victoria to the Duke of Wellington._

OSBORNE, _25th November 1846._

The Queen has learned from various quarters that there still exists a
great anxiety amongst the officers and men who served under the Duke
of Wellington's orders in the Peninsula to receive and wear a medal as
a testimony that they assisted the Duke in his great undertaking. The
Queen not only thinks this wish very reasonable, considering that for
recent exploits of infinitely inferior importance such distinctions
have been granted by her, but she would feel personally a great
satisfaction in being enabled publicly to mark in this way her sense
of the great services the Duke of Wellington has rendered to his
country and to empower many a brave soldier to wear this token in
remembrance of the Duke.




[Pageheading: THE DUKE'S VIEW]


_The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria._

STRATHFIELDSAYE, _27th November 1846._

Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble duty to your
Majesty.

He has just now received your Majesty's most gracious commands from
Osborne, dated the 26th instant.

He does not doubt that many of the brave officers and soldiers who
served in the armies in the Peninsula under the command of the Duke
are anxious to receive and wear a medal, struck by command of the
Sovereign, to commemorate the services performed in that seat of the
late war.

Many of them have, upon more than one occasion, expressed such
desire, in their letters addressed to the Duke, in their petitions
to Parliament, and, as the Duke has reason to believe, in petitions
presented to your Majesty.

Although the Duke has never omitted to avail himself of every occasion
which offered to express his deep sense of the meritorious services of
the officers and soldiers of the Army which served in the Peninsula,
he did not consider it his duty to suggest to the Sovereign, under
whose auspices, or the Minister under whose direction the services in
question were performed, any particular mode in which those services
of the Army should be recognised by the State.

Neither has he considered it his duty to submit such suggestion since
the period at which the services were performed, bearing in mind the
various important considerations which must have an influence upon
the decision on such a question, which it was and is the duty of your
Majesty's confidential servants alone to take into consideration, and
to decide.

Neither can the Duke of Wellington now venture to submit to your
Majesty his sense of a comparison of the services of the Army which
served in the Peninsula, with those of other armies in other parts of
the world, whose recent services your Majesty has been most graciously
pleased to recognise by ordering that medals should be struck, to
commemorate each of such services, one of which to be delivered to
each officer and soldier present, which your Majesty was graciously
pleased to permit him to wear.

Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington humbly solicits your Majesty,
in grateful submission to your Majesty upon the subject of the last
paragraph of your Majesty's most gracious letter, that, considering
the favour with which his services were received and rewarded by the
gracious Sovereign, under whose auspices they were performed; the
professional rank and the dignity in the State to which he was raised,
and the favour with which his services were then and have been ever
since received, that your Majesty would be graciously pleased to
consider upon this occasion only the well-founded claims upon your
Majesty's attention of the officers and soldiers who served in the
Army in the Peninsula; and to consider him, as he considers himself,
amply rewarded for any service which he might have been instrumental
in rendering; and desirous only of opportunities of manifesting his
gratitude for the favour and honour with which he has been treated by
his Sovereign.

All of which is humbly submitted to your Majesty by your Majesty's
most dutiful and devoted Servant and Subject,

WELLINGTON.




_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _28th November 1846._

The Queen has just received Lord Palmerston's draft to Mr
Southern,[30] and must observe that she does not quite approve the
tone of it, as it will be likely only to irritate without producing
any effect. If our advice is to be taken, it must be given in a spirit
of impartiality and fairness. Lord Palmerston's despatch must give
the impression that we entirely espouse the cause of the rebels, whose
conduct is, to say the least, illegal and very reprehensible. Lord
Palmerston likewise takes the nation and the Opposition to be one and
the same thing. What we must insist upon is a return to Constitutional
Government. And what we may advise is a compromise with the
Opposition. What Ministry is to be formed ought to be left to the
Portuguese themselves. It being the 28th to-day, the Queen is afraid
the despatch went already yesterday. The Queen hopes in future that
Lord Palmerston will not put it out of her power to state her opinion
in good time.

[Footnote 30: Secretary of Legation at Lisbon, and Chargé d'Affaires
in the absence of Lord Howard de Walden.]




[Pageheading: THE PENINSULAR MEDAL]


_Queen Victoria to the Duke of Wellington._

ARUNDEL CASTLE, _1st December 1846._

The Queen has not yet acknowledged the Duke of Wellington's last
letter.

She fully appreciates the delicacy of the Duke in not wishing to
propose himself a step having reference to his own achievements, but
the Queen will not on that account forgo the satisfaction of granting
this medal as an acknowledgment on her part of those brilliant
achievements.

The Queen has been assured by Lord John Russell that her confidential
servants will be ready to assume the responsibility of advising such a
measure.




_The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria._

ARUNDEL CASTLE, _2nd December 1846._ (_Morning._)

Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble duty to your
Majesty. He did not receive your Majesty's commands, dated the 1st
instant, in this Castle, till seven o'clock in the afternoon; and
being under the necessity of attending at [? Dover] in the evening,
he has not had it in his power till this time to express his
acknowledgment of the receipt of them.

He submits to your Majesty that he has always been aware that it would
be impolitic to confer upon the officers and soldiers who served in
the Peninsula the wished-for distinction without the concurrence of
your Majesty's confidential servants.

They alone can give the orders to carry into execution the measure,
and can adopt means to remedy any inconvenience which may result from
it; and it is satisfactory to him to learn, from the perusal of
your Majesty's note, that Lord John Russell is disposed to adopt it,
notwithstanding that the Duke has no personal wish or feeling in the
adoption of the measure, excepting to see gratified the wishes of so
many gallant officers and brave soldiers, who have so well served.

The few words which he addressed to your Majesty in his last letter
of the 27th of November in relation to himself, referred to the
expressions in that of your Majesty of the 26th November, to the Duke;
from which it appeared to be your Majesty's intention "to empower many
a brave soldier to wear this token, in remembrance of the Duke."

Having stated to your Majesty that he would serve your Majesty, and
would promote the objects of your Majesty's Government, to the utmost
of his power, he has faithfully performed his engagement, as he
believes, to the satisfaction of your Majesty's servants.

His whole life being devoted to your Majesty's service, he is most
anxious to deserve and receive your Majesty's approbation.

But he wishes that it should be conveyed only when it may be
convenient to your Majesty's Government. Your Majesty and your
Majesty's servants must be the best judges upon this point, as well
as whether the medal in question shall be struck and granted at all or
not.

If granted, or whatever may be the mode in which granted, or whether
the Duke's name is recalled to recollection or not, the Duke will be
equally satisfied, and grateful for your Majesty's gracious favour,
and desirous to merit a continuance of it, by his devotion to your
Majesty's service.

All of which is humbly submitted by your Majesty's most dutiful
Subject and most devoted Servant,

WELLINGTON.




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S DECISION]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _14th December 1846._

The Queen has still to acknowledge Lord John Russell's letter of the
11th. She has carefully read the Duke of Wellington's letter to Lord
John, which evinces all the Duke's honourable feelings. He should
certainly be relieved from the appearance of having refused honours to
others, but agreed to the granting of them the moment it was intended
to couple the measure with an honour conferred upon himself. On the
other hand, the Queen still wishes the step to be taken as a means
of doing honour to the Duke. His name should, therefore, certainly be
connected with it. The introduction of the names of other commanders,
even of that of Sir John Moore, the Queen does not think advisable.
She does not quite understand from Lord John's letter whether he
proposes to adopt the Duke's recommendation to _re_-issue all the
medals formerly granted, or to adhere to the original idea of striking
a new one. In the latter case, which appears the most natural, the
word "Peninsula" would cover all the campaigns, and in these the Duke
of Wellington had by far so much the greatest share that his
name being introduced on _all_ the medals cannot be considered as
anomalous.




[Pageheading: CRACOW]


_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _14th December 1846._

The Queen returns the enclosed private letters.[31] The view Lord
Palmerston takes of the affair of Cracow appears to the Queen a very
sound one, and she would much wish to see the plan of a conference
realised against which Lord Ponsonby does not bring any very relevant
reasons. Prince Metternich's plan of a declaration "that the case is
to be considered an exceptional one and not to afford a precedent to
other powers" is too absurd. The Prince very justly compared it to the
case of a person giving another a box on the ear and declaring at the
same time that he is to consider it as exceptional, and that it is in
no way to afford him a precedent for returning it. The Queen hopes the
Cabinet will well consider the question, and contrive to find means to
prevent the evil consequences of the unjustifiable step against Cracow
by speaking out in time, before Russia or France may have decided on
acts of further infraction of the Treaty of Vienna. It seems quite
clear that Russia was at the bottom of the measure relative to Cracow,
and it is therefore but reasonable to expect that she has an ulterior
object in view.

    [Footnote 31: The first ill fruits of the disruption of the
    _entente_ between England and France were seen in the active
    co-operation of Russia, Prussia, and Austria to destroy Polish
    independence. See _ante_, p. 72.]




INTRODUCTORY NOTE

TO CHAPTER XVI

During the year 1847 the Parliament which had been elected in 1841
with a great Tory majority was dissolved, and, as a result, the
position of the Whig Ministry was slightly improved; but they were
still dependent on the support of Sir Robert Peel. A Factory Act
limiting the labour of women and children to ten hours a day was
passed. An autumn session was rendered necessary by an acute financial
crisis, the Ministry having authorised the Bank of England to infringe
the provisions of the recent Bank Charter Act, and as a consequence
being compelled to ask Parliament for an indemnity. The knowledge of
the Bank's authority to issue notes beyond the prescribed limits was
of itself sufficient to allay the panic. The Church of England was
convulsed by the promotion of Dr Hampden, whom Lord Melbourne had made
Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford, to the See of Hereford; his
orthodoxy was impugned in a memorial presented by thirteen bishops to
the Prime Minister, and an unsuccessful application was made to the
Queen's Bench (the Court being divided in opinion) to compel the
Primate to hear objections to Dr Hampden's consecration. The new House
of Lords was used for the first time this year.

Perhaps the most important event in France was the cold-blooded murder
of the Duchesse de Praslin (daughter of Count Sebastiani, formerly
French Ambassador in England) by her husband, an incident which, like
the Spanish intrigue of 1846, contributed subsequently to the downfall
of the Orleanist dynasty.

Switzerland was torn by internecine strife, partly owing to the
existence, side by side, of Catholic and Protestant cantons; the
proposed expulsion of Jesuits and the formation of the "Sonderbund"
were the questions of the day. The latter was an offensive and
defensive confederation of seven cantons, and civil war raged round
the question of its legality.

In Italy the death of Pope Gregory XVI. and the election of a more
liberal successor induced Lord John Russell to send his father-in-law,
Lord Minto, the Lord Privy Seal, on a special mission to the new Pope
Pius IX., to encourage him in the path of Reform. But more violent
measures were in progress, and it was soon clear that Lombardy and
Venetia were rising against Austria, and the way being paved for the
Unity of Italy.

Spain was in a ferment, frequent changes of Ministry taking place,
and the miserable marriage of the Queen having all the evil results
anticipated in England. Portugal continued in a state of civil war,
the British attempting to mediate, but the revolutionary Junta refused
to abide by their terms, and ultimately armed intervention became
necessary.




CHAPTER XVI

1847


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _7th January 1847._

The turn which the Portuguese affairs are now likely to take is really
very satisfactory. The Queen is sure that the Court will not allow
violent measures of revenge to be taken against the vanquished party
nor the overthrow of a Constitutional Government; but the Queen of
Portugal will have to punish those who have broken their oath of
allegiance, and will have to remove from the country those who would
infallibly ere long plunge the country afresh into those _horrors_
from which it is just emerging. The further infusion of democracy
into the Charter would at this moment be quite misplaced, but this
opportunity should be taken by the Queen of Portugal to _establish_ a
_state_ of _legality_ and _security_, by compelling any new Ministry
to lay the accounts every year before the Cortes (which has not been
done for the last ten years, either by Progressistas, Septembristas,
or others), by establishing irremovable judges, and appointing thereto
incorruptible persons, by _honestly and fairly_ distributing the
patronage in the Army--apart from the party--which will now be
possible as the King has the command himself, and by adopting such
measures of _internal_ improvement as will promote the _material_
welfare of the people.

_These_ are the principles which the Queen would wish to see _her_
representative urge upon the Portuguese Court and Government, and
she has no doubt that they are in perfect conformity with Lord John
Russell's own views. The Queen cannot help repeating that the tone and
bearing of Mr Southern are more those of a Portuguese Demagogue than
of an English Representative.




[Pageheading: A CONCILIATORY POLICY]


_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

TUILERIES, _15th January 1847._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I am truly happy to learn what you say about
your feelings on those troublesome politics; I can assure you that
many people who are, in fact, quite indifferent
to politics, _renchérissent_ in expressions of dislike and contempt
_seulement_, because they believe that you have those opinions. Many
wise people repeat sayings which they assume to come from your
own mouth, such, for instance, "that Louis Philippe could never be
trusted, being, after all, an old fox," etc.

The King's Speech was as unobjectionable as possible. I trust that
there will be no _bitterness_ in yours. It is as much, if not more,
in the interest of Great Britain to keep France quiet and continuing a
peaceable policy than in that of France. France, as the old Duke once
said with great truth, has been already _under water several times,
what could be spoiled has been spoiled_, what remains _is pretty
solid_. To attack France in France would lead to the most dangerous
consequences. In general, if we get once a great war again you will
be sure to have everywhere revolutions, and to imagine that you will
escape in England all reactions would be a grievous mistake. When one
looks to the changes, brought about in England in consequence of the
Revolution of July, one is quite astounded. Here they changed nothing
but the dynasty, in England _the very spirit of the old Monarchy
has been abolished_, and what will be, in the course of time, the
consequences, it is not easy to tell. A bad Constitution acts strongly
on the people. Look to America, even to Belgium. Ever, my dearest
Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.




[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND PORTUGAL]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _14th February 1847._

Lord John Russell's memorandum contains two different questions. The
one is this: how far the interests of England require an interference
in the affairs of Portugal for the restoration of peace in that
country and the preservation of its Throne, and how far England is
bound by existing treaties to interfere.

As to this question, it appears from Lord John's memorandum that
the ancient treaties having reference to _foreign_ invasion only are
inapplicable to the present case, that the Quadruple Treaty
would revive on the appearance of Dom Miguel in Portugal, that an
understanding with Spain ought to be come to for its execution, but
Lord John does not make any specific proposal.

The other question is, what wrongs the Queen, the Ministers, and the
rebels may have done to bring about the present state of affairs. This
the Queen conceives can only be decided by a _most minute, impartial,
and anxious scrutiny_. She indignantly rejects the notion to leave
this decision to Mr Southern.... Lord John's statement contains,
however, nothing but the echo of his reports.

Lord John will upon reflection admit that to say "that recent events
exhibit a spirit of tyranny and cruelty in the Portuguese Government
_without a parallel_ in any part of Europe," there, where not _one_
execution has taken place, is rather a strong expression.

That the cruelties and miseries inseparable from a Civil War are to
be deplored, there can be no doubt of, and it is in order to stop a
further continuance and perhaps aggravation of these horrors, that
the Queen is so anxious to see the struggle brought to an early
termination.

The Queen hopes to see Lord John to-morrow at three o'clock, when she
hopes that he will be able to submit a definitive step.




[Page Heading: ENGLAND AND PORTUGAL]



_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

_14th March 1847._

The Queen wishes again to call Lord John Russell's serious attention
to the state of Spain and Portugal, and to the policy which has been
pursued with regard to them, and the result of this policy. In Spain
we have taken up the cause of the Progressistas, and what has been the
consequence? They desert us.

We have no longer the slightest influence in that country; France has
it all her own way, and we shall see the Cortes confirm the succession
of the Infanta and her children without being able to prevent it. Of
the Progressistas, on whom Lord Palmerston, Lord Clarendon, and others
always placed their hopes, Mr Bulwer says _now_: "The fact is, that
though they are the party least servile to France, they are the most
impracticable party, and belonging to a lower class of society, who
have not the same feelings of honourable and gentlemanlike conduct
which sometimes guide a portion, though a very small one, of their
opponents."

In Spain therefore it is, the Queen fears, _too late_; but let us not
throw away this lesson, and, if it is still possible, not also lose
Portugal. Our influence there is fast going, and Sir H. Seymour[1]
confirms what _every one_ but Mr Southern has stated for the last
two months, viz. that we are believed to be favourable to the rebels;
consequently, that no advice of ours will be listened to. Sir H.
Seymour further says: "I should have been glad to have gained a little
time, and not at the outset of my mission to be obliged to call the
Government to account upon various scores. Your orders, however,
leave me no option, and I shall be obliged to administer a series of
reproofs which will, I fear, confirm the notion as to our unfriendly
feelings." This is the course the Queen thinks so very unfortunate;
trifles about two horses, the beating of a gardener of Lord Howard's
by some soldiers on a march in times of Civil War, etc., are made
topics of serious complaint. Most peremptory notes are written,
threatening the Government with our men-of-war, whilst it is held to
be unwise to threaten the insurgents.

Then, the Court is told to believe _our feelings of attachment_ for
them!

Sir H. Seymour says that his position is rendered very difficult in
consequence. We have now the results before us. Let us, therefore,
before Portugal, our ancient ally, turns also away from us, and leans
to France or Spain in preference, as she _must_, if we give her such
doubtful support, try to pursue a more conciliatory course; these
peremptory and dictatory notes, these constant complaints, produce the
worst and most unfortunate effect.

These very Septembristas have been always the greatest enemies
of England, and would be the first to turn against us should they
succeed.

There should more latitude be given to the resident Minister not
to press things at moments when they produce embarrassment to a
Government already _tottering_, but to give him the option of waiting
for a fit opportunity, and for the manner in which it is to be done,
which a person on the spot can be a better judge of than we can in
England.

Once more the Queen earnestly warns Lord John of the imminent danger
of England losing _all_ legitimate influence in Portugal, which ought
now, more than ever, to be of the greatest _importance_ to us.

The Queen has in all this _spoken_ solely of English influence, but
this influence becomes of still greater importance to her when the
Sovereigns of that country are her near and dear relations.[2]

    [Footnote 1: Envoy Extraordinary at Lisbon.]

    [Footnote 2: This letter at once bore fruit, a conference
    being held in London between the representatives of Great
    Britain, Spain, France, and Portugal, and armed co-operation
    to enforce the acceptance of certain terms by the
    Revolutionary Junta being decided upon.]




[Page Heading: THE SEPTENNIAL ACT]


_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _19th March 1847._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Lord John
Russell thinks it right to state to your Majesty that the prevailing
opinion in the Cabinet is that when the necessary business in the
House of Commons has been finished, a Dissolution of Parliament should
take place.

This course would be conformable to the usage from the passing of the
Septennial Act till 1830. From 1830 to the present year no House of
Commons has been allowed to continue six years. The Dissolutions of
Lord Grey in 1831 and 1832, of Sir Robert Peel in 1834, the death of
William the Fourth in 1837, Lord Melbourne's Dissolution in 1841, have
all interrupted the natural life of Parliaments. But all Governments
since the accession of the House of Hanover have been of opinion (with
one or two exceptions) that it is hazardous to allow a Parliament to
continue seven years, as circumstances may arise making a Dissolution
very detrimental to the public welfare.

These being general considerations, Lord John Russell would reserve
any decision on the subject till the moment shall arrive when a
Dissolution may appear to your Majesty's advisers to be the course
most likely to secure moderate and fair elections.




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

_25th March 1847._

The Queen with pleasure approves the appointment of Lord Clarendon's
brother to the vacant stall at St Paul's. The Queen would, however,
draw Lord John's attention generally to the mode of filling up
those Church sinecures. She is quite aware how necessary it is for a
Minister to be able to recommend to such places persons of political
connections, but she thinks that where it can be done, it would be of
great use both to the Church and the country to give these places
of emolument to Churchmen distinguished for their _scientific
attainments_, who have neither the means nor the time to prosecute
their researches, whilst their labours might be of the greatest
importance to the country. Such person of this kind, for instance,
the Prince thinks, is a Mr Cureton, who has just published the _real_
epistles of St Ignatius, which he translated from the Syriac, and
is about to produce a Gospel of St Matthew which is considered the
undoubted original in the Coptic dialect, and other most important
documents lately acquired for the British Museum.




[Page Heading: FOREIGN OFFICE DRAFTS]


_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _17th April 1847._

The Queen has several times asked Lord Palmerston, through Lord
John Russell and personally, to see that the drafts to our Foreign
Ministers are not despatched _previous_ to their being submitted to
the Queen. Notwithstanding, this is still done, as for instance to-day
with regard to the drafts for Lisbon. The Queen, therefore, once more
repeats her desire that Lord Palmerston should prevent the recurrence
of this practice.




_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _18th May 1847._

Lord John Russell has the painful duty of announcing to your Majesty
the death of the Earl of Bessborough.[3] The firmness and kindness of
his temper, together with his intimate knowledge of Ireland and his
sound judgment, make this event a public misfortune.

It appears to Lord John Russell very desirable that his successor
should be named without loss of time, and as the Cabinet agreed
yesterday that the Earl of Clarendon was the fittest person for the
office, Lord John Russell would suggest that a Council should be held
on Thursday next, at the hour your Majesty may appoint, for a Council
for the purpose of the declaration of your Majesty's pleasure.

It was the opinion of the Cabinet that although it is advisable
finally to abolish the office of Lord-Lieutenant, it is not advisable
to propose any measure, or make any announcement for the present.

    [Footnote 3: John William, formerly Lord Duncannon, 4th Earl,
    born 1781; Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland.]




[Pageheading: JENNY LIND]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _12th June 1847._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--We are here in terrible hot water, though _I_ think
we shall get out of it.[4] But only think that the Radicals _and_
Protectionists join to attack Government for our interference in
Portugal! A change of Government on such a subject would be _full_
of mischief for the future, independent of the great momentary
inconvenience; but it would cripple all future Governments in their
future conduct respecting Foreign Affairs, would create distrust
abroad in our promises, and is totally contrary to England's ancient
policy of upholding Portugal.

In short, it would be _very_ bad. The old Duke will do _every_ thing
to set matters right.

To-night we are going to the Opera in state, and will hear and see
Jenny Lind[5] (who is perfection) in _Norma_, which is considered one
of her best parts. Poor Grisi is quite going off, and after the pure
angelic voice and extremely quiet, perfect acting of J. Lind, she
seems quite _passée_. Poor thing! she is _quite_ furious about it, and
was excessively impertinent to J. Lind.

To-morrow we go to a ball at Stafford House, and on Thursday to one at
Gloucester House. Ever your truly devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 4: The Government were severely attacked by
    a coalition of Radicals and Protectionists for their
    intervention in Portugal. A hostile motion of Lord Stanley's
    in the House of Lords was opposed by the Duke of Wellington
    and defeated, while one of Mr Hume's in the House of Commons
    was talked out, Sir Robert Peel supporting the Ministry.]

    [Footnote 5: She made her _début_ in London on the 4th of
    May in _Roberto il Diavolo_. The Queen had heard her sing
    previously at Stolzenfels. In May 1849, after singing for two
    years to enthusiastic audiences, she retired from the stage,
    and made extended concert tours in Europe and America.]




[Pageheading: THE WELLINGTON STATUE]


_The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria._

LONDON, _12th July 1847._ (_Five in the afternoon_.)

Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble duty to your
Majesty. He submits to your Majesty the expression of his sorrow and
shame that your Majesty should be troubled for a moment by anything so
insignificant as a statue of himself.

When he first heard of the intention to remove the statue from the
pedestal on which it had been placed, he was apprehensive that the
measure might be misconstrued and misrepresented in this country as
well as abroad.

That feeling was increased when the probable existence of such
misconstruction was adverted to in one of the printed papers
circulated by the Committee for the erection of the statue; and still
farther when the removal became the subject of repeated discussions in
Parliament. His daily experience of your Majesty's gracious reception
of his endeavours to serve your Majesty; and the events of every
day, and the repeated marks which he received of your Majesty's
consideration and favour proved clearly, as the Duke stated in his
letter to Lord John Russell, that there was no foundation for the
misconstruction of the intended act--which undoubtedly existed. The
apprehension of such misconstruction had from the first moment created
an anxious wish in the mind of the Duke that the removal should be so
regulated and should be attended by such circumstances as would
tend to relieve the transaction from the erroneous but inconvenient
impression which had been created.

The Duke apprehended that he might find it impossible to perform the
duties with which he had been entrusted, and therefore, when Lord John
Russell wrote to him, he deprecated the measure in contemplation;
and he rejoices sincerely that your Majesty has been most graciously
pleased to countermand the order for the removal of the statue.

All of which is most humbly submitted to your Majesty by your
Majesty's most dutiful Subject and most devoted Servant,

WELLINGTON.[6]

    [Footnote 6: The Duke of Wellington wrote to Croker, 19th
    of December 1846:--"I should desire never to move from my
    principles of indifference and non-interference on the subject
    of a statue of myself to commemorate my own actions."

    And again, on the 14th of June 1847, the Duke wrote to
    Croker:--"It has always been my practice, and is my invariable
    habit, to say nothing about myself and my own actions.

    "More than forty years ago Mr Pitt observed that I talked
    as little of myself or my own acts as if I had been an
    assistant-surgeon of the army....

    "I follow the habit of avoiding to talk of myself and of what
    I have done; with the exception only of occasions when I am
    urging upon modern contemporaries measures which they don't
    like, and when I tell them I have some experience, and
    have had some success in these affairs, and feel they would
    experience the benefit of attending to my advice, I never talk
    of myself.

    "These are the reasons for which they think that I don't care
    what they do with the statue.

    "But they must be idiots to suppose it possible that a man who
    is working day and night, without any object in view excepting
    the public benefit, will not be sensible of a disgrace
    inflicted upon him by the Sovereign and Government whom he is
    serving. The ridicule will be felt, if nothing else is!"...]




_Queen Victoria to Lord Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _12th July 1847._

The Queen has been informed by Lord John Russell that the Duke of
Wellington is apprehensive that the removal of his statue from the
Arch to another pedestal might be construed as a mark of displeasure
on her part. Although the Queen had hoped that her esteem and
friendship for the Duke was so well known to the public in general
as not to render such a construction possible, and although she had
thought that another pedestal would have been more suitable for _this_
statue, and that the Arch might have been more becomingly ornamented
in honour of the Duke than by the statue _now_ upon it, she has given
immediate direction that the Statue should remain in its present
situation, and only regrets that this monument should be so unworthy
of the great personage to whose honour it has been erected.




[Pageheading: INDIAN AFFAIRS]


_Viscount Hardinge to Queen Victoria._

_27th July 1847._

Lord Hardinge, with his most humble duty to your Majesty, humbly
acknowledges the letter in which your Majesty has been graciously
pleased to approve of his conduct in the Government of your Majesty's
Eastern Empire, and to sanction his return to Europe the end of this
year.

It will always be a source of happiness to Lord Hardinge to have
contributed his efforts towards maintaining the stability of your
Majesty's Indian possessions committed to his charge, and he feels, in
the performance of these duties, that the approbation of his Sovereign
is the most grateful distinction to which honourable ambition can
aspire.

The Governor-General entertains the most sanguine expectations that
peace has been securely established beyond the north-west frontiers,
as well as throughout India, and in this confidence he has ordered
nearly 50,000 men of the native force to be reduced, which reductions
have caused no discontent, being for the most part voluntary on the
part of the men and accompanied by gratuities in proportion to the
service performed.

As regards internal dangers, there is no native power remaining able
to face a British army in the field. The people are very generally
engaged in trade and agriculture, and to a great extent in the British
Provinces no longer carry arms. Confidence in the protection of the
Government has superseded the necessity. Formerly trade and wealth
were concentrated in a few large cities--and Indian manufactures have
been ruined by cheaper goods sent from England; but wealth and comfort
have, under British rule, been more extensively diffused through the
agricultural districts, and all classes, including the warlike tribes,
are becoming more devoted to the happier and safer pursuits of peace.

In this state of things Lord Hardinge entertains a very confident
expectation that the Government of India, by judicious attention
to the native army in time of peace--which may have its peculiar
dangers--will maintain due subordination in its ranks; and by
abstaining from all interference in the religious prejudices of the
people, will secure their loyal attachment to your Majesty, and their
willing obedience to the Governor acting in your Majesty's behalf.

Lord Hardinge has the honour to subscribe himself your Majesty's most
humble and dutiful Subject and Servant,

HARDINGE.




[Pageheading: A GENERAL ELECTION]


_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _5th August 1847._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to state that he considers the elections which have taken
place since he last addressed your Majesty as satisfactory.

The Liberal gains, upon the whole, have been upwards of thirty, and
when the elections are concluded will probably be upwards of forty.

The rejection of so distinguished a man as Mr Macaulay[7] is the most
disgraceful act in the whole election. It has only a parallel in the
rejection of Mr Burke by the city of Bristol.

The result of the whole elections will be, even if Sir George Grey
is defeated in Northumberland, that neither Lord John Russell or any
other Minister will have the command of a regular party majority.

But it is probable that Government will be sufficiently strong to
resist both a reaction against free trade, and any democratic movement
against the Church or the aristocracy.

    [Footnote 7: In consequence of his vote on Maynooth. The poem
    he wrote on the present occasion will be remembered.]




[Pageheading: THE IRISH ELECTIONS]


_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _21st August 1847._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to state that Lord Fitzwilliam writes that he shall feel
hurt if the Earldom of Strafford should be given to Lord Strafford.

To save his feelings on this subject (Lord Fitzwilliam having the
first Wentworth Earl of Strafford's property), Lord John Russell
would humbly propose that Lord Strafford should be created Earl of
Middlesex.

But as the relations of the late Duke of Dorset might also object,
Lord John Russell will adhere to his original proposal if your Majesty
should deem it best.

In fact, many titles have been given in succession to different
families. Leinster, Orford, Westmorland, are familiar instances.

Lord John Russell has drawn up a paper respecting the Irish elections,
on which the Prince wished to have his remarks. The subject is a dark
and a dreary one....

Changes of Ministry may occur, but it is to be hoped that your Majesty
may be enabled to keep the present Parliament for five or six years.
For nothing tends so much to favour such reformations, to impede
sober improvements, and to make members stand in servile awe of their
constituents, as frequent General Elections.

Lord John Russell is happy to see in the newspapers the successful
progress of your Majesty's journey. It has occurred to Lord John
Russell that as the harvest is very promising, and the election heats
will have subsided, it may be desirable that your Majesty should go
for three days to Ireland on your Majesty's return. The want of notice
might in some respects be favourable, and would be an excuse to many
Irish peers, who might otherwise complete their ruin in preparations.




_Queen Victoria to Earl Fitzwilliam._

_3rd September 1847._

The Queen has received Lord Fitzwilliam's letter of the 31st.[8] As
she sees Lord Strafford's elevation to an Earldom already announced in
the _Gazette_ of the same day, it will be impossible for the Queen to
have the question of Lord Fitzwilliam's adverse claim reconsidered.
She thinks it right, however, to say, that, knowing that the Wentworth
property came to Lord Fitzwilliam, it was only after the Heralds
College had proved that Lord Strafford was the representative of the
Earl of Strafford of the Second Creation, whilst Lord Fitzwilliam
was not properly considered the representative of the first, that the
Queen approved the selection of the title of Earl of Strafford for the
present Lord. The Queen is very sorry to find that this step should
have been annoying to Lord Fitzwilliam, for whom she has ever
entertained a sincere regard. She has sent his letter on to Lord John
Russell.

    [Footnote 8: On John, Baron Strafford, who as Sir John Byng
    had been distinguished in the Peninsula and at Waterloo,
    receiving the Earldom of Strafford, Lord Fitzwilliam had
    written: "Your Majesty has, undoubtedly, the power of
    conferring this, or any other titular dignity, according to
    your good pleasure, but I venture to hope that, if it be your
    Majesty's pleasure to revive the Earldom of Strafford, it will
    not be bestowed upon any other person than the individual who
    has now the honour of addressing your Majesty.

    "The name and history of the first Earl of Strafford is, of
    course, familiar to your Majesty, and I venture to conclude
    that your Majesty is not unaware of my being his descendant,
    his heir, and his successor. I own his lands, I dwell in his
    house, I possess his papers, and, if neither my father nor
    myself have ever applied to the Crown for a renewal of his
    titles, it has not been because either of us was indifferent
    to those honours or to the favour of the Sovereign, but
    because we were well aware of the embarrassment which
    such applications frequently occasion to the Crown and its
    advisers."]




[Pageheading: MISSION TO THE VATICAN]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

ARDVERIKIE, _3rd September 1847._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's two letters of the 31st
and 1st inst., and is glad to find that the views expressed in the
Prince's Memorandum coincide with those entertained by Lord John and
Lord Palmerston, and also by Lord Minto, as she infers. As it seems
difficult to find a person of inferior rank and position than Lord
Minto, and of equal weight, the Queen sanctions his undertaking
the mission on the understanding that the object of it will be
communicated beforehand to the Courts of Vienna and Paris, and that
both these Governments will be made fully acquainted with the position
England thinks herself bound to take with regard to the Italian
controversy.[9] After this shall have been done, the sending of Sir
William Parker with his fleet to the West Coast of Italy strikes the
Queen as a very proper measure to give countenance to the Sovereigns
engaged in Liberal Reform, and exposed alike to the inroads of their
absolutist neighbour, and to the outbreaks of popular movements
directed by a republican party, and perhaps fostered by the Austrian
Government.

    [Footnote 9: Lord John Russell proposed that Lord Minto
    should be sent on a special mission to the Vatican. _See_
    Introductory Note for the Year, _ante_, p. 115.]




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

ARDVERIKIE, _7th September 1847._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I thank you much for your kind letter of the 28th.
Mamma writes me _such_ a good report of you both, which gives us the
greatest pleasure. I hope you like young Ernest? This horrid Praslin
tragedy [10] is a subject one cannot get out of one's head. The
Government can in no way be accused of these murders, but there is
_no_ doubt that the _standard of morality_ is _very low_ indeed, in
France, and that the higher classes are extremely unprincipled. This
must shake the security and prosperity of a nation. In my opinion,
nothing has gone on so well since the _unfortunate_ false move of the
Spanish marriages, and I think you will admit _que cela n'a pas
porté bonheur au Roi_. I am very anxious to explain that I was out of
spirits, and, I fear, humour, when I wrote to you last, for I _love_
this place dearly, and the quiet, simple and wild life we lead here,
particularly, in spite of the _abominable_ weather we have had; and
I _am not_ the enemy of _La Chasse_, as I expressed myself--on the
contrary, I am very keen about it, and am only annoyed at being unable
to see it all. Really, when one thinks of the _very dull life_, and
particularly the life of constant _self-denial_, which my poor, dear
Albert leads, he deserves _every_ amusement in the world, and even
about his amusements he is so accommodating that I am deeply touched
by it. He is very fond of shooting, but it is all with the greatest
moderation. Do you know that you never wished Albert joy of his
birthday?

The state of politics in Europe is very critical, and one feels _very_
anxious for the future.

With my dearest Albert's love, and mine, to my beloved Louise. Believe
me, ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 10: The sensational murder in Paris of the Duchesse
    de Praslin, daughter of the diplomatist, Sebastiani, by her
    husband, who committed suicide. This event, as well as the
    affair of the Spanish marriages, largely contributed to the
    Orleanist catastrophe of 1848, for it was suspected that
    the Court and the police had not merely connived at, but had
    actually furnished the means for, the Duke's suicide, in order
    to prevent certain exposures which would have resulted from
    his trial.]




[Pageheading: PORTUGAL]


_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _9th October 1847._

The Queen has just received these drafts, which she has read
attentively, and thinks very proper; she only perceives _one_ omission
which should be rectified, viz. the one in which Lord Palmerston
directs Sir H. Seymour and the Admiral to remain perfectly neutral in
case of a conflict, and that is that our Fleet should naturally give
protection to the persons of the King and Queen and Royal Family in
case of danger, for we cannot allow them to be _murdered_, even if
we should not be able to prevent their losing their Crown (which God
forbid).

The Queen must _again_ observe that the drafts have since some weeks
past been sent to her _after_ they were gone, so that she can make no
remark upon them. The Queen wishes to have copies of these drafts.




[Pageheading: CRISIS IN THE CITY]

[Pageheading: MR COBDEN]



_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _14th October 1847._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has
seen the Governor (Mr Morris) and Deputy-Governor (Mr Prescott) of the
Bank, Mr Jones Loyd[11] and Mr Newman. Sir Charles Wood has seen many
others connected with the City, and they have both made statements to
the Cabinet.

The general result is: That an unsound state of trade has prevailed
for some time.

More failures may be expected.[12]

The funds may fall still lower.

Any interference by Government in the way of issuing more notes might
postpone but would aggravate the distress.

The railway calls add much to the present difficulty.

No forcible interference with railways would be justifiable, but
a voluntary postponement of the execution of their Acts might be
proposed to Parliament.

It will be seen by this short summary that the persons who by official
position, practical experience, and much reflection are most capable
of giving an opinion think that little or nothing can be done by
Parliament or by Government.

It is one of those revulsions in trade which take place periodically,
increased in extent by the expansion of commerce, but controlled in
its operation by the sound principles of currency which have lately
prevailed.

The Act of 1844 is generally blamed, but without the least reason.
The accommodation afforded by the Bank has been large, liberal, and
continuous. The circulation of notes approaches nineteen millions.

Upon fully considering the difficulty of finding a person of ability
and experience to place at the head of the Poor Law Commission, Lord
John Russell has come to the conclusion that the best course he can
take is to propose to Mr Cobden to accept the Presidency with a seat
in the Cabinet, and to propose to the Duke of Bedford at the same time
a seat in the Cabinet without office.

Various reasons for making this offer to Mr Cobden will occur to your
Majesty. His ability, his popularity with the working classes, and his
knowledge of sound principles of political economy are undoubted. Sir
Robert Peel's tribute to him has raised him both on the Continent
and in this country, so that his presence in the Cabinet would give
satisfaction to many.

On the other hand, the landed nobility and gentry would be glad to see
the Duke of Bedford take part in the deliberations of the Government.

With your Majesty's permission Lord John Russell will propose these
arrangements to the Cabinet to-morrow.

He has sent for Mr Lee[13] to offer him the Bishopric of Manchester.
It is with great regret he states that Mr Stephen[14] is obliged from
ill health to retire from the Colonial Office. He has asked Lord Grey
to be made a Privy Councillor, having received an assurance from Lord
Stanley that Sir Robert Peel would propose it to your Majesty on his
retirement. Lord John Russell submits the proposal to your Majesty as
an honour due to Mr Stephen's long, able, and calumniated[15] public
services.

Lord John Russell has the honour to submit a letter of Lord
Clarendon's in reference to a Memorandum of His Royal Highness Prince
Albert.

Lord John Russell thinks that in the present state of affairs, the
abolition of the Lord-Lieutenancy must not be thought of, and that
with the exception noticed by Lord Clarendon, the suggestions made by
the Prince would be the best measures for adoption, when that event
takes place.

It is possible the Prince may not have a copy of the Memorandum.

    [Footnote 11: Afterwards Lord Overstone.]

    [Footnote 12: There had been many failures in London,
    Liverpool, and elsewhere.]

    [Footnote 13: James Prince Lee, then Headmaster of King
    Edward's School, Birmingham, Bishop of Manchester, 1847-1869.]

    [Footnote 14: James Stephen, Under-Secretary for the
    Colonies, 1836-1847, afterwards Professor of Modern History at
    Cambridge.]

    [Footnote 15: He had made enemies by supporting the abolition
    of slavery.]




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _14th October 1847._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter, bringing several
very important subjects before her. She regrets that the state of the
Money Market should still be so uncomfortable, but is sure that the
Government cannot by any interference do much to mend matters, though
it might easily render them still more complicated, and make itself
responsible for a crisis, which it has in no way either brought on or
been able to avert.[16]

As to Mr Cobden's appointment to the Poor Law Board, the Queen thinks
that he will be well qualified for the place in many respects, and
that it will be advantageous to the Government and the Country that
his talents should be secured to the service of the State, but the
elevation to the Cabinet directly from Covent Garden[17] strikes her
as a very sudden step, calculated to cause much dissatisfaction in
many quarters, and setting a dangerous example to agitators in general
(for his main reputation Mr Cobden gained as a successful agitator).
The Queen therefore thinks it best that Mr Cobden should first enter
the service of the Crown, serve as a public functionary in Parliament,
and be promoted subsequently to the Cabinet, which step will then
become a very natural one.

The Duke of Bedford's entrance into the Cabinet the Queen would see
with great pleasure.

The Queen returns the Prince's Memorandum to Lord John, whilst she has
retained Lord Clarendon's letter upon it, which the Prince is anxious
to keep if Lord John will allow him. The Queen must agree with Lord
John and Lord Clarendon that the present moment is not a favourable
one for the experiment of abolishing the Lord-Lieutenancy.

Mr Stephen's elevation to the Privy Council will be a very proper
reward for his long and faithful services. Would he not be a proper
person for one of the new Civil degrees of the Bath?[18]

    [Footnote 16: Matters, however, became worse, and Lord John
    Russell and Sir Charles Wood wrote recommending that the Bank
    should enlarge their discounts and advances, for which they
    would propose a bill of indemnity. By degrees the panic
    subsided.]

    [Footnote 17: Free Trade meetings had taken place in Covent
    Garden Theatre.]

    [Footnote 18: He was made a K.C.B.]




[Pageheading: ENGLAND'S FOREIGN POLICY]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _18th October 1847._

The Queen cannot resist drawing Lord John Russell's attention to the
enclosed paragraph taken from the _Revue des Deux Mondes_, which gives
an account of the late events in Spain. How little honourable our line
of policy appears according to this version, which the Queen is afraid
is so very plausible that it will be received as the truth by the
whole French public and a great part of the European public at large!
It is, no doubt, perverted, but still the Queen must admit that our
policy, and especially Mr Bulwer's conduct at Madrid, lays itself
open to similar construction. After the gross duplicity and immorality
which characterised the conduct of France with respect to the Spanish
marriages, though she had all the profit and we all the loss, still
we had a very strong position on the side of integrity, morality, and
honour. The Queen is afraid that the diplomatic intrigues and counter
intrigues at Madrid have made us lose daily more of that advantageous
position without _any_ compensation on the other side. The Queen
entreats Lord John Russell not to underrate the importance of keeping
our foreign policy beyond reproach. Public opinion is recognised as a
ruling power in our domestic affairs; it is not of less importance in
the society of Europe with reference to the conduct of an individual
state. To possess the _confidence_ of Europe is of the utmost
importance to this country. That is the reason why the Queen is
uneasy about our dealings in Greece, and anxious that we should not
be misunderstood with respect to Italy. The Queen is sorry to perceive
that the French complain of unfair dealing on our part with reference
to the negotiations in the River Plate.[19] Have they any right to do
so? Have Lord Howden's private instructions been at variance in any
way with the public instructions which had been agreed upon with the
French Government? The Queen would consider any advantage gained at
the expense of an ally as a loss.

    [Footnote 19: Sir John Hobart Caradoc, second Lord Howden,
    British Minister at Rio Janeiro, was, together with Count
    Walewski, the French Minister there, engaged in a special
    mission to the River Plate and Uruguay; Buenos Ayres was
    blockaded by the British Fleet.]




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN OF SPAIN]


_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _24th October 1847._

The Queen has perused with eagerness Mr Bulwer's accounts of the late
extraordinary events in Spain, but must confess that she has in
vain looked for an explanation of the real motives and causes of the
crisis. Has Lord Palmerston received any private letters throwing more
light upon the matter? There seems to prevail the greatest mystery
about the affair. Is the Queen reconciled with her husband? Has she
sent for him? Have all the accounts of her hatred for Don Francisco
and the Queen-Mother been false? All these questions are unanswered.




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN OF PORTUGAL]


_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

FOREIGN OFFICE, _30th October 1847._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
many apologies to make for not having attended your Majesty's Council
to-day, and the more so as his absence arose from an inadvertence
which he is almost ashamed to mention. But having got on horseback
to ride to the station, with his thoughts occupied with some matters
which he was thinking of, he rode mechanically and in a fit of absence
to the Nine Elms Station,[20] and did not recollect his mistake till
he had got there; and although he made the best of his way afterwards
to the Paddington Station, he could not get there in time for any
train that would have taken him early enough to Windsor.

Viscount Palmerston received this morning your Majesty's remarks upon
his proposed drafts to Sir Hamilton Seymour, and has modified some of
the expressions in those drafts; but those drafts are only private
and confidential answers in his own name to private and confidential
communications from Sir Hamilton Seymour, and they express only his
own personal opinions, and not those of the Government.

Viscount Palmerston is sorry to say that the circumstances lately
mentioned by Sir Hamilton Seymour, coupled with the course pursued
at Lisbon almost ever since the successful interference of the Allied
Powers, have brought Viscount Palmerston to the painful convictions
expressed in the above-mentioned drafts, and he feels desirous, for
his own sake, to place those convictions at least upon record in this
Office. He will be most happy to find that he is mistaken, and will
most truly and heartily rejoice if events should prove that the
confidence which your Majesty reposes in the sincerity and good faith
of the Queen of Portugal is well founded; but in a matter of this
importance Viscount Palmerston feels that it is his bounden duty to
your Majesty not to conceal his opinions, even though they should,
as in the present case, unfortunately differ from those which your
Majesty entertains.

    [Footnote 20: The former terminus of the London and
    South-Western Railway.]




_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _21st October 1847._

The Queen acknowledges Lord Palmerston's letter of yesterday. She can
have no objections to Lord Palmerston's putting on record his opinion
that the Queen of Portugal is leaning to the Chartist Party, and
exposing herself, her Throne and country, to great danger by so
doing; but she would _much_ deprecate the putting on record the grave
accusation "that the Queen of Portugal is in a secret and perfect
understanding with the Cabrals,"[21] which is really not warranted by
the facts of the case, and is likely to mislead both our Government
and the Minister at Lisbon. Since the Queen wrote yesterday the Prince
received a letter from the King of Portugal (which he sent to Lord
Palmerston), and which quite explains the position and views of
the Court: we must not forget either that Sir Hamilton Seymour
acknowledges that a change of Ministry at this moment would provoke
a fresh Revolution at Lisbon. Although this would come from the
Cabralists, the Queen of Portugal very naturally may not feel inclined
to run that risk to avoid a danger the existence of which she does not
see or comprehend.

    [Footnote 21: The Ministry in which Castro Cabral had been
    Premier, and his brother, José, Minister of Justice, had
    resigned in May 1846.]




[Pageheading: THE HAMPDEN CONTROVERSY]


_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _10th November 1847._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
after reflecting on the various reasons in favour of, and objections
against, different Bishops for promotion to the Archbishopric of York,
he humbly submits to your Majesty the name of Dr Musgrave, Bishop of
Hereford, to be appointed Archbishop of York. The Bishop of Hereford
is a man of sound information, good judgment, and business habits. It
is of such consequence to have an Archbishop of York, who will, like
the late Archbishop, avoid quarrels and crotchets, and live peaceably
with all men.

Should your Majesty approve, he would then submit the name of Dr
Hampden to be the new Bishop, and that of the Bishop of Oxford[22] as
Queen's Almoner.

    [Footnote 22: Samuel Wilberforce.]




_The Bishop of Oxford to Mr Anson._

_16th November 1847._

MY DEAR ANSON,--I enclose you a letter from Lord John Russell,
offering me the Lord Almonership. I have ventured to write direct to
Her Majesty, to express to her my grateful feelings at this notice of
me. But I have been so afraid of offending by anything like freedom
of expression that I much fear I have instead said coldly and formally
what, if I had said it naturally, would have expressed the deepest and
most exuberant feelings of what I trust I may venture to say is not an
ungrateful heart. Ungrateful it would be most certainly if it did
not feel to its deepest core the uniform and great kindness I have
received now for so many years from Her Majesty and from the Prince. I
wish I could better show them my feelings....

You have read no doubt the _Times_ article on Dr Hampden. I am
afraid it is too true. I cannot conceive _what_ was Dr Hampden's
recommendation. He was not a persecuted man, for he had got a station
far higher than he ever dreamed of already; he is not an able, or
an active man, or one popular with any party, and unless Lord John
Russell wished for an opportunity of shocking the young confidence
of the Church in him, I cannot conceive why he should have made it.
I deeply lament it. Pray let me hear of your health, if it be only
a single line (to Cuddesdon), and believe me to be, ever your truly
affectionate,

S. OXON.




[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON'S DESPATCHES]


_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

_17th November 1847._

The Queen has been struck by the concluding passage of the
accompanying draft to Mr Bulwer. It gives an official declaration of
the views of England with respect to a point of the greatest gravity
and importance, and upon which the Queen apprehends that the mind
of the Cabinet is not yet made up. The Queen herself has come to no
determination upon it, and it may involve the question of peace
or war. Surely our line of policy under future and uncertain
contingencies ought not to be pledged beforehand and in such an
indirect way. The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to speak to Lord John
Russell upon the subject, and to show him the draft and these remarks
of the Queen upon it.




_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

FOREIGN OFFICE, _17th November 1847._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and in
compliance with your Majesty's wishes he has omitted the whole of the
latter part of the proposed despatch to Mr Bulwer.




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

(_Undated._)

The Queen has seen with surprise in the _Gazette_ the appointment of
Mr Corigan,[23] about which she must complain to Lord John Russell.
Not only had her pleasure not been taken upon it, but she had actually
mentioned to Lord Spencer that she had her doubts about the true
propriety of the appointment. Lord John will always have found the
Queen desirous to meet his views with regard to all appointments and
ready to listen to any reasons which he might adduce in favour of
his recommendations, but she must insist upon appointments in her
Household not being made _without_ her previous sanction, and least of
all such as that of a _Physician to her person_.

    [Footnote 23: Dominic John Corigan, M.D.,
    Physician-in-Ordinary to Her Majesty in Ireland.]




[Pageheading: SWITZERLAND]

[Pageheading: LETTER FROM THE KING OF PRUSSIA]


_The King of Prussia to Queen Victoria._

[_Translation._]

_25th November 1847._

... I hear with delight and thankfulness that it has pleased your
Majesty to agree to a Conference for regulating the dreadful Swiss
quarrels.[24] I took the liberty to propose my beloved and truly
amiable town of Neuchâtel as the place for the Conference, not only
because its position in neutral territory and in Switzerland
herself qualifies it above every other place for that purpose, but
_particularly_ because this meeting of the representatives of the
great Powers there would protect it and the courageous and faithful
country of Neuchâtel from indignities, spoliation, and all the
_horrors_ which oppress at this moment the unfortunate and far from
courageous Fribourg. I am afraid that your Majesty has not a full
appreciation of the people and the partisans who fill Switzerland
with murders and the miseries of the most abominable Civil War. Your
Majesty's happy realms have centuries ago passed through the "phase"
of such horrors, and with you the state of parties has been (as one
says here) grown in bottles,[25] under the glorious Constitution given
by God and History, but _not_ "made"; but there, in Switzerland, a
party is becoming victorious!!! which, notwithstanding the exercise
of Christian charity, can only be called "_Gottlos und Rechtlos_"
(without God and without right). For Germany, the saving of
Switzerland from the hands of the Radicals is _simply_ a _vital
question_. If they are victorious there, in Germany likewise torrents
of blood will flow; I will answer for that. The murder of Kings,
Priests, and Aristocrats is no empty sound with them, and Civil War in
song, writing, word, and deed, is their watchword. "Toute charité bien
entendue commence par soi-même." So they begin with their own country,
true to this "Christian" (!) motto. If they are allowed to proceed,
surely they _won't stop there_. Thousands of emigrated malefactors
wait only for a sign (which their comrades and allies in Germany will
not be backward in giving) to pour forth beyond the German frontier.
In Germany the PEOPLE are just as little fond of them as they were in
Switzerland, but the experience of Switzerland teaches us that
that alone cannot stem their victorious march, if circumstances are
favourable to them. The German people rely upon their Governments, and
do nothing, but Governments are weakened by the modern Liberalism
(the precursor of Radicalism, as the dying of chickens precedes
the Cholera) and will have to take the consequences of their own
negligence. Notwithstanding people and princes, that godless band will
march through Germany, because, though small, it is strong through
being united and determined. All this I have pondered in my head and
heart (led, so to say, by the hand of History), and that has prompted
me now to propose that the German Confederation (which _en parenthèse_
includes a population of more than forty millions) should appear
as one of the great Powers of Europe at the settlement of the Swiss
dispute, and should be admitted as such by the other great Powers.
_Would your Majesty do justice, and give_ PROTECTION _to this
idea_?...

F. W.

    [Footnote 24: _See_ Introductory Note for the year, _ante_, p.
    115.]

    [Footnote 25: As old wine improves by being kept in bottles.]




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S REPLY]


_Queen Victoria to the King of Prussia._

OSBORNE, _5th December 1847._

Since your letter was written events have followed each other so
rapidly that at this moment the war in Switzerland may be considered
as terminated; by the capitulations of the Cantons formerly
constituting the Sonderbund, _two_ parties, between which a mediation
of the great Powers could have taken place, have ceased to exist, and
consequently mediation and the Conference resulting from it are in
fact no longer necessary or possible. I had proposed London as
the place of conference, but should with pleasure have waived this
proposition to adopt the place which you have expressed a wish of
seeing fixed for that purpose, viz. Neuchâtel, and I should have felt
truly happy if by so doing I could have met your wishes, and given
further protection to the principality against possible aggressions
on the part of the Federal Government of Switzerland. As matters
now stand, the only complication which might arise is that between
Neuchâtel and the Diet. I have, in anticipation of any such event,
instructed Sir Stratford Canning to exert himself to his utmost to
dissuade the Diet from any plan of aggression on your territory, and
he has been furnished with an able and elaborate state paper for his
guidance, which Chevalier Bunsen had drawn up, discussing the legal
merits of the case. Should events prove that Sir S. Canning did
not arrive in time, or had not the power of averting a hostile step
against Neuchâtel, you may rely upon my readiness at all times to
put my good offices at your disposal. Should a conference upon Swiss
affairs still become necessary, I conceive that the only plea upon
which the great Powers could meet in conference would be their having
guaranteed the independence and neutrality of Switzerland, and by
implication the Federal Compact amongst the Cantons. This has not been
the case with regard to the German Confederation, and I do not readily
see in consequence how the Confederation could be admitted into this
Conference, however much I confess I would like to see Germany take
her place amongst the Powers of Europe, to which her strength and
population fairly entitle her. I may say that my Government are
equally impressed with me with the importance of German unity and
strength and of this strength weighing in the balance of power
of Europe; I am sure that the English public generally share this
feeling, but I must not conceal from your Majesty that much would
depend upon the manner in which this power was represented. Much
as the English would like to see this power represented by the
enlightened councils of your Majesty, they would be animated with very
different feelings in seeing it in the hands of Prince Metternich ...

VICTORIA R.




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _19th December 1847._

The Queen has to acknowledge the receipt of several letters from
Lord John Russell. She was pleased to see that the Debates have been
brought to such a satisfactory conclusion, all the propositions of
the Government having passed with such good majorities. The Queen must
mention to Lord John that she was a little shocked at Sir Charles Wood
in his speech upon the Commission of Inquiry, designating the _future
Government_, and selecting Lord George Bentinck, Mr Disraeli(!), and
Mr Herries as the persons destined to hold _high offices_ in the next
Government.

The Bishops behave extremely ill about Dr Hampden, and the Bishop of
Exeter[26] is gone so far, in the Queen's opinion, that he might be
prosecuted for it, in calling the Act settling the supremacy on the
Crown a _foul act_ and _the Magna Charta of Tyranny_.

The Queen is glad to hear that Lord John is quite recovered. We are
going to Windsor the day after to-morrow.

    [Footnote 26: Henry Phillpotts, Bishop of Exeter, 1830-1869.]




[Pageheading: LORD MELBOURNE]


_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

BROCKET HALL, _30th December 1847._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has
received with great pleasure your Majesty's letter of this morning,
and reciprocates with the most cordial heartiness your Majesty's good
wishes of the season, both for your Majesty and His Royal Highness.
Lord Melbourne is pretty well in health, perhaps rather better than he
has been, but low and depressed in spirits for a cause which has long
pressed upon his mind, but which he has never before communicated to
your Majesty. Lord Melbourne has for a long time found himself much
straitened in his pecuniary circumstances, and these embarrassments
are growing now every day more and more urgent, so that he dreads
before long that he shall be obliged to add another to the list of
failures and bankruptcies of which there have lately been so many.
This is the true reason why Lord Melbourne has always avoided the
honour of the Garter, when pressed upon him by his late Majesty
and also by your Majesty. Lord Melbourne knows that the expense of
accepting the blue ribbon amounts to £1000, and there has been of late
years no period at which it would not have been seriously inconvenient
to Lord Melbourne to lay down such a sum.[27]

    [Footnote 27: The Queen, through the agency of Mr Anson,
    advanced Lord Melbourne a considerable sum of money, which
    seems to have been repaid at his death. Apparently Lord
    Melbourne's declining health caused him to magnify his
    difficulties. The report which Mr Anson made shows that he was
    in no sense seriously embarrassed.]




INTRODUCTORY NOTE

TO CHAPTER XVII


At the outset of the year 1848 great alarm was felt throughout England
at the supposed inadequacy of her defences, a panic being caused by
the indiscreet publication of a confidential letter from the Duke of
Wellington to Sir John Burgoyne, to the effect that in his judgment
the whole South Coast was open to invasion, and that there were no
means of opposing a hostile force. The Government turned its attention
to reconstructing the Militia, and raising the Income Tax for
the purpose. But the outlook was completely changed by the French
Revolution; Louis Philippe, who had just lost his sister and
counsellor, Madame Adélaïde, impulsively abdicated, on a rising
taking place, and escaped with his family to this country. England and
Belgium were unaffected by the outburst of revolution which convulsed
Europe: the Emperor of Austria was forced to abdicate, and Metternich,
like Guizot, became a fugitive; Prussia was shaken to her foundation,
and throughout Germany the movement in favour of representative
institutions made rapid headway; a National Assembly for Germany was
constituted, and Schleswig was claimed as an integral part of the
German dominions. In Italy also the Revolution, though premature, was
serious. The Pope, not yet reactionary, declared war against Austria;
the Milanese rose against Radetzky, the Austrian Governor, and King
Charles Albert of Sardinia marched to their assistance. A republic was
proclaimed in Venice, but these successes were afterwards nullified,
and a Sicilian rising against Ferdinand II. of Naples was suppressed.
In France the revolutionary movement held steadily on its course, a
National Assembly was elected, and national workshops established;
Louis Bonaparte, who had been a fugitive in England, was allowed
to return, and was elected President of the Republic by an immense
majority of the popular vote.

The friends of Revolution had no success in England; a very serious
riot at Glasgow was dispersed, and the meeting convened by Feargus
O'Connor for the 10th of April on Kennington Common, which was to
carry a huge petition in favour of the People's Charter to the House
of Commons, proved a ridiculous _fiasco_. Ireland was much disturbed
during the year by what was known as the Young Ireland agitation,
a movement organised by youthful, and for the most part cultivated,
leaders, and utterly different from the sturdy Repeal movement
of O'Connell. Smith O'Brien, brother of Lord Inchiquin, was the
ringleader, and was backed by Mitchel, Duffy, Meagher, and others,
as well as by the _Nation_ and _United Irishman_ newspapers. Like
Chartism, the movement ignominiously collapsed and its leaders were
convicted of treason. An Act was at the same time passed reducing
some offences (till then legally defined as treason) to felonies, and
improving the law as to offences against the person of the Sovereign.

The treacherous murder of two Englishmen in the Punjab led to
operations against the Sikhs, Lord Dalhousie--who had recently
become Viceroy--after some hesitation, reinforcing Lord Gough, the
Commander-in-Chief, and proceeding in person to the frontier; a
British force sustained a reverse at Ramnuggur on 22nd November, and a
decisive result was not arrived at till 1849.

In South Africa, a proclamation by Sir Harry Smith, the Governor of
the Cape of Good Hope, extending British sovereignty over the country
between the Orange and Vaal rivers, led to a collision with the Boers,
and ultimately to the founding of the Transvaal State. Sir Harry Smith
defeated the Boers on the 29th of August at Boom Platz.




CHAPTER XVII

1848


_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _1st January 1848._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--This is a most melancholy beginning of the
year. Our poor Aunt Adélaïde,[1] so kind to us, has departed this life
yesterday morning. Poor Louise feels it dreadfully, as nothing could
be more affectionate and more motherly than she was for Louise. She
was always very kind and friendly to me, and I must confess I feel the
blow much. I am very much alarmed about the poor King; he must feel
the loss of a sister and friend so entirely devoted to him deeply;
it is the thing most likely to hurt and shake his health. You will
forgive if I cut short here, as I am much disturbed by this melancholy
event. I think you would act kindly in writing to the King. We are too
nearly connected not to do it, and it will soothe him, who has been
enough persecuted since last year. I trust you begin better than we do
this most melancholy January. My best love to Albert, and believe me
ever, my dearest Victoria, your truly and devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

    [Footnote 1: Sister of King Louis Philippe.]




[Pageheading: DEATH OF MADAME ADÉLAÏDE]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._[2]

WINDSOR CASTLE, _3rd January 1848._

The Queen sends Lord John Russell a letter from her Uncle, the King
of the Belgians, which will show how dreadful a blow Mme. Adélaïde's
death will be to the King of the French and Royal Family. The Queen's
first thought was to write to the King, which she would not have done
without first mentioning it to Lord John; but upon reflection
she thought it quickest and best to write _at once_ to her cousin
Clémentine (Princess Augustus of Saxe-Coburg), to convey in her name
to the King her sincere sympathy at this melancholy event. The King of
the Belgians' letter has, however, brought back to the Queen her first
thought of writing to the King, and she wishes to know what Lord John
thinks of it. The Queen thinks it as undignified as unfeeling to carry
on political coolness at moments like these, when her own feelings of
sympathy are so strong and so sincere. The Queen would certainly under
other circumstances have instantly written to the King. On the other
hand, her first letter to her cousin (the King's daughter) may be
sufficient, as it conveys a direct message; and there may be people
who will construe this into a political act, but the Queen thinks that
this risk should rather be run than that she should appear unfeeling
and forgetful of former kindness and intimacy.

The Queen would be glad to have Lord John's opinion on this subject as
soon as possible.

    [Footnote 2: This letter is headed "Reproduction--Substance of
    a letter to Lord John Russell, written from recollection."]




_The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _3rd January 1848._

MY DEARLY BELOVED VICTORIA,--I thank you _most sincerely_ for your
kind last letter, and all your good wishes for the New Year. Alas! the
year _ended_ and _began_ in a _most painful_ and _heartrending way
for us_. The loss of my good, excellent, beloved Aunt is an _immense
misfortune_ for _us all_, and the most _dreadful blow_ for my poor
Father. We are all broken-hearted by this, at last _unexpected_ event.
Some years we were uneasy about my poor Aunt's health, and of late
I had been particularly alarmed by what I heard of her increasing
weakness; but I was very far from believing that her end was _so
near_. I was only anxious for the winter. At least her end was
peaceful. She went to sleep and did not wake more. She died without a
struggle; the horror of death, and the still greater pang of the last
farewell, of the last leave-taking of her beloved brother, was spared
her. I thank God for _this_ proof of His mercy, and hope He will
keep up my Father under _such a heavy affliction_. To him the loss is
_irretrievable_. My Aunt lived _but_ for him; one may almost say
that her affection alone had kept her alive these last years, and a
devotion like hers--that devotion of all instants--so complete, so
full of self-denial--cannot, will never, be replaced. A heart _like
hers_, so true, so noble, so warm, so loving, so devoted, is _rarely_
seen. To us also, independently of my Father, the loss is a _dreadful_
one. My Aunt was a second mother for us; we loved her and looked up to
her in this way, and certainly few mothers do for their children what
she did for us, or loved them better. We are overwhelmed with grief by
the sudden disappearance of a being _so dear_ and _so necessary_ to us
all, and we go to-morrow to Paris, to mourn with the remainder of the
family, and offer my poor Father the only consolation he can feel at
this cruel moment, that of being surrounded by all those he loves.
I have still so much to do previous to our melancholy journey that
I cannot say more to-day. I am sure you will excuse me. I shall, God
willing, write in a more proper way the next time. In the meanwhile I
thank God that you are _unberufen_ all well, and, in sorrow or in joy,
I am equally, my beloved Victoria, from the bottom of my heart, yours
most devotedly,

LOUISE.




[Pageheading: LETTER TO KING LOUIS PHILIPPE]


_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

WOBURN ABBEY, _4th January 1848._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
no hesitation in saying that he thinks your Majesty will do well to
follow your own kind impulse to write a letter to the King of the
French. There will be some persons, and M. Guizot perhaps among the
number, who will construe this into a political act; but it is better
to be subject to such misconstructions than to leave undone any act of
sympathy to the King of the French in his sore affliction.

Should the King attempt to found upon your Majesty's letter any
political intercourse, Lord John Russell has no doubt that your
Majesty will explain to him that your present proceeding is entirely
founded upon private regard, and past recollections of intimacy, and
is not intended as an opening for political correspondence.




_Queen Victoria to the King of the French._

CH. DE WINDSOR, _5 Janvier 1848._

SIRE ET MON BON FRÈRE,--Je ne voulais pas suivre l'impulse de mon
c[oe]ur, dans les premiers instants de la vive douleur de votre
Majesté, en vous écrivant--mais maintenant où la violence de cette
rude secousse peut-être sera un peu adoucie, je viens moi-même
exprimer à votre Majesté la part sincère que nous prenons, le Prince
et moi, à la cruelle perte que vous venez d'éprouver, et qui doit
vous laisser un vide irréparable. Ayez la bonté, Sire, d'offrir nos
expressions de condoléance à la Reine, et faisant des v[oe]ux pour le
bonheur de V.M., je me dis, Sire et mon bon Frère, de V.M., la bonne
S[oe]ur,

V. R.

A S.M. le Roi des Français.




[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND THE PORTE]


_The King of the French to Queen Victoria._

PARIS, _8 Janvier 1848._

MADAME MA BONNE S[OE]UR,--Dans la profonde douleur où m'a plongé le
coup cruel qui vient de me frapper, une des plus douces consolations
que je pusse recevoir, est la lettre que votre Majesté a eu la bonté
de m'adresser, tant en son nom qu'en celui du Prince son Epoux.
L'expression de la part que vous prenez tous deux à mon malheur, et de
l'intérêt que vous continuez à me porter, m'a vivement ému, et quelque
douloureuse qu'en soit l'occasion, qu'il me soit permis, Madame, de
vous en remercier, et de dire à votre Majesté que mon c[oe]ur et mes
sentimens pour elle, sont et seront toujours les mêmes que ceux que
j'étais si heureux de Lui manifester à Windsor et au Château d'Eu.

Je prie votre Majesté de vouloir bien être, auprès du Prince son
Epoux, l'interprète de toute ma sensibilité. La Reine est bien touchée
de ce que votre Majesté m'a chargé de Lui témoigner, et je la prie
de croire que je suis toujours, Madame, ma bonne S[oe]ur, de votre
Majesté, le bon Frère,

LOUIS PHILIPPE R.




_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

CLAREMONT, _11th January 1848.[sic: 1843]_

The Queen has this morning seen a draft addressed to Lord Cowley,
in which he is desired to advise the Sultan to give Abd-el-Kader
a command in his Army--a step which the Queen cannot approve, not
because it is not good advice to the Porte, but because it is uncalled
for on our part, and might be considered by France as a hostile step
towards her. What would we say if the French were to advise M. Ali to
give Akbar Khan the command of his army?[3]

    [Footnote 3: See _ante_, vol. i. p. 254.]




[Pageheading: CLAREMONT]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

CLAREMONT, _11th January 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I always write with pleasure to you from this _so_
very dear old place, where we are safely and happily housed with our
_whole_ little family since yesterday. The weather is very cold, and
it is the third night of a black frost which is likely to continue
for some days. Many thanks for your kind letter of the 7th, which,
according to the new arrangement, I received already on the 8th.
Your visit will, I fear, have been a very melancholy one. Poor Mme.
Adélaïde's death was so extremely sudden, it must be a dreadful blow
to the poor King. I _have_ written to him. Louise will have told you
that poor Aunt Sophia[4] is decidedly sinking.

I wish, dearest Uncle, if even Louise feels unequal to coming to us
now (which would be a _sad disappointment_), _you_ would come to see
us. Why not come while she is at Paris? It would be such a pleasure to
us. You will of course have no balls, and you might come even sooner
than you originally intended. Pray do see if you could manage this. I
am sure you could. If Louise could come, of course that would be still
better.

Albert desires me to ask you the following favour, viz. if you
would give us the picture that is here of Grand Uncle Frederic (the
Field-Marshal), that we might hang it up in London, where we have made
a fine collection of his contemporaries, and we would replace it by
a faithful copy, which could be hung up in the frame here. Will you
grant this?

We are very desirous of getting the Woods and Forests to build a small
_glass dome_ to the greenhouse here where the palm-trees are, and (if
you approved) there could be no difficulty in getting this done; the
palm-trees are beautiful, and will be quite stunted and spoilt if not
allowed to grow. We shall stay here till Monday next. With Albert's
love, ever your truly devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 4: Fifth daughter of George III., born 1777. She
    died in May 1848.]




[Pageheading: THE FRENCH ROYAL FAMILY]


_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _12th January 1848._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--A messenger of my own going to England, I take
advantage of it to write you a few words. Your kind letter to the
poor King was an act for which I thank you from the bottom of my soul,
because it made him so happy. I was still in his rooms--where the
family has been breakfasting and dining till now--when your letter
arrived; he was so delighted with it that he _kissed it most
tenderly_. I left him tolerably well on Monday, but with rather a
severe cold. He had certainly at the end of December the Grippe,
which perhaps was the immediate cause of poor Aunt's death, as from
over-anxiety for her beloved brother, she got up in the night to find
out how he was. His cold had been better when he went to Dreux, then
he met the procession, and walked with it bareheaded to the church;
this seems to have given him a new cold. His nerves are also a good
deal shaken, and this renders him very irritable. He is much occupied
about some of the arrangements connected with poor Aunt's fortune;
she left her landed property to Nemours, Joinville, and Montpensier,
charged with the various sums she left to nearly all the branches of
her family. The King is to have, however, the enjoyment of the whole
of this fortune for his life. His great wish would be to employ the
revenues, from the whole of the succession legacies as well as landed
property, to free the landed property of the mortgage of the various
legacies. This will require a good many years, and I told him that it
would force him to live till it would be arranged, which will easily
require ten years. In France a good feeling has been shown on this
occasion. I heard from trustworthy quarters that even people who were
known to be personally not very kind to the King, expressed themselves
most anxious for his preservation. Whenever that sad event will take
place, the reaction in Europe will be great, as all the bad passions
which are kept down by him will then of course try to get the over
hand. The Queen is much affected by all this, and thinks much of her
own end. The children, including good Hélène, have all behaved
with the utmost affection to their parents, and nothing can equal
particularly good Nemours' devotion and attention. My beloved Child,
your truly devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.




[Pageheading: REVOLUTION IN FRANCE]


_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _12th February 1848._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--... From Paris the news are alarming;[5] the
struggle of the Liberal Party leaning towards radicalism, or in fact
merely their own promotion; principles are _out_ of the question. This
state of affairs reacts in a very lamentable way upon the well-being
of the great European community. Great complaints are made that the
working classes are deprived of work and at the same time political
agitation is kept up, which must have the effect of stopping
transactions of every description. The human race is a _sad_ creation,
and I trust the other planets are better organised and that we may get
there hereafter.... Your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

    [Footnote 5: The Republican movement had been making rapid
    headway in Paris, and the leader of the Opposition, M. Odilon
    Barrot, proposed Guizot's impeachment on the 22nd of February.
    Louis Philippe, when it was unfortunately too late, consented
    to a change of Ministry, but the formation of a new Government
    proved impossible. The Revolution could have been quelled, had
    it not been for the King's reluctance to shed blood in defence
    of the Throne to which he had been elected; even to the
    agitators themselves the completeness of the Revolution was a
    surprise.]




_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

DOWNING STREET, _23rd February 1848._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
will have the honour of waiting upon your Majesty at three o'clock
to-morrow.

Lord Normanby's letters from Paris give a little information.[6]

There has been some fighting in the streets, and some apprehension
for the night. But it does not appear probable that any serious danger
will be incurred, with the troops in such force in Paris.

Hereafter there may be a serious struggle between the Government of
the King, and the Republicans. But in that case such men as M. Odilon
Barrot will shrink from the contest.

    [Footnote 6: A letter from Lord Normanby on the 13th of
    March to Lord Palmerston (published in Ashley's _Life of
    Palmerston_, vol. i. chap. iii.) gives an account of the
    situation on the eve of the 22nd of February. On the 25th of
    February he wrote:--

    "The National Guards, mixed with the people, were in full
    march upon the Tuileries, and the latter threatening the life
    of the King, when Emile Girardin, the editor of the _Presse_
    newspaper, who was in advance as an officer of the National
    Guard, hastily drew up an Act of Abdication, and placed it
    before the King as the only means of safety. The King at
    first refused, saying that he would rather die; but the Duc de
    Montpensier urged him, not only for his own sake, but to save
    his country from confusion. The King at last signed it,
    and threw it impatiently at the Duc de Montpensier, who,
    I believe, has been in favour of conciliatory counsel
    throughout. The Royal Family then retired through the garden,
    the King saying to every one as he passed, 'J'abdique,
    j'abdique.'"]




_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _26th February 1848._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I am very unwell in consequence of the _awful_
events at Paris. How will this end? Poor Louise is in a state of
despair which is pitiful to behold. What will soon become of us God
alone knows; great efforts will be made to revolutionise this country;
as there are poor and wicked people in all countries it may succeed.

Against France we, of course, have a right to claim protection from
England and the other Powers. I can write no more. God bless you. Ever
your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.




[Pageheading: FLIGHT OF FRENCH ROYAL FAMILY]


_The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

BRUSSELS, _27th February 1848._

MY DEARLY BELOVED VICTORIA,--I understand by an account arrived this
morning, and which seems to be correct, that my unfortunate parents
arrived in England before yesterday evening: but I don't know _where_
they are. (I don't know anything of them since the 23rd, evening!!!)
But you will surely know, and kindly forward the letter to my poor
mother. I have just received your kind letter of the 25th, but I
am unable to say more to-day. You will easily conceive my agony and
anguish. What an _unbelievable_ clap of thunder! I know still nothing
of what Nemours and Montpensier are become. I rely on your interest
and sympathy, and remain as ever, yours most devotedly,

LOUISE.

I hear this moment with an _extreme relief_ that my parents were to
arrive yesterday at London, and thank God from the bottom of my heart
for their safety! In my agony I did not wish for anything else.




[Pageheading: THE KING OF PRUSSIA]

[Pageheading: ANARCHY IN PARIS]


_The King of Prussia to Queen Victoria._

[_Translation._]

_27th February 1848._

MOST GRACIOUS QUEEN AND SISTER,--Even at this midnight hour of the
day, on the evening of which the awful news from Paris has arrived,
I venture to address these lines to your Majesty. God has permitted
events which decisively threaten the peace of Europe.

It is an attempt to "spread the principles of the Revolution by
_every_ means throughout the whole of Europe." This programme binds
together both these individuals and their parties. The consequences
for the peace of the world are _clear_ and _certain_. If the
revolutionary party carries out its programme, "The sovereignty of
the people," my minor crown will be broken, no less certainly than the
mighty crowns of your Majesty, and a fearful scourge will be laid upon
the nations; a century [will follow] of rebellion, of lawlessness, and
of godlessness. The late King did not dare to write "by the Grace
of God." _We_, however, call ourselves King "by the Grace of God,"
because it is true. Well, then, most gracious Queen, let us now show
to men, to the peoples threatened with disruption and nameless misery,
both _that_ we understand our sacred office and _how_ we understand
it. God has placed in your Majesty's hands, in the hands of the two
Emperors, in those of the German Federation, and in mine, a power,
which, if it now acts in union and harmony, with reliance on Heaven,
is able humanly speaking, to enforce, with certainty, the maintenance
of the peace of the world. This power is _not that of arms_, for
these, more than ever, must only afford the _ultima ratio_.

The power I mean is "the power of united speech." In the year 1830
the use of this immeasurable power was criminally neglected. But now I
think the danger is much more pressing than it was then. This power is
divided among _us_ in equal portions. I possess the smallest portion
of it, and your Majesty has by far the greatest share. That share is
so great that your Majesty, by your powerful word, might alone carry
out the task. But the certainty of victory lies, subject to the Divine
blessing, solely in our utterance being united. This must be our
message to France; "that all of us are cordial well-wishers to France;
we do not grudge her all possible welfare and glory; we mean never to
encroach on it, and we will stand by the new Government as by the old,
_foi de gentils-hommes_. But the first breach of the peace, be it with
reference to Italy, Belgium, or Germany would be, undoubtedly and at
the same time, a breach with 'all of us,' and we should, with all the
power that God has given us, let France feel by _sea_ and by _land_,
as in the years '13, '14, and '15, what our union may mean."

_Now_ I bless Providence for having placed Lord Palmerston at the head
of your Foreign Office, and keeping him there at this very moment.
During the last quarter of the past year I could not always cordially
agree with him. His genuine British disposition will honour this open
confession. All the more frankly may I now express the hopes which
rise in me, from the very fact of _his_ holding that office at the
present moment; for a more active, more vivid, more energetic Minister
of foreign affairs, a man that would more indefatigably pursue great
aims, your Majesty could probably never have. If at this grave hour
he sets himself to proclaim that our forces are united; if he himself
utters his message as befits St George, he will earn the blessing of
millions, and the blessing of God and of the world will rest on your
Majesty's sacred head. That I am your Majesty's and _Old England's_
most faithful and most devoted brother and companion, you are aware,
and I mean to prove it. On both, knees I adjure you, use, for the
welfare of Europe, "_Engellands England_."

With these words I fall at your Majesty's feet, most gracious Queen,
and remain your Majesty's most faithfully devoted, most attached
Servant and good Brother,

FREDERIC WILLIAM.

_P. S._--The Prince I embrace. He surely feels with me, and justly
appraises my endeavours.

_Post scriptum, 28th, in the evening._

I venture to open my letter again, for this day has brought us news
from France, which one can only call _horrible_. According to what
we hear, there is no longer left a King in France. A regency, a
government, and the most complete anarchy has ensued, under the name
of the Republic--a condition of things in which, at first, there will
be no possibility of communicating with the people, infuriated with
crime. In case a Government should evolve itself out of this chaos, I
conscientiously hold that the "united word" of the great Powers, such
as I have indicated in the preceding pages, should be made known,
_without any modification, to the new holders of power_. Your
Majesty's gracious friendship will certainly not take amiss this
addition to my letter, though it be not conformable to strict
etiquette.

The fate of the poor old King, of the Duchess of Orleans, of the whole
honourable and amiable family, cuts me to the heart, for up to this
time we do not know what has become of any of them. We owe Louis
Philippe eighteen happy years of peace. No noble heart must forget
that. And yet--who would not recognise the avenging hand of the King
of kings in all this?

I kiss your Majesty's hands.




[Pageheading: LETTER FROM QUEEN LOUISE]

[Pageheading: ANXIETY OF QUEEN LOUISE]


_The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

BRUSSELS, _28th February 1848._

MY DEARLY BELOVED VICTORIA,--_What a misfortune! What_ an _awful,
overwhelming, unexpected_ and _inexplicable catastrophe_. _Is it
possible_ that we should witness _such events_, and that _this_ should
be the end of nearly eighteen years of courageous and successful
efforts to maintain order, peace, and make France happy, what _she
was_? I have heard, I read hourly, _what has happened: I cannot
believe it yet_; but if _my beloved parents_ and the remainder of
the family are at least _safe_ I won't mind the rest. In the hours of
agony we have gone through I asked God _only_ to spare _the lives_,
and I ask still _nothing else_: but we don't know them yet _all_
saved, and till I have heard of my unfortunate parents, of my unhappy
brothers far away, of all those for whom I would lay my life at any
moment and whose danger I could not even share or alleviate, I cannot
exist.

I was _sure_, my beloved Victoria, of all _you_ would _feel for us_
when you would hear of these awful events. I received yesterday your
two kind, warm, sympathising letters of the 25th and 26th, and thank
you with _all my heart_ for them, and for yours and Albert's share and
sympathy.

_Our anguish_ has been _undescribable_. We have been _thirty-six hours
without any news_, not knowing even if my parents and the family were
still alive or not, and what had been their fate. Death is not worse
than what we endured during these horrible hours. We don't know yet
what to think, what to believe, I would almost say, what to wish; we
are _stunned_ and _crushed_ by the awful blow. What has happened is
_unaccountable, incomprehensible_; it appears to us like a _fearful_
dream. Alas! I fear my dear beloved father was led away by his
_extreme courage_; by that same courage which had made his success and
a part of his strength; for it is strange to say that even those that
deplored most his resolution never to yield on certain things gave him
credit for it. The exaggeration of the system of peace and resistance,
or rather _immobility_, lost him, as that of war lost Napoleon. Had he
shunned less war _on all occasions_, and granted in time some trifling
reforms, he would have satisfied public opinion, and would probably
be still where he was _only eight days ago_, strong, beloved, and
respected! Guizot's accession has been _as fatal_ as his fall, and
is perhaps the _first cause_ of our ruin, though my father cannot be
blamed for having kept him in office, as he had the majority in the
Chamber, and an overwhelming one. _Constitutionally_, he could not
have been turned out, and it was _impossible to foresee_ that when
all was quiet, the country prosperous and happy, the laws and
liberty respected, the Government strong, a _Revolution_--and _such
a Revolution_--would be brought on by a few imprudent words, and the
resistance (lamentable as it was) to a manifestation which, in fact,
the Government had a right to prevent. _It was the Almighty's will:
we must submit._ He had decreed our loss the day He removed my beloved
brother[7] from this world. Had he lived still, all this would
have turned otherwise. It has been also an immense misfortune that
Joinville and Aumale were both away. They were both popular (which
poor dear _never-to-be-sufficiently-respected_ Nemours was _not_),
energetic, courageous, and capable of turning chance in our favour.
Oh! _how I long_ to know what is become of them! I cannot live till
then, and the thought of my unfortunate parents _annihilates_ me! Poor
dear Joinville had foreseen and foretold almost all that has happened,
and it was the idea of the crisis he apprehended which made him so
unhappy to go. He repeated it to me several times six weeks ago. Alas!
_nobody_ would believe him, and who _could believe_ that in _a day_,
almost without struggle, _all would be over_, and the past, the
present, the future carried away on an unaccountable storm! _God's
will be done!_ He was at least _merciful_ to my dear Aunt, and I hope
He will preserve all those dear to me!

Here everything is quiet: the horror general, and the best feeling
and spirit prevailing. There is still now nothing to fear: but if _a
republic really established_ itself in France, it is impossible to
tell what may happen. For this reason your Uncle thinks it right that
we should remove to some place of safety what we have of precious.
If you permit I will avail myself of the various messengers that are
going now to send _under your care_ several boxes, which you will
kindly send to Claremont to Moor, to keep with those your Uncle
already sent. They contain your Uncle's letters and those of my
parents--the treasure I most value in the world.

_29th._--MY DEARLY BELOVED VICTORIA,--This was written yesterday, in
a moment of comparative quiet, when I thought my parents at least safe
and in security in England. Albert's letter to your Uncle of the 27th,
which arrived yesterday evening, says they were _not arrived yet_, and
I am again in the most horrible agony. I had also yesterday evening
details of their flight (_my father flying!!!_) by Madame de Murat,
Victoire's lady, who has gone to England, which quite distracted me.
Thank God that Nemours and Clém at least _are safe!_I am quite unable
to say more, and I hope the Duchess and Alexandrine will excuse me if
I don't write to them. Truly, I _can't_. I thank you only once more,
my beloved Victoria, _for all your kindness_ and _interest_ for my
unfortunate family, and trust all the anxiety you feel for us won't
hurt you. God bless you ever, with all those dear to you. Believe me
always, my beloved Victoria, yours most devotedly,

LOUISE.

I send you no letter for my mother in the present uncertainty.

    [Footnote 7: The Duc d'Orléans, who was killed on 13th July
    1842.]




_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _29th February 1848._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to transmit a short note from Lord Normanby, which is very
satisfactory.

Lord John Russell declared last night that your Majesty would not
interfere in the internal affairs of France. But in repeating this
declaration, in answer to Mr Cobden, he added that the sacred duties
of hospitality would be, as in all times, performed towards persons of
all opinions. Both declarations were generally cheered. In extending
this hospitality to members of the Royal Family of France, it is only
to be observed that no encouragement should be given by your Majesty
to any notion that your Majesty would assist them to recover the
Crown. In this light it is desirable that no _Prince_ of the House
of Orleans should inhabit one of your Majesty's palaces in or near
London.




[Pageheading: THE NEW FRENCH GOVERNMENT]


_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

(_Undated._)[8]

The Queen has perused the enclosed despatches and the proposed Minutes
of a draft to Lord Normanby with Lord John Russell's remarks. She
approves generally of the Minutes, but would like that amongst the
laudable intentions of the new French Government, _that_ of keeping
_inviolate_ the European Treaties should be brought in in some way.
In the paper No. 2, the expression "_most cordial friendship_" strikes
the Queen as rather too strong. We have just had sad experience of
_cordial_ understandings. "Friendly relations" might do better or
the whole sentence might run thus: "that not peace only but cordial
friendship with France _had been at all times_ [instead of "is one
of the," etc.] one of the first wishes of the British Government, and
that this _will_ remain," etc., etc., etc.

    [Footnote 8: Apparently written at the end of February.]




[Pageheading: ESCAPE OF KING LOUIS PHILIPPE]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st March 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Every hour seems to bring fresh news and events.
Victoire and her children and Montpensier are at Jersey, and are
expected to arrive to-morrow. About the King and Queen, we still know
nothing, but we have some clue, and think _he may be_ somewhere on the
coast, or even _in_ England. We do everything we can for the poor
dear Family, who are indeed most dreadfully to be pitied; but you will
naturally understand that we cannot _make cause commune_ with them and
cannot take a hostile position opposite to the new state of things
in France; we leave them alone, but if a Government which has the
approbation of the country be formed, we shall feel it necessary to
recognise it, in order to pin them down to maintain peace and the
existing Treaties, which is of great importance. It will not be
pleasant for us to do this, but the public good and the peace of
Europe go before one's feelings. God knows what _one feels_ towards
the French. I trust, dear Uncle, that you will maintain the fine and
independent position you are now in, which is so gratifying to us, and
I am sure you will feel that much as we all must sympathise with
our poor French relations, you should not for that quarrel with the
existing state of things, which however is very uncertain. There were
fresh reports of great confusion at Paris, which is sure to happen.
All our poor relations have gone through is worthy only of a
_dreadful_ romance, and poor Clém behaves beautifully, courageously,
and calmly, and is full of resignation; but she can get no sleep, poor
thing--and hears the horrid cries and sees those _fiend-like
faces_ before her! The children are very happy with ours, but very
unmanageable. I saw the Duchesse de Montpensier to-day.

Now, with every wish for _all_ going on well, believe me ever, your
devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.




[Pageheading: MR FEATHERSTONHAUGH]

[Pageheading: A GRAPHIC NARRATIVE]




_Mr Featherstonhaugh[9] to Viscount Palmerston._

HAVRE, _3rd March 1848._

MY DEAR LORD PALMERSTON,--It was a hair-trigger affair altogether, but
thanks be to God everything has gone off admirably. I was obliged
to abandon the plan of trusting the King in a fishing-boat from
Trouville. The weather was very stormy; had he attempted to find the
steamer, he might have failed, for the sea was in a furious state and
the wind ahead. There was also the danger of the fishing-boat being
lost, a contingency the very idea of which made me miserable.

I therefore abandoned the plan altogether, and after much and careful
reflection determined to execute one more within my control, and the
boldness of which, though trying to the nerves, was its very essence
for success. It was to bring the King and Queen into Havre itself
before anybody could suspect such a dangerous intention, and have
everything ready for their embarkation to a minute. To carry out the
plan, I wanted vigilant, intelligent, and firm agents, and I found
them as it turned out. It was known to me that the lower classes
suspected it was M. Guizot concealed at Trouville, and as some
sinister occurrence might reasonably be expected there, I sent a
faithful person into Calvados. It was high time. The mob had assembled
at the place where the King was, who had to slip out at the back door
and walk two leagues on foot. At length he reached a small cottage
belonging to a gardener at Honfleur, where the Queen was. This was
half-past six o'clock A.M. yesterday. My agent saw the King and Queen,
who, after some conversation, sent him back with this message, that
they "would wait where they were until they again heard from me, and
would carry out my final arrangements with exactitude, as far as it
depended upon them." I now instructed Captain Paul to be ready at
half-past seven P.M., when it would be dark, to have his water hot,
ready to get up steam; to have only a rope moored to the quay with an
anchor astern; to expect me with a party a little before eight P.M.,
and as soon as I had got on board with my party and told him to push
off, he was to let me go on shore, cut his rope and cable, get into
the middle of the Basin, up with his steam and jib and push for
England. Not a word was to be spoken on board.

To get the King here from Honfleur the following method was adopted:
M. Bresson, a loyal and intelligent officer in the French Navy and
well known to the King, and Mr Jones, my Vice-Consul and principal
Clerk, went in the steam ferry-boat a quarter before five P.M. to
Honfleur. From the landing-place it is three-quarters of a mile to the
place where the King and Queen were concealed. The ferry-boat was to
leave Honfleur for Havre a quarter before seven o'clock. I had given
M. Bresson a passport for Mr and Mrs Smith, and with this passport the
King was to walk to the landing-place, where he was to be met by my
Vice-Consul and be governed by him.

If the _gens d'armes_ disputed his passport Mr Jones was to vouch for
its regularity, and say that he was sent by me to conduct Mr Smith to
Havre, who was my Uncle. M. Bresson was to follow with the Queen,
and the rest of the suite were to come to the ferry-boat one after
another, but none of the party were to know each other. The ferry-boat
was to arrive in Havre about half-past seven, and I was to do the
rest. A white pocket-handkerchief was to be twice exhibited as a
signal that all was right so far. The difficulty of the _gens d'armes_
being infinitely more to be provided against and apprehended here, I
first confidentially communicated to the greatest gossips in the town
that I had seen a written statement from an official person that the
King had reached England in a fishing-boat from the neighbourhood of
Tréport, and then got some persons whom I could rely upon, sons of my
tradesmen here who are in the National Guard, to be near the steamer
that was to receive the King, to give me their assistance if it should
be necessary, on account of the turbulence of the crowd, to
embark some friends of mine who were going to England. And if an
extraordinary number of _gens d'armes_ were stationed at the steamer,
and they hesitated about letting my Uncle go on board, then about one
hundred yards off I had two persons who were to pretend a quarrel and
a fight, to which I knew the _gens d'armes_ would all go as well as
the crowd. In the meantime I hoped that as Captain Paul made no noise
with his steam that the crowd would not assemble, and that we might
find no _gens d'armes_. The anxiously expected moment at length
arrived. The ferry-boat steamer came to the quay; it was almost dark,
but I saw the white pocket-handkerchief. There was a great number of
passengers, which favoured the debarkation. When half of them were
out, the trembling Queen came up the ladder. I took her hand, told her
it was me, and M. Bresson walked with her towards our steamer. At last
came the King, disguised, his whiskers shaved off, a sort of casquette
on his head, and a coarse overcoat, and immense goggles over his eyes.
Not being able to see well, he stumbled, when I advanced, took his
hand and said, "Ah, dear Uncle, I am delighted to see you." Upon which
he answered, "My dear George, I am glad you are here." The English
about me now opened the crowd for their Consul, and I moved off to a
quiet and shaded part of the quay. But my dear Uncle talked so loud
and so much that I had the greatest difficulty to make him keep
silence. At length we reached the steamer; it was like a clock-work
movement. The crowd was again opened for me. I conducted the King to
a state-room below, gave him some information, and having personally
ascertained that the Queen was in her cabin, and being very
much touched with her tears and her grateful acknowledgments, I
respectfully took my leave, gave the Captain the word to cut loose,
and scrambled ashore. In twenty minutes the steamer was outside,
steaming away for England. I drove down to the jetty, and had that
last satisfaction of seeing her beyond all possibility of recall, and
then drove home. Much has been said this morning about the mysterious
departure of Captain Paul, and I have been obliged to confess that the
gentleman I was seen conducting on board was a brother of the King
of Naples, who was immensely frightened without cause, and that I had
engaged the steamer for him and his family. Many think, however, that
it was the King, but then again that could not be if he crossed over
from Tréport in a fishing-boat. We have got everybody completely
mystified, and there are only four persons in the secret, who will all
remain in the same story.

I have scribbled, amidst the most hurried engagements, this little
narrative, believing that it would interest your Lordship. It has the
interest of romance and the support of truth. I have the honour to be,
etc.

G. W. FEATHERSTONHAUGH.

Information has just reached me that one hour after the King and Queen
left their hiding-place last night, and just when I was embarking
them, an officer and three _gens d'armes_ came to the place to arrest
him. They were sent by the new Republican _Préfet_. It appears that
the man who gave him refuge had confessed who he was as soon as the
King had left Trouville, and had betrayed the King's hiding-place at
Honfleur. What an escape! Your Lordship will see a paragraph in the
enclosed newspaper not altogether false. We in the secret know nothing
about Louis Philippe; we know something about the Count of Syracuse
and something about Mr William Smith. If it leaks out, it must come
from England. Here no one has any proof. In the meantime almost
everybody here is delighted to think that he may have escaped.

    [Footnote 9: British Consul at Havre. This letter was
    submitted to the Queen by Lord Palmerston.]




[Pageheading: ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND]

[Pageheading: RECEPTION AT CLAREMONT]


_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

CARLTON GARDENS, _3rd March 1848._
(3 P.M.)

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs
to state that General Dumas has just been with him to announce that
the King and Queen of the French landed this morning at Newhaven,
having been brought over in the Steam Packet Express, in which they
embarked at Havre yesterday evening about eight o'clock.

General Dumas says that till the morning of their arrival at Dreux the
King and the Queen imagined that the Comte de Paris had succeeded to
the Throne, and that the Duchess of Orleans had been declared Regent;
that when they heard that a Republic and a Provisional Government had
been declared they thought it unsafe to remain at Dreux; and that they
then separated in order to go by different roads to Honfleur, where
they were to meet at a small house belonging to a friend of
General Dumas. At that house they remained for some days, until Mr
Featherstonhaugh opened a communication with them. The King then
removed to Trouville in order to embark from thence in a manner which
Mr Featherstonhaugh had arranged, and he remained there two or three
days for that purpose; but the weather was too stormy, and prevented
his departure. In the meanwhile the people of Trouville found out who
he was, and their demonstrations of attachment became inconvenient.
He therefore returned to Honfleur, and the arrangements were altered.
Yesterday evening at seven o'clock the King, the Queen, and General
Dumas came to the ferry-boat which plies between Honfleur and Havre,
and were met by the Vice-Consul, who treated the King as uncle of
the Consul. On landing at Havre the King walked straight down to the
Express Packet, which was lying ready; the Queen went separately,
and after making a slight round through the streets of Havre embarked
also; the Packet then immediately started, and went into Newhaven in
preference to any other port, because no Packets start from thence
for the French coast. General Dumas says that the whole party were
unprovided with anything but the clothes they wore, and he was going
to the King's banker to provide funds to enable him to come to town,
and said that the King begged him to apologise for his not having
at once written to your Majesty to thank your Majesty for the great
interest which your Majesty has taken in his safety, and for the
assistance, which he has received for his escape, but that he would do
so this evening.

General Dumas said that the King's present intention is to remain in
England in the strictest _incognito_, and that he and the Queen will
assume the title of Count and Countess of Neuilly.

Viscount Palmerston explained to General Dumas that your Majesty has
made arrangements for the King's reception at Claremont, and that your
Majesty intended to send down an officer of your Majesty's Household
to communicate with the King.

General Dumas said that the King would most gratefully avail himself
of the arrangement as to Claremont, but that under all circumstances,
and as the King wished to remain in entire privacy, he thought it
would be better that no person from your Majesty's Household should
go down to the King at Newhaven, and that he was sure the King would
rather find his own way from the railway station at London Bridge to
Claremont than attract attention by being met at the station by any of
your Majesty's carriages.

The King would remain to-night at Newhaven, and would come up
to-morrow morning. General Dumas said that the King and the Queen had
gone through much personal fatigue and mental anxiety, but are both
well in health. The General was going to Count Jarnac before he
returned to Newhaven.




[Pageheading: THE KING'S GRATITUDE]


_The King of the French to Queen Victoria._

NEWHAVEN, SUSSEX, _3ème Mars 1848._

MADAME,--Après avoir rendu grâces à Dieu, mon premier devoir est
d'offrir à votre Majesté l'hommage de ma reconnaissance pour la
généreuse assistance qu'elle nous a donnée, à moi et à tous les miens
et que la Providence vient de couvrir d'un succès complet, puisque
j'apprends qu'ils sont tous à présent sur la terre hospitalière de
l'Angleterre.

Ce n'est plus, Madame, que _le Comte de Neuilly_ qui, se rappelant vos
anciennes bontés, vient chercher sous ses auspices, un asyle et une
retraite paisible et aussi éloignée de tout rapport politique que
celle dont il y a joui dans d'autres temps, et dont il a toujours
précieusement conservé le souvenir.

On me presse tellement pour ne pas manquer le train qui emportera ma
lettre que j'ai à peine le temps de prier votre Majesté d'être mon
interprète auprès du Prince votre auguste Époux.

Ma femme, accablée de fatigue par la vie que nous venons de mener
depuis dix jours! écrira un peu plus tard à votre Majesté. Tout ce
qu'elle a pu faire, est de tracer quelques mots pour notre bien aimée
Louise que je recommande à votre bonté. On me presse encore, Madame,
je ne puis que me souscrire avec mon vieil attachement pour vous, de
votre Majesté, très affectionné,

LOUIS PHILIPPE.




_The Queen of the French to Queen Victoria._

NEWHAVEN, _3ème Mars 1848._

MADAME,--A peine arrivée dans cette contrée hospitalière après 9
jours d'une cruelle agonie, mon premier sentiment, après avoir béni la
Divine Providence, c'est de remercier, du fond de mon c[oe]ur, votre
Majesté, pour les facilités qu'elle a bien voulu nous donner pour
venir dans ce pays terminer nos vieux jours dans la tranquillité et
l'oubli. Une vive inquiétude me tourmente, c'est d'apprendre le sort
de mes enfants chéris desquels nous avons dû nous séparer; j'ai la
confiance qu'ils auront trouvé aussi un appui dans le c[oe]ur généreux
de votre Majesté, et qu'ils auront été également sauvés comme leur
admirable Père, mon premier trésor. Que Dieu vous bénisse, Madame,
ainsi que le Prince Albert et vos enfants, et vous préserve de
malheurs pareils aux nôtres, c'est le v[oe]u le plus sincère de celle
qui se dit, Madame, de votre Majesté, la toute dévouée,

MARIE AMÉLIE.




[Pageheading: ARRIVAL OF GUIZOT]


_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

HOUSE OF COMMONS, _3rd March 1848._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty: he has
read with deep interest the affecting letter of the fallen King.

After the vicissitudes of a long life, it may be no irremediable
calamity if a Prince of great powers of mind and warm domestic
affections is permitted by Providence to end his days in peace and
tranquillity.

Of course all enmity to his projects as a King ceases with his
deposition.

M. Guizot came to London from Dover at half-past six.




_Queen Victoria to the King of the French._

PALAIS DE BUCKINGHAM, _3ème Mars 1848._

SIRE ET MON CHER FRÈRE,--C'était une consolation bien vive pour moi de
recevoir la bonne lettre de votre Majesté qui m'a bien touchée. Nous
avons tous été dans de vives inquiétudes pour vous, pour la Reine et
toute la famille, et nous remercions la Providence pour que vous soyez
arrivés en sûreté sur le sol d'Angleterre, et nous sommes bien heureux
de savoir que vous êtes ici loin de tous ces dangers qui vous ont
récemment menacés. Votre Majesté croira combien ces derniers affreux
événements si inattendus nous ont péniblement agités. Il nous tarde
de savoir que vos santés n'ont pas été altérées par ces derniers jours
d'inquiétude et de fatigue. Albert me charge d'offrir les hommages à
votre Majesté, et je vous prie de déposer les nôtres aux pieds de la
Reine, à qui je compte répondre demain. Je me dis, Sire et mon bon
Frère, de votre Majesté, la bien affectionnée S[oe]ur,

VICTORIA R.




_Queen Victoria to the Queen of the French._

PALAIS DE BUCKINGHAM, _4ème Mars 1848._

MADAME,--Votre Majesté aura excusé que je ne vous ai pas de suite
remercié de votre bonne et aimable lettre de hier. C'est des fonds
de mon c[oe]ur que je me réjouis de vous savoir en sûreté à Claremont
avec le Roi. Mes pensées étaient auprès de votre Majesté pendant tous
ces affreux jours, et je frémis en pensant à tout ce que vous avez
souffert de corps et d'âme.

Albert sera le Porteur de ces lignes; j'aurais été si heureuse de
l'accompagner pour vous voir, mais je n'ose plus quitter Londres.

Avec l'expression de l'affection et de l'estime, je me dis toujours,
Madame, de votre Majesté, la bien affectionnée S[oe]ur,

VICTORIA R.




[Pageheading: THE ROYAL FUGITIVES]


_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

CARLTON GARDENS, _5th March 1848._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
cannot see that there could be any objection to the King and Queen of
the French coming to town to visit your Majesty, and indeed, on
the contrary, it would seem under all the circumstances of the case
natural that they should be anxious to see your Majesty, and that your
Majesty should be desirous of receiving them.

Viscount Palmerston was sure that your Majesty would read with
interest Mr Featherstonhaugh's account of the manner in which he
managed the escape of the King and Queen of the French. It is like one
of Walter Scott's best tales, and the arrangements and the execution
of them do great credit to Mr Featherstonhaugh, who will be highly
gratified to learn, as Viscount Palmerston proposes to inform him,
that your Majesty has approved his conduct. Mr Featherstonhaugh has
also probably rendered a good service to the Provisional Government,
who would have been much embarrassed if their Commissioner had
arrested the King and Queen.




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _7th March 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Albert has written to you so constantly that I have
little to add; he just tells me this is not quite true. However,
there is nothing very new except that we have seen the King and Queen;
Albert went down to Claremont to see them on Saturday, and yesterday
they came here with Montpensier. They both look very _abattus_,
and the poor Queen cried much in thinking of what she had gone
through--and what dangers the King had incurred; in short, humbled
poor people they looked. Dearest Vic I saw on Sunday; _she_ has also
gone through much, and is so dear and good and gentle. She looked
wonderfully well _considering_. They are still _very_ much in want of
means, and live on a very reduced scale.




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S VIEW OF THE CRISIS]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _11th March 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I profit by the departure of Andrews to write to
you a few lines, and to wish you joy of the continued satisfactory
behaviour of my friends, the good Belgians; fervently do I hope and
really trust all will go on well; but what an extraordinary state of
things everywhere! _"Je ne sais plus où je suis,"_ and I fancy really
that we have gone back into the _old_ century. But I also feel one
must not be nervous or alarmed at these moments, but be of good cheer,
and muster up courage to meet all the difficulties.

Our little riots are mere nothing, and the feeling here is good....
_What_ is _your_ opinion as to the late events at Paris? Do you not
think the King ought to have retired to Vincenness or somewhere else a
day or two before, and put himself at the head of the army? Ought
not Montpensier at least to have gone to Vincennes? I know Clém even
thinks this--as also that _one_ ought to have foreseen, and ought to
have managed things better. Certainly at the _very last_, if they had
not gone, they would all have been massacred; and _I_ think they were
quite right, and in short could not avoid going as quickly as they
could; but there is an impression they _fled_ too quickly. Still the
recollection of Louis XVI.... is enough to justify all, and everybody
will admit that; but the Princes, they think, ought to have remained.
_What_ do _you_ think of all this? I think the blunders were _all_ on
the last three or four days--and on the last day, but were no longer
to be avoided at last; there seemed a _fatality_, and _all_ was lost.
Poor Nemours did his best till he could _no longer_ get to the troops.
People here also abuse him for letting Victoire go alone--but he
_remained_ to do his _duty_; a little more _empressement_ on her
arrival here I would have wished. Albert told you all about the
Montpensiers' journey. It would do the King irreparable mischief if
they went now to Spain; the feeling of anger would all return. Poor
people! they are all in a sad state of _want_ at present.

I must conclude. Hoping to hear from you, and to have your opinion.

Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S SYMPATHY]


_Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _15th March 1848._

The Queen cannot let this day pass without offering Lord Melbourne
hers and the Prince's best wishes for many happy returns of it in
health and strength.

Lord Melbourne will agree with the Queen that the last three weeks
have brought back the times of the last century, and we are in the
midst of troubles abroad. The Revolution in France is a sad and
alarming thing.... The poor King and his Government made many mistakes
within the last two years, and were obstinate and totally blind at
the last till flight was inevitable. But for _sixteen_ years he did a
great deal to maintain peace, and made France prosperous, which should
_not_ be forgotten.... Lord Melbourne's kind heart will grieve
to think of the _real want_ the poor King and Queen are in, their
dinner-table containing barely enough to eat. And the poor Nemours
hardly know which way to turn. If the private property be not restored
God only knows what is to become of these distinguished young Princes
and their little children. What will be their _avenir_? It breaks
one's heart to think of it, and the Queen, being so nearly related
to them and knowing them all, feels it very much. Surely the poor
old King is sufficiently punished for his faults. Lord Beauvale will
surely be shocked at the complete ruin of the family. Has he seen or
heard from his old friend Madame de Montjoye, who is here with the
Queen of the French? The poor dear Queen of the Belgians is quite
broken-hearted, but, thank God, Belgium goes on admirably. In Germany
also there are everywhere disturbances, but the good Germans are at
bottom very loyal....

The state of Paris is very gloomy; the rabble armed--keeping the
Government in awe--failures in all directions, and nothing but ruin
and misery. This is too gloomy a letter for a birthday, and the Queen
must apologise for it. The Prince wishes to be kindly remembered to
Lord Melbourne.




[Pageheading: THE CZAR'S VIEW]


_The Emperor of Russia to Queen Victoria._

                    22 Mars
ST. PETERSBURG, _le ------- 1848._
                    3 Avril

MADAME MA S[OE]UR,--Veuillez me permettre, Madame, d'offrir à votre
Majesté mes sincères félicitations de son heureuse délivrance.[10]
Puisse le bon Dieu conserver votre Majesté et toute son auguste
famille, c'est mon v[oe]u de tous les jours. Plus que jamais, Madame,
au milieu des désastres qui renversent l'ordre social, l'on éprouve le
besoin de relier les liens d'amitié que l'on a été heureux de former
dans de meilleurs temps; ceux-là au moins nous restent, car ils sont
hors de la portée des hommes, et je suis fier et heureux de ce que
votre noble c[oe]ur me comprendra. En jettant les yeux sur ce qui se
passe, peut-être votre Majesté accordera-t-elle un souvenir à ce que
j'eus l'honneur de lui prédire, assis à table près d'elle: depuis, 4
années à peine se sont écoulées, et que reste-t-il encore debout en
Europe? La Grande-Bretagne et la Russie!

Ne serait-il pas naturel d'en conclure que notre union intime est
appelée peut-être à sauver le monde? Excusez, Madame, cet épanchement
d'un c[oe]ur qui vous est dévoué et qui a pris l'habitude de souvenir
à vous.

J'ose avec une entière confiance compter sur l'amitié de votre
Majesté, et la prie de recevoir l'assurance de l'inviolable
attachement avec lequel je suis, Madame, de votre Majesté, le tout
dévoué et fidèle bon Frère et Ami,

NICOLAS.

Veuillez, Madame, me rappeler au souvenir de son Altesse Royale
Monsieur le Prince Albert.

    [Footnote 10: The Princess Louise was born on 18th March.]




_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

BRUSSELS, _25th March 1848._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--... England seems quiet, and even the attempt in
Ireland seems to have passed over. But Germany is in an awful state,
beyond what I ever should have thought possible in that country, and
with such a good nation. For years, however, all sorts of people had
been stirring them up, and half measures, seeming dishonest, of the
Sovereigns have done harm. Curious enough that I, who in fact was
desirous of retiring from politics, should be on the Continent the
only Sovereign who stood the storm, though I am at ten hours' distance
from Paris. I trust we shall be able to go on with our money matters
to enable us to keep up; our working classes are at this moment what
occupies us most, and much has been done, and our Banks, which were
much threatened, are now safe.

We work hard, and with these few days I suffered a little, but I
am better to-day. Louise is tolerably well; the poor children are
attentive and amiable. Poor things! _their existence_ is a good deal
on the cards, and fortunes, private and public, are in equal danger.

Now I will leave you that you should not be tired. Ever, my beloved
child, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.




[Pageheading: THE CHARTIST DEMONSTRATION]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _4th April 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have to thank you for three most kind letters, of
the 18th and 25th March, and of the 1st. Thank God, I am _particularly
strong_ and _well_ in _every possible respect_, which is a blessing in
these _awful, sad, heart-breaking_ times. From the first I heard all
that passed, and my only thoughts and talk were--Politics; but I never
was calmer and quieter or less nervous. _Great_ events make me quiet
and calm, and little trifles fidget me and irritate my nerves. But
_I feel_ grown old and serious, and the future is very dark. God,
however, will come to help and protect us, and we must keep up our
spirits. _Germany_ makes me so sad; on the other hand, Belgium is a
real pride and happiness.

We saw your poor father and mother-in-law with the Nemours, Joinville,
and Aumale yesterday. Still a dream to see them _thus, here!_They
are well in health, and the young people's conduct most praiseworthy;
really the three Princesses are astonishing, and a beautiful lesson to
every one. They are so much admired and respected for it. My beloved
Vic, with her lovely face, is perfection, and so cheerful. She often
comes to see me, and this is a great pleasure to me, if only it was
not caused by such misfortunes!

Now good-bye. With fervent prayers for the continuation of your
present most flourishing position, ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.




_Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert._

CHESHAM PLACE, _9th April 1848._

SIR,--The Cabinet have had the assistance of the Duke of Wellington in
framing their plans for to-morrow.

Colonel Rowan[11] advised that the procession should be formed, and
allowed to come as far as the bridge they may choose to pass, and
should there be stopped. He thinks this is the only way to avoid a
fight. If, however, the Chartists fire and draw their swords and use
their daggers, the Military are to be called out.

I have no doubt of their easy triumph over a London mob.

But any loss of life will cause a deep and rankling resentment. I
trust, for this and every reason, that all may pass off quietly. I
have the honour to be, your Royal Highness's most obedient Servant,

J. RUSSELL.

    [Footnote 11: Chief Commissioner of Police, afterwards Sir
    C. Rowan, K.C.B. The Chartist meeting had been fixed for the
    10th.]




[Pageheading: THE UNEMPLOYED]




_The Prince Albert to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _10th April 1848._

MY DEAR LORD JOHN,--To-day the strength of the Chartists and all
evil-disposed people in the country will be brought to the test
against the force of the law, the Government, and the good sense of
the country. I don't feel doubtful for a moment who will be found
the stronger, but should be exceedingly mortified if anything like a
commotion was to take place, as it would shake _that_ confidence which
the whole of Europe reposes in our stability at this moment, and upon
which will depend the prosperity of the country. I have enquired a
good deal into the state of employment about London, and I find, to
my great regret, that the number of workmen of all trades out of
employment is _very_ large, and that it has been increased by the
reduction of all the works under Government, owing to the clamour for
economy in the House of Commons. Several hundred workmen have been
discharged at Westminster Palace; at Buckingham Palace much fewer
hands are employed than are really wanted; the formation of Battersea
Park has been suspended, etc., etc. Surely this is not the moment for
the tax-payers to economise upon the working classes! And though
I don't wish our Government to follow Louis Blanc in his system of
_organisation du travail_,[12] I think the Government is bound to do
what it can to help the working classes over the present moment of
distress. It may do this consistently with real economy in its
own works, whilst the reductions on the part of the Government are
followed by all private individuals as a sign of the times. I have
before this spoken to Lord Morpeth[13] upon this subject, but I wish
to bring it specially under your consideration at the present moment.
Ever yours truly,

ALBERT.

    [Footnote 12: Alluding to the _Ateliers Nationaux_, to
    be established under the guidance of a Council of
    Administration.]

    [Footnote 13: Chief Commissioner of Woods and Forests.]




[Pageheading: FEARGUS O'CONNOR]


_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

DOWNING STREET, _10th April 1848._
(2 P.M.)

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to state that the Kennington Common Meeting has proved a
complete failure.

About 12,000 or 15,000 persons met in good order. Feargus O'Connor,
upon arriving upon the ground in a car, was ordered by Mr Mayne[14] to
come and speak to him. He immediately left the car and came, looking
pale and frightened, to Mr Mayne. Upon being told that the meeting
would not be prevented, but that no procession would be allowed to
pass the bridges, he expressed the utmost thanks, and begged to shake
Mr Mayne by the hand. He then addressed the crowd, advising them to
disperse, and after rebuking them for their folly he went off in a cab
to the Home Office, where he repeated to Sir George Grey his thanks,
his fears, and his assurances that the crowd should disperse quietly.
Sir George Grey said he had done very rightly, but that the force at
the bridges should not be diminished.

Mr F. O'Connor--"Not a man should be taken away. The Government have
been quite right. I told the Convention that if they had been the
Government they never would have allowed such a meeting."

The last account gave the numbers as about 5,000 rapidly dispersing.

The mob was in good humour, and any mischief that now takes place will
be the act of individuals; but it is to be hoped the preparations made
will daunt those wicked but not brave men.

The accounts from the country are good. Scotland is quiet. At
Manchester, however, the Chartists are armed, and have bad designs.

A quiet termination of the present ferment will greatly raise us in
foreign countries.

Lord John Russell trusts your Majesty has profited by the sea air.

    [Footnote 14: Mr Richard Mayne, Commissioner of Police,
    created a K.C.B. in 1851.]




_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _15th April 1848._

Lord John Russell has a letter from Lord Clarendon to-day in better
spirits, but somewhat fearing an outbreak in Dublin to-night. He
speaks confidently of the disposition of the troops.

Lord John Russell cannot wonder that your Majesty has felt deeply the
events of the last six weeks. The King of the French has brought
upon his own family, upon France, and upon Europe a great calamity.
A moderate and constitutional Government at home, coupled with an
abstinence from ambitious projects for his family abroad, might have
laid the foundation of permanent peace, order, and freedom in Europe.
Selfishness and cunning have destroyed that which honesty and wisdom
might have maintained. It is impossible not to pity the innocent
victims of the misconduct of Louis Philippe. Still less can one
refrain from regarding with dread the fearful state of Germany, of her
princes, her nobles, and her tempest-tossed people.

The example of Great Britain, may, however, secure an interval of
reflection for Europe. The next six months will be very trying, but
they may end with better prospects than we can now behold. It was
impossible that the exclusion of free speaking and writing which
formed the essence of Prince Metternich's system could continue. It
might have been reformed quietly; it has fallen with a crash which
spreads ruin and death around.

Lady John is deeply grateful for the congratulations of your Majesty
and the Prince.[15] She is going on well to-day.

    [Footnote 15: On the birth of a second son.]




[Pageheading: ALARMING STATE OF IRELAND]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _16th April 1848._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter. The state of
Ireland is most alarming and most anxious; altogether, there is so
much inflammable matter all around us that it makes one tremble.
Still, the events of Monday must have a calming and salutary effect.
Lord John Russell's remarks about Europe, and the unfortunate and
calamitous policy of the Government of the poor King of the French are
most true. But is he not even most to be pitied for being the cause
of such misery? (Though perhaps he does not attribute it to himself),
for, to see all his hopes thus destroyed, his pride humbled, his
children--whom he loves dearly--ruined--is not this enough to make a
man wretched? and indeed much to be pitied; for _he_ cannot feel _he_
could _not_ have prevented all this. Still Guizot is more to blame;
_he_ was the responsible adviser of all this policy: he is _no_
Bourbon, and he ought to have behaved differently. Had the poor King
died in 1844 after he came here, and before that most unfortunate
Spanish marriages question was started, he would have deservedly gone
down to posterity as a great monarch. _Now_, what will be his name in
history? His fate is a great _moral!_

With regard to Germany, Prince Metternich is the cause of half the
misfortune. His advice was taken by almost all the sovereigns of that
country, and it has kept them from doing in time what has now been
torn from them with the loss of many rights which they need not have
sacrificed. We heard yesterday that the Archduke John[16] had arrived
at Frankfort. This is a wise measure, and may do much good and prevent
much evil, as he is a popular and most distinguished prince....

    [Footnote 16: Uncle of the Emperor (Ferdinand I.) of Austria,
    born 1782.]




[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON AND THE QUEEN]


_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _17th April 1848._

The Queen not having heard anything from Lord Palmerston respecting
foreign affairs for so long a time, and as he must be in constant
communication with the Foreign Ministers in these most eventful and
anxious times, writes to urge Lord Palmerston to keep her informed
of what he hears, and of the views of the Government on the important
questions before us.

She now only gets the Drafts when they are gone.

The acceptance of the mediation between Denmark and Holstein is too
important an event not to have been first submitted to the Queen.




_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

CARLTON GARDENS, _18th April 1848._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
regrets much that he has not lately had an opportunity of giving
your Majesty verbally such explanations as your Majesty might wish to
receive with respect to the progress of foreign affairs, but Viscount
Palmerston hopes to be able to get down to Broadlands for a few days
on Saturday next, and he could easily from thence wait upon your
Majesty on any morning and at any hour your Majesty might be pleased
to appoint.

Although events of the greatest importance have been passing in
rapid succession in almost every part of Europe, the position of
your Majesty's Government has been one rather of observation than of
action, it being desirable that England should keep herself as free as
possible from unnecessary engagements and entanglements, in order that
your Majesty may be at liberty to take such decisions as the state of
things may from time to time appear to render most advisable.




[Pageheading: LOYALTY OF BELGIUM]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BARTON, _18th April 1848._

DEAREST UNCLE,--Detained here by a heavy shower of rain, I begin my
letter to you and thank you warmly for your dear and kind letter of
the 15th, which I received yesterday.

_Truly_ proud and delighted are we at the conduct of the Belgians,[17]
and at their loyalty and affection for you and yours, which I am sure
must be a reward for all that you have done these seventeen years.
I must beg to say that you are wrong in supposing that no mention is
made of what took place on the 9th in our papers; on the contrary, it
has been _most gratifyingly_ mentioned in the _Times_, _Chronicle_,
_John Bull_, _etc._ _You_ are held up as a pattern to the German
Sovereigns, and the Belgians as a pattern to the German people.

In France, really things go on _dreadfully_.... One does not like to
attack those who are fallen, but the poor King, Louis Philippe,
_has_ brought much of this on by that ill-fated return to a _Bourbon
Policy_. I always think he _ought not_ to have abdicated; every one
seems to think he _might_ have stemmed the torrent _then_ still. On
the other hand, Joinville says it was sure to happen, for that the
French want constant change, and were quite tired of the present
Government. _Qu'en dites-vous?_ How is poor, dear Louise? I hope her
spirits are better.

Our weather is terribly rainy, though very fine between. We have got
nightingales in the pleasure ground, and in the wood down near the
sea. We are all extremely well, and expect the Prince of Prussia here
to-day for two nights. Ever your devoted and attached Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 17: A party of French Republicans entered Belgium
    with the intention of exciting an insurrection; the attempt
    signally failed.]




_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _1st May 1848._

The Queen has this morning received Lord Palmerston's letter.[18] She
cannot see any reason for deviating from the established rules, and
inviting to Court Frenchmen who are not recognised in their official
capacity, and have no natural representatives to present them as
private individuals. As an invitation cannot be claimed by them, the
omission of it ought not to lead to any misrepresentation; whilst the
contrary, under the fiction of their being private individuals, might
lead to misconstruction and to most inconvenient precedents.

    [Footnote 18: M. de Tallenay had arrived in London with a
    letter from M. Lamartine, accrediting him as provisional
    _chargé d'affaires_ of the French Government, and Lord
    Palmerston had suggested to the Queen that etiquette would not
    be violated by inviting him to a Court Ball.]




[Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN FRANCE]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _9th May 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Many thanks for your very kind letter of the 6th.
How delightful it is to hear such good accounts of Belgium! If only
dear Germany gets right and if all our interests (those of the smaller
Sovereigns) are not sacrified! I cannot say _how_ it distresses and
vexes me, and _comme je l'ai à c[oe]ur_. My good and dear Albert is
much worried and works _very_ hard....

I had a curious account of the opening of the _Assemblée_ from Lady
Normanby.[19] No _real_ enthusiasm, dreadful confusion, and the
Blouses taking part in everything, and stopping the Speakers if they
did not please them. The opinion is that it cannot last.

I enclose another letter from Lady Normanby, with an account of the
poor Tuileries, which is very curious and sad; but the respect shown
for poor Chartres is very touching, and might interest poor dear
Louise, if you think fit to show it her. But why show such hatred to
poor Nemours and to the Queen? Montpensier's marriage may cause _his_
unpopularity, possibly. I shall beg to have the letter back.

I must conclude, as we are going to pay a visit at Claremont this
afternoon. Ever your truly devoted Child and Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 19: The National Assembly commenced its sittings on
    4th May, when the Oath of Allegiance was abolished, and the
    Republic proclaimed in the presence of 200,000 citizens.]




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _16th May 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have just heard the news of the extraordinary
confusion at Paris, which must end in a _Blutbad_. Lamartine has quite
lost all influence by yielding to and supporting Ledru Rollin![20] It
seems inexplicable! In Germany, too, everything looks most anxious,
and I _tremble_ for the result of the Parliament at Frankfort.[21] I
am _so_ anxious for the fate of the poor smaller Sovereigns, which it
would be infamous to sacrifice. I feel it _much_ more than Albert, as
it would break my heart to see Coburg _reduced_.

Many thanks for your kind and dear letter of the 13th. Thank God! that
with you everything goes on so well. I will take care and let Lord
Normanby know your kind expressions. The visit to old Claremont was a
touching one, and it seemed an incomprehensible dream to see them
all there. They bear up wonderfully. Nothing can be kinder than
the Queen-Dowager's behaviour towards them all. The poor Duchess of
Gloster is again in one of her nervous states, and gave us a dreadful
fright at the Christening by quite forgetting where she was, and
coming and kneeling at my feet in the midst of the service. Imagine
our horror!

I must now conclude. The weather is beautiful, but too hot for me.
Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 20: Lamartine and Ledru Rollin were members of the
    Provisional Government, and subsequently of the Executive
    Committee. The mob, holding that the promises of general
    employment had been broken, invaded the Assembly _en masse_,
    and attempted a counter-revolution.]

    [Footnote 21: Out of the revolutionary movement in Germany
    had grown their National Assembly, which after a preliminary
    session as a _Vor-Parlament_, was to reassemble on 18th May.]




[Pageheading: AUSTRIA AND ITALY]


_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

(_No date._)

The Queen has carefully perused the enclosed papers, and wishes to
have a copy of Baron Hummelauer's[22] note sent to her to keep.

The basis laid down in it is quite inadmissible, and the Queen was
struck by the light way in which the claims of the Dukes of Parma
and Modena are spoken of (as disposed of by the events), whilst their
position and that of Austria are in every respect identical.[23] The
Queen thinks Lord Palmerston's proposition the one which is the most
equitable, still likely to be attained, but it does not go far enough;
the position which Austria means to take _in Italy_ with her Italian
province ought to be explained, and a declaration be made that Austria
will, with this province, join any Italian league which the other
states of Italy may wish to establish. This will be useful to Italy,
and much facilitate the acceptance of the Austrian proposal, as the
Queen feels convinced that as soon as the war shall be terminated, the
question of the political constitution of Italy (as a whole) will
have to be decided. Why Charles Albert ought to get any additional
territory the Queen cannot in the least see. She thinks it will be
better to proceed at once upon the revised Austrian proposal, than
to wait for Italian propositions, which are sure to be ridiculously
extravagant.

    [Footnote 22: The Austrian Government, in its efforts to
    maintain its ascendency in Lombardy, had sent Baron Hummelauer
    to negotiate with Lord Palmerston.]

    [Footnote 23: The Dukes had both been driven from their
    dominions, while the King (Charles Albert) of Sardinia threw
    in his lot with the cause of United Italy as against Austria,
    which then ruled Lombardy.]




[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND SPAIN]


_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _23rd May 1848._

The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter respecting Spain and
Italy this morning. The sending away of Sir H. Bulwer[24] is a serious
affair, which will add to our many embarrassments; the Queen is,
however, not surprised at it, from the tenor of the last accounts from
Madrid, and from the fact that Sir H. Bulwer has for the last three
years almost been sporting with political intrigues. He invariably
boasted of at least being in the confidence of every conspiracy,
"though he was taking care not to be personally mixed up in them,"
and, after their various failures, generally harboured the chief
actors in his house under the plea of humanity. At every crisis he
gave us to understand that he had to choose between a "revolution and
a palace intrigue," and not long ago only he wrote to Lord Palmerston,
that if the Monarchy with the Montpensier succession was inconvenient
to us, he could get up a Republic. Such principles are sure to be
known in Spain, the more so when one considers the extreme vanity of
Sir H. Bulwer, and his probable imprudence in the not very creditable
company which he is said to keep. Lord Palmerston will remember that
the Queen has often addressed herself to him and Lord John, in fear
of Sir H. getting us into some scrape; and if our diplomatists are
not kept in better order, the Queen may at any moment be exposed
to similar insults as she has received now in the person of Sir H.
Bulwer; for in whatever way one may wish to look at it, Sir Henry
still is _her_ Minister.

The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to show this letter to Lord John
Russell, and to let her know what the Government mean to propose with
respect to this unfortunate affair.

    [Footnote 24: Lord Palmerston had written a letter to Bulwer
    (which the latter showed to the Spanish Premier), lecturing
    the Spanish Queen on her choice of Minister. This "assumption
    of superiority," as Sir R. Peel called it, led to a peremptory
    order to Bulwer to leave Spain in twenty-four hours. His own
    account of the affair appears in his _Life of Palmerston_,
    vol. iii. chap. vii.]




[Pageheading: THE PRINCE OF PRUSSIA]


_The Prince of Prussia to Queen Victoria._

[_Translation._]

BRUSSELS _30th May 1848._

MOST GRACIOUS COUSIN,--I obey the impulse of my heart in seizing my
pen, without any delay, in order to express to you my warmest and most
heartfelt thanks for the infinitely gracious and affectionate way with
which you and the Prince have treated me during my stay in London.[25]
It was a melancholy time, that of my arrival. By the sympathetic view
which you took of my situation, most gracious Cousin, it became
not only bearable, but even transformed into one that became
proportionately honourable and dignified. This graciousness of yours
has undoubtedly contributed towards the change of opinion which has
resulted in my favour, and so I owe to you, to the Prince, and to your
Government, a fortunate issue out of my calamities. So it is with a
heavy heart that I have now left England, not knowing what future
lies before me to meet--and only knowing that I shall need the
strengthening rest and tranquillity which my stay in England and an
insight into her institutions have afforded me in full measure.

Offering my most cordial remembrances to the Prince, to whom I shall
write as soon as possible, I remain, most gracious Cousin, your
faithful and most gratefully devoted Cousin,

PRINCE OF PRUSSIA.

    [Footnote 25: The Prince of Prussia, afterwards the Emperor
    William I., having become intensely unpopular at Berlin, had
    been obliged in March to fly for his life, in disguise, _viâ_
    Hamburg, to England.]




[Pageheading: THE ROYAL EXILES]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st June 1848._

The Queen had not time the other day to talk to Lord John Russell on
the subject of the French Royal Family, and therefore writes to him
now. As it seems now most probable that they, or at least some of
them, will take up their residence for a lengthened period in this
country, and as their position is now a defined one, viz. that of
_exiles_, their treatment should be defined and established.

At first everything seemed temporary, and the public were much
occupied with them, inclined to criticise all that was done or was
omitted by the Court; all their movements were recorded in the papers,
etc. The lapse of three months has a good deal altered this. They have
lived in complete retirement, and are comparatively forgotten; and
their poverty and their resignation to their misfortunes have met with
much sympathy! The Queen is consequently anxious to take the right
line; particularly desirous to do nothing which could hurt the
interests of the country, and equally so to do everything kind towards
a distinguished Royal Family in severe affliction, with whom she
has long been on terms of intimacy, and to whom she is very nearly
related. She accordingly wishes to know if Lord John sees any
objection to the following: She has asked her Cousin, the Duchess of
Nemours, to come for two or three nights to see her at Osborne when
she goes there, _quite_ privately; the Duchess of Kent would bring her
with her. The Duke will not come with the Duchess, as he says he feels
(very properly) it would be unbecoming in him till their fate (as to
_fortune_, for _banished_ they already are) is decided, to be even
for a day at Osborne. The Duchess herself wishes not to appear in the
evening, but to remain alone with the Queen and the Prince.

The Queen considers that when she is _staying_ in the country during
the summer and autumn, and any of the branches of the French Royal
Family should wish to visit her and the Prince, as they occasionally
do here, she might lodge them for one or two nights, as the distance
might be too great for their returning the same day. They are exiles,
and _not Pretenders_, as the Duc de Bordeaux and Count de Montemolin
are (and who are _for that reason only not received at Court_). In all
countries where illustrious exiles related to the Sovereign have been
they have always been received at Court, as the Duc de Bordeaux, the
Duchesse d'Angoulême, etc., etc., invariably have been at Vienna (even
on public occasions), there being a French Ambassador there, and the
best understanding existing between France and Austria. The Duke of
Orleans (King Louis Philippe) in former times was constantly received
by the Royal Family, and was the intimate friend of the Duke of Kent.
Probably, if their fortunes are restored to them, the French Royal
Family will go out into society in the course of time, and if the
state of France becomes consolidated there may no longer exist that
wish and that necessity for _extreme_ privacy, which is so obvious
now. What the Queen has just mentioned, Lord John must well
understand, is not what is _likely_ to take place (except in the case
of her cousin, the Duchess of Nemours) immediately, but only what
might occasionally occur when we are permanently settled in the
country. Of course events _might_ arise which would change this,
and which would render it inadvisable, and then the Queen would
communicate with Lord John, and ask his advice again upon the subject.
All she has suggested refers to the present state of affairs, and,
of course, merely to _strictly_ private visits, and on _no state
occasion_. This is a long letter about such a subject, but the Queen
wishes to be quite safe in what she does, and therefore could not have
stated the case and her opinion in a smaller space.




[Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN LOMBARDY]


_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _4th June 1848._

The Queen returns the enclosed draft. She has written upon it,
in pencil, a passage which she thinks ought to be added, if the
draft--though civil--is not to be a mere refusal to do anything for
Austria, and a recommendation that whatever the Italians ask for ought
to be given, for which a mediation is hardly necessary.[26] The Queen
thinks it most important that we should try to mediate and put a stop
to the war, and equally important that the boundary which is to be
settled should be such a one as to make a recurrence of hostilities
unlikely. The Queen has only further to remark that Lord Palmerston
speaks in the beginning of the letter only of the Cabinet, and adverts
nowhere to the proposition having been submitted to her.

    [Footnote 26: War was now raging in Lombardy between the
    Austrians under Marshal Radetzky and the Piedmontese under the
    King of Sardinia.]




_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _14th June 1848._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty, and thanks your Majesty
for the perusal of this interesting letter.

An Emperor with a rational Constitution might be a fair termination
of the French follies; but Louis Napoleon, with the Communists,
will probably destroy the last chance of order and tranquillity. A
despotism must be the end.

May Heaven preserve us in peace!




[Pageheading: SIR HENRY BULWER]


_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _15th June 1848._

The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter explaining his views
as to the reparation we may be entitled to receive from the Spanish
Government. She considers them as quite fair, but does not wish to
have Sir H. Bulwer again as her Minister at Madrid, even if it should
be necessary that he should repair there in order to be received by
the Queen of Spain. It would not be consulting the permanent interests
of this country to entrust that mission again to Sir H. Bulwer, after
all that has passed. When the Queen considers the position we had in
Spain, and what it ought to have been after the constitution of
the French Republic when we had no rival to fight and ought to have
enjoyed the entire confidence and friendship of Spain, and compares
this to the state into which our relations with that country have been
brought, she cannot help being struck how much matters must have been
mismanaged.




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _16th June 1848._

The Queen sends the enclosed draft,[27] and asks whether this note is
what Lord John directed Lord Palmerston to send to Lisbon as a caution
to Sir H. Seymour not to mix himself up with party intrigues to upset
a particular Ministry?[28] ...

    [Footnote 27: The draft ran:--"As it is evident that the Queen
    and the Government of Portugal will listen to no advice except
    such that agrees with their own wishes, I have to instruct you
    to abstain in future from giving any longer any advice to them
    on political matters, taking care to explain both to the
    Queen and the Government your reasons for doing so. You will,
    however, at the same time positively declare to the Portuguese
    Government that if by the course of policy they are pursuing
    they should run into any difficulty, they must clearly
    understand that they will not have to expect any assistance
    from England."]

    [Footnote 28: Lord John Russell replied that he would write
    immediately to Lord Palmerston respecting Portuguese affairs.
    He added that he did not approve of the proposed draft.]




_Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell._

CARLTON GARDENS, _17th June 1848._

MY DEAR JOHN RUSSELL,--The draft to Seymour was written in consequence
of what you said to me, and what the Queen wrote to you; but my own
opinion certainly is that it would be best to leave the things with
him as they are. It must, however, be remembered that the Portuguese
Government have not in reality fulfilled the engagements taken by the
Queen in the Protocol of last year....

PALMERSTON.




[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S FOREIGN POLICY]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _17th June 1848._

The Queen returns Lord Palmerston's letter. The country is at this
moment suffering, particularly with regard to Spain, under the evil
consequence of that system of diplomacy, which makes the taking up of
party politics in foreign countries its principal object. This system
is condemned alike by the Queen, Lord John, the Cabinet, and, the
Queen fully believes, public opinion in and out of Parliament. Lord
Palmerston's objection to caution our Minister in Portugal against
falling into this fault brings it to an issue, whether that
_erroneous_ policy is to be maintained to the detriment of the real
interests of the country, or a wiser course to be followed in future.
Does Lord John consider this so light a matter as to be surrendered
merely because Lord Palmerston is not to add to such a caution a
gratuitous attack upon the Queen and Government of Portugal? The Queen
thinks it of the utmost importance that in these perilous times this
question with regard to the basis of our foreign policy should be
_settled_, and has no objection to Lord John showing this letter to
Lord Palmerston.




_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _18th June 1848._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he begs
to assure your Majesty that if he was disposed to rest on the known
discretion and temper of Sir Hamilton Seymour without specific
instruction, it was not from regarding the matter lightly, but from a
sense of the inconvenience which might arise to your Majesty's service
from raising a question with Lord Palmerston in the present critical
state of Europe which might induce a belief that he had not conducted
foreign affairs to the satisfaction of his colleagues or of his
Sovereign.

Lord John Russell feeling, however, that on the particular point at
issue your Majesty has just reason to expect that precautions should
be taken against the chance of intrigue with foreign parties against a
foreign government, with which this country is on terms of friendship,
is ready to insist on an instruction to Sir Hamilton Seymour similar
to that which was given to Sir Henry Bulwer to take no part in the
struggle of parties, and to refrain from any interference with
respect to which he has not specific directions from your Majesty's
Government.

But in this case he must take upon himself the whole responsibility of
requiring such a note from Lord Palmerston. It would not be conducive
to your Majesty's service, nor agreeable to the wholesome maxims of
the Constitution to mix your Majesty's name with a proceeding which
may lead to the most serious consequences.

It is just to Lord Palmerston to say that his general course of policy
has met with the warm approval of the Cabinet, and that the cases of
difference of judgment have been rare exceptions.

Lord John Russell submits to your Majesty the letter he proposes to
write before sending it to Lord Palmerston. He would wish to have it
returned as soon as your Majesty can do so.




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _18th June 1848._

The Queen returns to Lord John Russell his letter to Lord
Palmerston,[29] which is excellent, and shows that the Queen's and
Lord John's views upon the important question of our foreign policy
_entirely coincide_. The Queen is sorry that the trouble of such an
altercation should be added to the many anxieties which already press
upon Lord John, but she feels sure that his insisting upon a _sound_
line of policy will save him and the country from _far greater_
troubles....

    [Footnote 29: The letter was to the effect that Sir H. Seymour
    was to take no part in the struggle of parties in Portugal,
    and to refrain from confidential communications with members
    of the Opposition.]




_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

CARLTON GARDENS, _26th June 1848._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is
sorry he is not able to submit to your Majesty the proposed draft to
Sir Hamilton Seymour to go by to-night's mail, as he has not succeeded
in settling the wording of it with Lord John Russell, and is therefore
obliged to defer it till the next mail.




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _26th June 1848._

The Queen sends this letter, which she has just received from Lord
Palmerston. No remonstrance has any effect with Lord Palmerston.
Lord John Russell should ask the Duke of Bedford to tell him of the
conversation the Queen had with the Duke the other night about Lord
Palmerston.




[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND ITALY]


_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st July 1848._

The Queen has not yet answered Lord Palmerston's letter of the 29th.
She cannot conceal from him that she is ashamed of the policy which we
are pursuing in this Italian controversy in abetting wrong, and this
for the object of gaining _influence_ in Italy.[30] The Queen does
not consider influence so gained as an advantage, and though this
influence is to be acquired in order to do good, she is afraid that
the fear of losing it again will always stand in the way of this. At
least in the countries where the greatest stress has been laid on that
influence, and the greatest exertions made for it, the _least good_
has been done--the Queen means in Spain, Portugal, and Greece. Neither
is there any kind of consistency in the line we take about Italy and
that we follow with regard to Schleswig; both cases are perfectly
alike (with the difference perhaps that there is a question of right
mixed up in that of Schleswig); whilst we upbraid Prussia, caution
her, etc., etc., we say nothing to Charles Albert except that if he
did not wish to take _all_ the Emperor of Austria's Italian Dominions,
we would not lay any _obstacles_ in the way of his moderation. The
Queen finds in Lord Palmerston's last despatch to Chevalier Bunsen
the following passage: "And it is manifest and indisputable that no
territory or state, which is not now according to the Treaty of 1815
included in the German Confederation, can be added to that territory
without the consent of the Sovereign of that territory or state." How
does this agree with our position relative to the incorporation of
Lombardy into the states of the King of Sardinia?

    [Footnote 30: Lord Palmerston's sympathy had been with the
    anti-Austrian movement in Northern Italy. For some time after
    Radetzky's evacuation of Milan, the operations of the King of
    Sardinia in support of the Lombards were successful, and he
    had assistance from Tuscany, Naples, and Rome. The Austrians
    suffered reverses at Peschiera and Goito, and the independence
    of Northern Italy seemed to be accomplished. But the tide had
    begun to turn.]




[Pageheading: LORD MINTO'S MISSION]


_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _6th July 1848._

The Queen has to acknowledge Lord Palmerston's long Memorandum
respecting our relations with Italy, the length of which, however, was
fully justified by the importance of the subject.

The mission of Lord Minto has had the Queen's approval at the time,
and the policy pursued by him has never been called in question; but
it certainly was prejudicial to the Austrians, and imposes upon us
additional care not to appear now as the abettors of the anti-Austrian
movement, and nothing in Lord Minto's mission can prevent our
endeavouring to facilitate and forward a speedy settlement of the
present Italian difference.[31] If, therefore, the Italians should be
inclined to be moderate, there can be no dereliction of principle in
encouraging them to be so. The danger of French interference increases
with the delay and is equally great, whether the Austrians maintain
themselves in the Venetian Territory or whether Charles Albert unite
it to his proposed kingdom of Northern Italy; indeed, the French seem
to be anxious for a cause of interference from the line they pursue
even with regard to Naples.

Lord Palmerston seeks to establish a difference between the case
of Schleswig and of Lombardy, on the fact that Schleswig is to be
incorporated into a confederation of States; but this makes the case
of Lombardy only the stronger, as this is to be incorporated into
the dominions of another Sovereign. With regard to the "Revue
Retrospective," the perusal of it has left a different impression upon
the Queen from that which it seems to have made upon Lord Palmerston.
It proved to her, that while the retiring attitude which the late
Government took with regard to the Spanish marriages, left the French
Government to try their different schemes and intrigues and to fail
with every one of them, the attempt of Lord Palmerston to re-organise
the Progressista Party and regain the so-called _English influence_,
brought Queen Christina and King Louis Philippe (who had before
seriously quarrelled) immediately together, and induced them to rush
into this unfortunate combination, which cannot but be considered as
the origin of all the present convulsions in Europe.

    [Footnote 31: Lord Minto, the Lord Privy Seal, and
    father-in-law of the Prime Minister, had been sent to
    encourage in the path of reform Pope Pius IX., who was halting
    between progress and reaction: on the sanguinary risings
    taking place in Lombardy and Venetia, his mission naturally
    appeared hostile to Austria.]




[Pageheading: AN ANXIOUS PERIOD]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _11th July 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--For another kind and dear letter of the 8th, I have
much to thank you. The prosperity of dear little Belgium is a bright
star in the stormy night all around. May God bless and prosper you
all, for ever and ever!

Since the 24th February I feel an uncertainty in everything existing,
which (uncertain as all human affairs must be) one never felt before.
When one thinks of one's children, their education, their future--and
prays for them--I always think and say to myself, "Let them grow up
fit for _whatever station_ they may be placed in--_high or low_." This
one never thought of before, but I _do_ always now. Altogether one's
whole disposition is so changed--_bores_ and trifles which one would
have complained of bitterly a few months ago, one looks upon as good
things and quite a blessing--provided one can _keep one's position in
quiet!_

I own I have not much confidence in Cavaignac,[32] as they fear
his mother's and brother's influence, the former being a widow of a
regicide, and as _stern_ and severe as can be imagined.

I saw the King and Queen on Saturday; he is wonderfully merry still
and quite himself, but _she_ feels it deeply--and for _her_ there is
here the greatest sympathy and admiration.

Albert is going to York to-morrow till Friday; _how_ I wish you and
Louise could be with me, as in '44 and '46! I have, however, got dear
Victoire to come and spend a night with me; it does her always good,
and we are just like sisters, and feel as we did in 1839, when you
know how very fond we were of each other. She is a dear, noble, and
still _beautiful_ child.

I venture to send you a snuff-box with poor Aunt Charlotte's picture
as a child, which also belonged to poor Aunt Sophia. Ever your devoted
Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 32: General Cavaignac, Minister for War, had been
    given _quasi_-dictatorial powers during the insurrection.
    These powers, on the suppression of the revolt, he resigned,
    and was thereupon almost unanimously made President of the
    Council.]




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _13th July 1848._

The Queen was glad to hear of the majorities the other night. She
concludes Lord John Russell cannot at all say _when_ the Session
is likely to end? Is it not much to be regretted that the measure
relative to the Navigation Laws is given up, and was it unavoidable?
The Queen sends Lord John Col. Phipps's report of the Prince's
reception at York, which she thinks will interest him. Does Lord J.
Russell think, if we should not go to Ireland, that we could go to
Balmoral for ten days or a fortnight, without shocking the Irish very
much? It strikes the Queen that to go to see _our own place_ makes a
difference, and is in fact a natural thing; it is, however, impossible
to say if we _can_ get away even for so short a time.

The Queen concludes that there can be no possible objection to the Duc
de Nemours bringing or fetching the Duchess to and from Osborne? He is
the Queen's Cousin, and consequently in a different position to any
of the others; moreover, he does _not_ wish _at present_ to spend one
_night_ there even, but merely to pay a morning visit.

Lastly, the Queen wishes to know if the King and Queen and the other
Princes and Princesses _should themselves_ ask to come and pay the
Queen a morning visit at Osborne, and return again the same day (as
they do here), there would be any objection to it? The Queen merely
wishes to know, in _case they_ should ask leave to do so, what she can
answer.




[Pageheading: COMMISSIONS IN THE ARMY]


_Queen Victoria to Sir George Grey._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _14th July 1848._

The Queen has received Sir George Grey's letter of yesterday, and
has considered the proposed alteration in the mode of preparing
Commissions for Officers in the Army. The Queen does not at all object
to the amount of trouble which the signature of so many Commissions
has hitherto entailed upon her, as she feels amply compensated by the
advantage of keeping up a personal connection between the Sovereign
and the Army, and she very much doubts whether the Officers generally
would not feel it as a slight if, instead of their Commissions
bearing the Queen's sign-manual, they were in future only to receive
a certificate from the Secretary at War that they have been
commissioned.

She therefore prefers matters to remain on their old footing.

The Secretary at War speaks in his Memorandum of his responsibility to
Parliament with respect to allowing Appointments to go on; the
Queen apprehends that his responsibility does not extend beyond the
appropriation of the money voted by Parliament for the use of her
Army.




_The Princess Charlotte of Belgium to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _18th July 1848._

MY DEAREST COUSIN,--I have received the beautiful dolls' house you
have been so kind as to send me, and I thank you very much for it.
I am delighted with it; every morning I dress my doll and give her a
good breakfast; and the day after her arrival she gave a great rout at
which all my dolls were invited. Sometimes she plays at drafts on her
pretty little draft-board, and every evening I undress her and put her
to bed.

Be so good, my dearest Cousin, as to give my love to my dear little
Cousins, and believe me always, your most affectionate Cousin,

CHARLOTTE.




[Pageheading: ITALY AND FRANCE]


_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _24th July 1848._

The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter[33] reporting his
conversation with M. de Tallenay. She can only repeat her opinion that
a negotiation with France in order to agree with her upon a common
line of policy to be followed with regard to the Italian question can
lead to no good; it will make us the ally of a Government which is not
even legally constituted, and which can accordingly not guarantee the
fulfilment of any engagement it may enter into, and it will call upon
the very power to judge the Italian dispute which it is the interest
of Europe to keep out of it. M. de Tallenay seems to have admitted
that the French Republic, if called upon to act, will neither allow
Austria to keep the Venetian territory nor Sardinia to acquire it, but
that she will strive to set up a Venetian Republic. It can really not
be an object for us to assist in such a scheme, or even to treat upon
it.

Lord Cowley the Queen means to invite to dinner to-day, and she wishes
Lord Palmerston to let her know the day on which he is to leave for
Frankfort in order that she may prepare her letter for the Archduke
accordingly.

    [Footnote 33: Lord Palmerston had reported an interview with
    de Tallenay, who sought the co-operation of England with France
    in Northern Italy; the Austrian force in Italy to be withdrawn
    or reduced, the union of Lombardy and Piedmont to be accepted
    as a _fait accompli_, and Venetian territory erected into a
    separate republic.]




[Pageheading: NORTHERN ITALY]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _25th July 1848._

The Queen sends Lord John Russell the enclosed Despatch from Lord
Normanby, with a draft in answer to it which was sent for her
approval, but which she really cannot approve. The Queen must tell
Lord John what she has repeatedly told Lord Palmerston, but without
apparent effect, that the establishment of an _entente cordiale with
the French Republic_, for the purpose of driving the Austrians out
of _their dominions_ in Italy, would be a _disgrace_ to this country.
That the French would attach the greatest importance to it and gain
the greatest advantage by it there can be no doubt of; but how will
England appear before the world _at the moment_ when she is struggling
to maintain her supremacy in Ireland, and boasts to stand by treaties
with regard to her European relations, having declined all this
time to interfere in Italy or to address one word of caution to the
Sardinian Government on account of its attack on Austria, and having
refused to mediate when called upon to do so by Austria, because
the terms were not good enough for Sardinia, if she should now ally
herself with the arch-enemy of Austria to interfere _against her_ at
the moment when she has recovered in some degree her position in the
Venetian territory?

The notion of establishing a Venetian State under French guarantee is
too absurd. Lord Palmerston in his draft says that we believe that the
French plan would be agreed to by Austria. Now this is completely at
variance with every account, report, or despatch we have received from
Verona, Innspruck, or Vienna; however, Lord Palmerston hints that the
King of Sardinia might expect still better terms. The French Republic
seems _not_ to be anxious for war, not able to conduct it, and the
country appears to be decidedly against it; all M. Bastide says is:
"There were two extremes which it would be very difficult for them
to admit without opposition, viz. the restoration of Lombardy to the
Dominion of Austria on the one side, and the union under one powerful
state under Charles Albert of all the principalities into which
the north of Italy has hitherto been divided." With this explicit
declaration, it would surely be best for the interests of Europe that
we should name _this_ to Charles Albert, and call upon him to rest
satisfied with his conquest, and to conclude a peace with Austria,
leaving her what he cannot take from her, and thus avoid calling in
France as an arbiter. Why this has not been done long ago, or should
not be done now, the Queen cannot comprehend.




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _27th July 1848._

The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell's two letters with
respect to Italy. The alterations in the draft meet many of the
Queen's objections, giving to the whole step another appearance. The
Queen ... must acknowledge the advantage of our trying to bind [the
French] to good conduct; only this must be done in a way not to appear
as a league with them against a friendly Power, struggling to preserve
to herself a territory granted to her by a Treaty to which we were a
party.

As the amended draft secures us against these appearances, and leaves
us free for the future, the Queen approves it.




[Pageheading: MINOR GERMAN STATES]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _1st August 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I had yesterday the happiness of receiving your
kind letter of the 29th, for which I return my best thanks.

There are ample means of crushing the Rebellion in Ireland,[34] and
I think it now is very likely to go off without any contest.... Lord
Hardinge is going over there to serve on the Staff, which is very
praiseworthy of him.

I do not think the fate of the Minor Princes in Germany is so
completely decided as Charles[35] ... is _so_ anxious to make one
believe. There is only a question of taking certain powers and rights
away, and not at all of getting rid of them; and I think you will see
that the _Ausführung_ of the Unity will be an impossibility, at least
in the sense they propose at Frankfort. The Archduke John has spoken
very reassuringly both to Ernest and the Duke of Meiningen, and the
attachment in many of those smaller principalities is still extremely
great, and I am sure they will never consent to being _ausgewischt_.
Coburg, for instance, on the occasion of the suppression of a very
small riot, showed the greatest attachment and devotion to Ernest; at
Gotha the feeling of independence is _very_ great, and at Strelitz, on
the occasion of Augusta's confinement with a _son_, the enthusiasm and
rejoicing was universal. All this cannot be entirely despised.

We are as happy as possible here, and would be perfectly so, if it was
not for the sorrow and misfortunes of so many dear to us, and for the
state of the world in general.

I have always forgotten to tell you that we bought a fine marble bust
of you quite by accident in London the other day. It is in armour and
with moustaches, but quite different to the one the Gardners have at
Melbourne; Albert saw it at the window of a shop, and heard it had
been bought in a sale of a General Somebody. Now, with Albert's best
love, ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

We have just heard that there has been an _action_ in Ireland in which
some of the insurgents have been killed; _fifty_ Police dispersed
_four thousand_ people. Smith O'Brien is, however, not yet taken.

    [Footnote 34: _See_ Introductory Note for the year, _ante_, p.
    141.]

    [Footnote 35: The Frankfort Assembly, in pursuance of the
    policy of German consolidation, had placed the central
    executive power in the hands of a Reichsverweser, or Vicar
    of the Empire. The Archduke John, uncle of the Emperor
    of Austria, was elected to this position, and the Queen's
    half-brother Charles, Prince of Leiningen, was entrusted with
    the Department of Foreign Affairs.]




[Pageheading: AN AMBASSADOR TO FRANCE]


_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _8th August 1848._

... The Queen has attentively perused the statement of Lord Palmerston
in favour of accrediting an Ambassador at Paris. As the proposed
arrangement for the present is to be only a _provisional_ one, the
Queen thinks that the appointment of a _Minister_ now will leave it
quite open to have an Ambassador hereafter, if it should be found
necessary or advantageous, whilst it would set that matter at rest
for the moment. Withdrawing an Ambassador and substituting a Minister
hereafter, would be much more difficult. The French Republic would
no doubt like to have an Ambassador here, and perhaps take immediate
steps to secure that object if Lord Normanby were accredited
Ambassador at Paris, against which we would be secured in having only
a Minister there.... Lord Normanby's acquaintance with the public men
at Paris is as much an inconvenience as it may be a convenience in
some respects; his having been the great admirer and friend of M.
Lamartine, for instance, etc., etc. The possibility of mixing freely
with persons of various kinds, which Lord Palmerston adduces as an
important consideration will, in the Queen's opinion, be more easy
for a Minister than for a person of the high rank of Ambassador. All
things considered therefore, the Queen will prefer to have temporarily
a Minister accredited at Paris.

M. de Tallenay the Queen would receive in London on Tuesday next at
six o'clock, when the Queen will be in Town.




_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _11th August 1848._

The Queen has to acknowledge Lord Palmerston's letter of yesterday.
The Queen was quite surprised to hear from Lord Palmerston in his last
communication that he had written to Lord Normanby to offer him to
stay as Minister at Paris, after his having before stated to the Queen
that this would never do and could not be expected from Lord Normanby;
Lord Normanby's answer declining this offer therefore does in no way
alter the matter, and must have been foreseen by Lord Palmerston.
By the delay and Lord Normanby's various conversations with M.
Bastide[36] and General Cavaignac it has now become difficult to
depart from the precedent of the Belgian and Sardinian Missions
without giving offence at Paris. The Queen must, however, insist upon
this precedent being fully adhered to. She accordingly sanctions Lord
Normanby's appointment as Ambassador Extraordinary, on the _distinct
understanding_ that there is to be no Ambassador sent in return to
London now, and that a Minister is to be appointed to Paris when the
diplomatic intercourse is permanently to be settled. The Queen
wishes Lord Palmerston to bear this in mind, and to submit to her the
arrangement which he thinks will be best calculated to carry this into
effect.

    [Footnote 36: Minister of Foreign Affairs.]




[Pageheading: LORD NORMANBY'S APPOINTMENT]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _11th August 1848._

The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell's letter of to-day.
The Queen is highly indignant at Lord Palmerston's behaviour now again
with respect to Lord Normanby's appointment; he knew perfectly well
that Lord Normanby could not accept the post of Minister, and had
written to the Queen before that such an offer could not be made, and
has now made it after all, knowing that, by wasting time and getting
the matter entangled at Paris, he would carry his point. If the French
are so anxious to keep Lord Normanby as to make any sacrifice for that
object, it ought to make us cautious, as it can only be on account of
the ease with which they can make him serve their purposes. They,
of course, like an _entente cordiale_ with us at the expense of
Austria;... but this can be no consideration for us....

Threatening the Austrians with war, or making war upon them in case
they should not be inclined to surrender their provinces at his
bidding [Lord Palmerston] knows to be impossible; therefore the
_entente_ with the Republic is of the greatest value to him, enabling
him to threaten the Austrians at any time with the French intervention
which he can have at command if he agrees to it.[37] The Queen has
read the leading articles of the _Times_ of yesterday and to-day on
this subject with the greatest satisfaction as they express almost
entirely the same views and feelings which she entertains. The Queen
hopes that Lord John Russell will read them; indeed, the whole of
the Press seem to be unanimous on this subject, and she can hardly
understand how there can be two opinions upon it....

    [Footnote 37: The success of the Piedmontese in Northern Italy
    had not continued through the summer, and the States whose
    assistance they had hitherto received began to fall away from
    them. The King of Naples, successful within his own dominions,
    had withdrawn his troops; the Pope hesitated to attack
    Austria; even undivided support from Venetia could no longer
    be counted upon. After several reverses, Charles Albert, now
    left virtually alone in the contest, was decisively defeated
    by Radetzky, at Custozza, and retreated across the Mincio.
    With what was left of his troops he entered Milan, which he
    was eventually forced to surrender, being unable to maintain
    himself there. Italy now turned to France for assistance, but
    Cavaignac, virtually Dictator in Paris, would not go further
    than combining with England to effect a peaceful mediation.
    Austria was not in a frame of mind to relinquish any part of
    the provinces she had had so severe a struggle to retain.]




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]


_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _20th August 1848._

The Queen has received an _autograph_ letter from the Archduke John
(in answer to the private letter she had written to him through Lord
Cowley), which has been cut open at the Foreign Office. The Queen
wishes Lord Palmerston to take care that this does not happen again.
The opening of official letters even, addressed to the Queen, which
she has _of late_ observed, is really not becoming, and ought to be
discontinued, as it used never to be the case formerly.




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _21st August 1848._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of yesterday, but
cannot say that she has been satisfied by the reasons given by Lord
Palmerston. The union of Lombardy and Piedmont cannot be considered as
a concession to France for the maintenance of peace, because we know
that it is the very thing the French object to. The Queen quite agrees
that the principal consideration always to be kept in sight is the
preservation of the peace of Europe; but it is precisely on that
account that she regrets that the terms proposed by Lord Palmerston
(whilst they are not in accordance with the views of France) are
almost the only ones which must be most offensive to Austria. Lord
Palmerston _will_ have his kingdom of Upper Italy under Charles
Albert, to which every other consideration is to be sacrificed, and
Lord Normanby's alteration of the terms certainly serve _that_ purpose
well; but it is quite independent of the question of mediation,
and the only thing in the whole proceeding which is indefensible in
principle.


It will be a calamity for ages to come if this principle is to become
part of the international law, viz. "that a people can at any time
transfer their allegiance from the Sovereign of one State to that of
another by universal suffrage (under momentary excitement)," and
this is what Lord Normanby--no doubt according to Lord Palmerston's
wishes--has taken as the basis of the mediation. For even the _faits
accomplis_, which are a convenient basis to justify any act of
injustice, are here against Charles Albert.

Lord Palmerston's argument respecting Schleswig,[38] which the Queen
quoted in her last letter, had no reference to the Treaty of 1720.

    [Footnote 38: The first act of the _Vor-Parlament_, a body
    which had existed temporarily at Frankfort, to pave the way
    for the National Assembly of a Consolidated Germany, had been
    to treat Schleswig, theretofore part of the Danish dominions,
    as absorbed in the German Confederation, and Lord Palmerston's
    objections to this proceeding had been treated by the Queen
    in a letter of 19th August as inconsistent with his attitude
    towards Austria.]




[Pageheading: PRUSSIA AND GERMANY]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _29th August 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Most warmly do I thank you for your very kind and
dear letter of the 26th, with so many good wishes for that _dearest_
of days. It is indeed to me one of eternal thankfulness, for a purer,
more perfect being than my beloved Albert the Creator could _not_ have
sent into this troubled world. I feel that I could _not_ exist without
him, and that I should sink under the troubles and annoyances and
_dégoûts_ of my _very_ difficult position, were it not for _his_
assistance, protection, guidance, and comfort. Truly do I thank you
for your _great_ share in bringing about our marriage.

Stockmar I do not quite understand, and I cannot believe that he
_really wishes to ruin_ all the smaller States, though his principal
object is that unity which I fear he will _not_ obtain.

I do not either at all agree in his wish that Prussia should take the
lead; his love for Prussia is to me incomprehensible, for it is the
country of all others which the _rest_ of Germany dislikes. Stockmar
cannot be my good old friend if he has such notions of injustice as
I hear attributed to him. But whatever they may be, I do _not_ believe
the _Ausführung_ to be possible.

I have great hopes of soon hearing of something decided about the
fortunes of the poor French family. You will have seen how nobly and
courageously good Joinville and Aumale behaved on the occasion of the
burning of that emigrant ship off Liverpool.[39] It will do them great
good. I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 39: One hundred and seventy-eight persons perished
    in the burning of the _Ocean Monarch_; the French Princes were
    on board a Brazilian steam frigate, which saved one hundred
    and fifty-six lives.]




[Pageheading: AUSTRIA DECLINES MEDIATION]


_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _2nd September 1848._

The Queen has read in the papers the news that Austria and Sardinia
have nearly settled their differences, and also "that it was
confidently stated that a French and _British_ squadron, with troops
on board, _are to make a demonstration in the Adriatic_."

Though the Queen cannot believe this, she thinks it right to inform
Lord Palmerston without delay that, should such a thing be thought of,
it is a step which the Queen could _not_ give her consent to.




_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _4th September 1848._

The Queen since her arrival in Town has heard that the answer from
Austria declining our mediation has some days ago been communicated
to Lord Palmerston. The Queen is surprised that Lord Palmerston should
have left her uninformed of so important an event. The Queen has
received Lord Palmerston's letter respecting the proposal to mediate
on the part of the central power of Germany,[40] and does not see why
that power, which has a responsible Government, is to be precluded
from taking part in a negotiation because the Archduke John might be
friendly towards Austria--whereas the French republic, which had in
public documents espoused the Italian Cause, is to be a party to it.

Neither France nor England are neighbours to or directly interested in
Lombardy, whereas Germany is both.[41]

    [Footnote 40: See _ante_, p. 188, note 35.]

    [Footnote 41: Lord Palmerston's object, in which he ultimately
    succeeded, was, by obtaining the French Government's
    co-operation in mediating between Austria and Piedmont, to
    prevent the aggressive party in France from maturing any
    designs on Italy.]




[Pageheading: AUSTRIA AND ITALY]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

ON BOARD THE _Victoria and Albert,_
ABERDEEN, _7th September 1848._

The Queen must send the enclosed draft to Lord John Russell, with a
copy of her letter to Lord Palmerston upon it. Lord Palmerston has as
usual pretended not to have had time to submit the draft to the Queen
before he had sent it off. What the Queen has long suspected and often
warned against is on the point of happening, viz. Lord Palmerston's
using the new _entente cordiale_ for the purpose of wresting from
Austria her Italian provinces by French arms. This would be a most
iniquitous proceeding. It is another question whether it is good
policy for Austria to try to retain Lombardy, but that is for her and
not for us to decide. Many people might think that we would be happier
without Ireland or Canada. Lord John will not fail to observe how very
intemperate the whole tone of Lord Palmerston's language is.




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BALMORAL CASTLE, _13th September 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I yesterday received your dear and kind letter of
the 9th (it having arrived in London only the day before), which
is very quick, and I thank you much for it. The Schleswig affair at
Frankfort is _very_ unfortunate, and there seems a lamentable want of
_all_ practical sense, foresight, or even _common_ prudence.[42]

The poor Austrians seem now to accept the (to me _very_ doubtful)
mediation. It reminds me of the wolf in the lamb's skin. _Nous
verrons_, how matters will be arranged....

My letter to Louise will have informed you of our voyage and our
arrival here. This house is small but pretty, and though the hills
seen from the windows are not _so_ fine, the scenery all around is the
finest almost I have seen anywhere. It is very wild and solitary,
and yet cheerful and _beautifully wooded_, with the river Dee running
between the two sides of the hills. Loch Nagar is the highest hill in
the immediate vicinity, and belongs to us.

Then the soil is the driest and best known almost anywhere, and all
the hills are as sound and hard as the road. The climate is also dry,
and in general not very cold, though we had one or two very cold days.
There is a deer forest--many roe deer, and on the opposite hill (which
does not belong to us) grouse. There is also black cock and ptarmigan.
Albert has, however, no luck this year, and has in vain been after the
deer, though they are continually seen, and often quite close by the
house. The children are very well, and enjoying themselves much. The
boys always wear their Highland dress.

I must now wish you good-bye, and repeat how much delighted we are
that everything goes on so well in Belgium. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 42: The incorporation of Schleswig had been forcibly
    resisted, and Sweden determined on armed intervention; but a
    temporary armistice was arranged in August. This the National
    Assembly attempted to disavow, but a few days after this
    letter was written it was ratified.]




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]


_Memorandum by Queen Victoria._

BALMORAL, _19th September 1848._

I said to Lord John Russell, that I must mention to him a subject,
which was a serious one, one which I had delayed mentioning for some
time, but which I felt I must speak quite openly to him upon now,
namely about Lord Palmerston; that I felt really I could hardly go
on with him, that I had no confidence in him, and that it made me
seriously anxious and uneasy for the welfare of the country and for
the peace of Europe in general, and that I felt very uneasy from one
day to another as to what might happen. Lord John replied that he was
aware of it; that he had considered the matter already, having heard
from his brother (the Duke of Bedford) how strongly I felt about it;
that he felt the truth of all that I had said, but that, on the other
hand, Lord Palmerston was a very able man, entirely master of his
office and affairs, and a very good colleague, never making any
difficulties about other questions, but (certainly _unreasonably_)
complaining of other people mixing with and interfering in the affairs
of his office. I said that ... I fully believed that that Spanish
marriage question, which had been the original cause of so many
present misfortunes, would never have become so _embrouillé_ had it
not been for Lord Palmerston. This led Lord John to say, that though
he disapproved the length of Lord Palmerston's correspondence, still
that we could not have done otherwise than object to the marriage.
This is true enough. I repeated that all that had been done in Italy
last winter had also done harm, as it was done by _Lord Palmerston_,
who was distrusted everywhere abroad, which Lord John regretted. I
said that I thought that he often endangered the honour of England by
taking a very prejudiced and one-sided view of a question;... that his
writings were always as bitter as gall and did great harm, which
Lord John entirely assented to, and that I often felt quite ill from
anxiety; that I wished Lord Clarendon (who, I had heard, was tired
of Ireland) could come over and be Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, and Lord Palmerston go to Ireland as Lord-Lieutenant. Lord
John said nothing would be better, for that he was sure that Lord
Palmerston would make an admirable Lord-Lieutenant, but that another
thing to be considered was the danger of making Lord Palmerston an
enemy by displacing him, that Lord Minto (who was formerly a great
friend and admirer of Lord Palmerston's) had told Lady John when she
spoke to him on the subject of placing Lord Palmerston in another
office, that _he_ (Lord Palmerston) would certainly turn against the
Government if displaced. I said that might be, but that sometimes
there were great interests at stake which exceeded the danger of
offending one man, and that this was here the case; Lord John said
it was very true, but that at moments like these one of course was
anxious not to do anything which could cause internal trouble.
I admitted this, but repeated my anxiety, which Lord John quite
understood, though he thought I a little overrated it, and said I was
afraid that some day I should have to tell Lord John that I could
not put up with Lord Palmerston any longer, which might be very
disagreeable and awkward.

It ended by Lord John's promising to bear the subject in mind, and I
must say that he took it all just as I could wish.

VICTORIA R.




[Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN THE PUNJAB]

[Pageheading: HOSTILITY OF THE SIKHS]


_Minute by the Governor-General of India._

_30th September 1848._

... The course of events, as they have developed themselves, and long
and anxious considerations of this important subject, have finally and
immovably confirmed in my mind the conviction which the earlier events
of the insurrection at Mooltan long since had founded, that there will
be no peace for India, nor any stability of Government in the Punjab,
nor any release from anxiety and costly defensive preparations on
our frontier, unless the British Government, justly indignant at the
unprovoked and treacherous aggression once again committed against
them by the Sikhs, shall now effectually provide against future
dangers by subverting for ever the Dynasty of the Sings, by converting
the Punjab into a British province, and by adopting the only measure
which will secure the observance of peace by the Sikhs, namely,
depriving them utterly of all the means of making war. I continue as
fully convinced as ever that the establishment of a strong, friendly,
Hindoo Government in the Punjab would be the best settlement that
could be made for the interests of British India, if it could
be formed. But I am convinced that such a Government cannot be
formed.[43]

    [Footnote 43: _See_ Introductory Note for 1849, _post_, p.
    208.]

The Chiefs of the Punjab are utterly powerless and worthless. The
great body of the nation is adverse to all control, and in no degree
submissive to the authority of those who are professedly their rulers.

Even admitting, which I am by no means prepared to do, that the
Sirdars are not treacherously or hostilely disposed to the British
Government, of what advantage, what defence to us is the fidelity of
the Chiefs, if they are confessedly unable to control the army which
is as avowedly hostile to us? That which we desire to secure is a
peaceful and well-governed neighbour, and a frontier free from alarms,
nor demanding a permanent garrison of 50,000 men. If their army are
able to disturb and eager to disturb on every occasion the peace we
seek to render permanent, of what profit to us is the assumed fidelity
of the Chiefs, who cannot repress their soldiers' turbulence, or
command their obedience?

I discredit altogether the assurances of the fidelity of the Chiefs on
the evidence of the facts before us....

To all these recommendations my colleagues in the Council have yielded
their ready assent.

I have to the last sought to avert, or to avoid, the necessity, if it
could prudently or fitly be avoided.

The Sikh nation have forced the necessity upon us. Having resolved
at once, and fully, to meet it, I shall proceed with all speed to the
frontier, and shall endeavour by every exertion, and by all the means
in my power, to carry into effect vigorously the measures on which
the Government of India has resolved, and which, in my conscience I
believe, are imperatively called for by regard to the peace of India,
to the security of our Empire there, and to the happiness of the
people over whom we rule.

DALHOUSIE.




[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S ITALIAN POLICY]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _7th October 1848._

The Queen sends Lord Palmerston's answer to her last letter, of which
the Queen has sent a copy to Lord John Russell, and encloses likewise
a copy of her present answer. The partiality of Lord Palmerston in
this Italian question really _surpasses all conception_, and makes the
Queen _very uneasy_ on account of the character and honour of England,
and on account of the danger to which the peace of Europe will be
exposed. It is now clearly proved by Baron Wessenberg that upon the
conclusion of the Armistice with Sardinia, negotiations for peace
would have speedily been entered into, had our _mediation_ not been
offered to the King, to whom the offer of Lombardy was too tempting
not to accept, and now that promise is by fair or unfair means to
be made good. The Queen cannot see any principle in this, as the
principle upon which Lord Palmerston goes is _Italian Nationality and
Independence from a foreign Yoke and Tyranny_. How can the Venetian
territory then be secured to Austria? and if this is done, on what
ground can Lombardy be wrung from her? It is really not safe to settle
such important matters without principle and by personal _passion_
alone. When the _French_ Government say they cannot control public
feeling, Lord Palmerston takes this as an unalterable fact, and as
a sufficient reason to make the Austrians give up Lombardy; when,
however, the _Austrian_ Government say they cannot give up Lombardy on
account of the feeling of the Army which had just reconquered it
with their blood and under severe privations and sufferings, Lord
Palmerston flippantly tells the Austrian Government, "if that were so,
the Emperor had better abdicate and make General Radetzky Emperor."
When Charles Albert burned the whole of the suburbs of Milan to keep
up the delusion that he meant to defend the town, Lord Palmerston
said nothing; and now that the Austrian Governor has prohibited
revolutionary placards on the walls, and prolonged the period at which
arms are to be surrendered, at the end of which persons concealing
arms are to be tried by court-martial, he writes to Vienna: "that this
savage proclamation, which savours more of the barbarous usages of
centuries long gone by than of the spirit of the present times,
must strike everybody as a proof of the fear by which the Austrian
Commander is inspired," etc., etc., etc.

Venice was to have been made over to Austria by the Armistice, and
now that this has not been done, Austria is not even to retake it, in
order (as Lord Normanby says) to keep something in hand against which
Austria is to make further concessions. Is all this fair? In the
meantime, from the account of our Consul at Venice, the French agents
are actively employed in intrigues against Austria in that town, and
have asked him to assist, which he refused. Lord Palmerston merely
approved his conduct, and did not write a line to Paris about it. Now
the question at issue is not even to be submitted to a Conference of
European powers, but to be settled by the French Republic and Lord
Palmerston alone, Lord Normanby being the instrument who has pledged
himself over and over again for Italian _independence_ (so called).
If Austria makes peace with Sardinia, and gives her Italian provinces
separate National Institutions with a liberal constitutional
Government, _who can force_ upon her another arrangement?




[Pageheading: GREECE]


_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _8th October 1848._

The Queen cannot refrain from telling Lord Palmerston what a painful
impression the perusal of a draft of his to Lord Normanby referring to
the affairs of Greece has made upon her, being so little in accordance
with the calm dignity which she likes to see in all the proceedings of
the British Government; she was particularly struck by the language in
which Lord Palmerston speaks of King Otho, a Sovereign with whom she
stands in friendly relations, and the asperity against the Government
of the King of the French, who is really sufficiently lowered and
suffering for the mistakes he may have committed, and that of all this
a copy is to be placed in the hands of the Foreign Minister of the
French _Republic_, the Queen can only see with much regret.[44]

    [Footnote 44: Lord Palmerston replied that his observations on
    the two Kings lay at the very root of his argument, and were
    necessary to conciliate the present Government of France.]




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _10th October 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Our voyage yesterday was much saddened by a
terrible accident at Spithead, which delayed us half an hour, and
which still fills us with horror. The sea was running very high, and
we were just outside what is called The Spit, when we saw a man in
the water, sitting on the keel of a boat, and we stopped, and at that
moment Albert discerned _many heads_ above the sea, including a poor
woman. The tide was running so strong that we could only stop an
instant and let a boat down, but you may imagine our horror. We waited
at Gosport to hear if the people had been saved, and we learnt that
three had, two of whom by our _Fairy's_ boat, and that four were
drowned. Very horrid indeed.

The state of Germany is dreadful, and one does feel quite ashamed
about that once really so peaceful and happy people. That there are
still good people there I am sure, but they allow themselves to be
worked upon in a frightful and shameful way.... In France a crisis
seems at hand. _What_ a very bad figure we cut in this mediation!
Really it is quite immoral, with Ireland quivering in our grasp,
and ready to throw off her allegiance at any moment, for us to force
Austria to give up her lawful possessions. What shall we say if
Canada, Malta, etc., begin to trouble us? It hurts me terribly. This
ought to be the principle in _all actions_, private as well as public:
"Was du nicht willst, dass dir geschieht, das thu' auch einem andern
nicht." ...

I must now conclude. With every good wish, ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.



[Pageheading: THE BOERS]


_Earl Grey to Queen Victoria._

COLONIAL OFFICE, _25th October 1848._

Earl Grey presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to inform
your Majesty that no official accounts have been received of the
engagement on the Cape Frontier between your Majesty's forces under
Sir H. Smith and the insurgent Dutch farmers, of which an account
is published in the newspapers.[45] Lord Grey has, however, seen a
private letter, which mentions, in addition to what is stated in the
Government notice in the Cape newspapers, that Sir Harry Smith exposed
himself very much, and was slightly wounded; most fortunately, he was
merely grazed in the leg; his horse was also struck by a bullet in the
nose. A very large proportion of those who were hit by the fire of the
rebels were officers, who appear to have been particularly aimed at.

    [Footnote 45: In July, Pretorius, the Boer leader, had in
    consequence of the British annexation of territory, expelled
    the British Resident from Bloemfontein. _See_ Introductory
    Note, _ante_, p. 142. Sir Harry Smith decisively defeated the
    Boers on the 29th of August.]




_Queen Victoria to Earl Grey._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _26th October 1848._

The Queen has received Lord Grey's letter, and is glad to hear that
Sir H. Smith's wound was not of a serious nature. The loss of so many
officers, the Queen is certain, proceeds from their wearing a blue
coat whilst the men are in scarlet; the Austrians lost a great
proportion of officers in Italy from a similar difference of dress.

As to the Medal for Major Edwardes, the Queen did not approve but
disapprove the step, and wished the Bath to be given instead, which
has been done. The medals for troops in general (given by the East
India Company) are a new and doubtful thing, and now it is proposed to
reward even a special case of personal distinction by the _Company's_
conferring a mark of honour. Lord Grey will agree with the Queen that
it will be better not to establish two fountains of honour in the
Realm. If the East India Company wish to mark their approbation,
perhaps they might send Major Edwardes a fine sword or something of
that kind.




[Pageheading: GOVERNORSHIP OF GIBRALTAR]


_Earl Grey to Queen Victoria._

COLONIAL OFFICE, _26th October 1848._

Earl Grey presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has just had
the honour of receiving your Majesty's letter. Lord Fitzroy Somerset
happened to be here when it arrived, and Lord Grey read to him that
part of it which relates to the danger occasioned to officers in
action from wearing a dress of a different colour from that of the
men. Lord Fitzroy observed that although there can be no doubt of the
objection to the blue coats worn by officers, in this instance their
having suffered so much cannot be attributed to that cause, as it
appears that all the officers who were wounded but one, belonged to
regiments (the Rifle Battalion or the Cape Mounted Rifles) in which
the officers are dressed in the same colour as the men....

Lord Grey begs to submit to your Majesty that the usual time for
relieving the present Governor of Gibraltar is now come, and that he
thinks it very desirable to appoint a successor to Sir Robert
Wilson, who now fills that situation. It appears to Lord Grey that,
considering the nature of the appointment and also the great advantage
which would result from affording greater encouragement to the
officers serving under the Ordnance, it would be very proper to
confer this government upon a General Officer belonging to the Royal
Artillery or Engineers. There is some difficulty in making a selection
from the officers of these Corps, because, from their retiring only by
seniority, they seldom attain the rank of General Officer while
they are still in possession of sufficient strength and activity for
employment. Lord Grey, however, believes from the information he has
been able to obtain, that Sir Robert Gardiner might, with advantage,
be appointed to this command, which he therefore begs leave to
recommend to your Majesty to confer upon him. Lord Grey has had no
communication with Sir R. Gardiner, and is entirely ignorant whether
he would accept this employment.[46]

    [Footnote 46: Sir Robert Gardiner, K.C.B.. was appointed
    Governor and Commander-in-Chief of Gibraltar on the 21st of
    November, and held that post till 1855.]




[Pageheading: ITALY AND AUSTRIA]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _27th October 1848._

The Queen has not yet acknowledged the receipt of Lord John Russell's
communication of the views of the Cabinet on the Italian affairs.[47]
She is very glad that the Cabinet should have considered this
important question, and that she should have received an assurance
"that she will not be advised to have recourse to forcible
intervention." The Queen understands this principle to apply to
Lombardy as well as to Sicily, and that, of course, "forcible
intervention" will not only be avoided as to British means, but
likewise as to French means, with British consent and concurrence.
Though Lord John Russell does not enter so much into particulars with
regard to the opinions of the Members of the Cabinet as the Queen
might have wished, she infers from the proposition that Lombardy
should be constituted separately under an Archduke, that the idea of
making it over to the King of Sardinia is finally abandoned.

    [Footnote 47: Lord John had written to the effect that, while
    no definite decision had been arrived at with regard to Italy,
    it was thought by the Cabinet that every means should be used
    to induce Austria to give up Lombardy to an Austrian Prince,
    as most conformable to the interests of Austria herself. The
    question of Sicily (he added) was more difficult, but if no
    agreement could be arrived at by amicable negotiation, the
    Cabinet would not be disposed to advise the Queen to have
    recourse to forcible intervention.]




_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _19th November 1848._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty.

It will probably be necessary to send troops to India, who will then
be no longer chargeable to this country. But Lord John Russell thinks
it his duty to state that however unwilling he may be to diminish
the Military and Naval force, it is still more essential to keep our
income within our expenditure.

The whole matter will be under the consideration of the Cabinet next
week.

The approaching election of a President in France must decide the
question of the future Government of France. Louis Bonaparte may
probably play the part of Richard Cromwell.




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _21st November 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I write to thank you for your kind letter of the
18th on your god-daughter's _eighth_ birthday! It does seem like an
incredible dream that Vicky should already be so old! She is very
happy with all her gifts.

In Vienna things are much better. Louis Napoleon's election seems
certain, and I own I wish for it as I think it will lead to something
else.

You will grieve to hear that our good, dear, old friend Melbourne
is dying; there is _no_ hope, and I enclose a pretty letter of Lady
Beauvale's,[48] which I think will interest you, and which I beg you
to return. One cannot forget how good and kind and amiable he was, and
it brings back so many recollections to my mind, though, God knows! I
never wish that time back again.

We go to-morrow for four weeks to our dear, peaceful Osborne.

I will now take my leave. Begging you to believe me ever your devoted
Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 48: See Greville's appreciative description of Lady
    Beauvale in his Journal for the 30th of January 1853.]




_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

BROCKET HALL, _23rd November 1848._

Viscount Palmerston is here engaged in the melancholy occupation of
watching the gradual extinction of the lamp of life of one who was not
more distinguished by his brilliant talents, his warm affections, and
his first-rate understanding, than by those sentiments of attachment
to your Majesty which rendered him the most devoted subject who ever
had the honour to serve a Sovereign.




[Pageheading: DEATH OF LORD MELBOURNE]


_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

BROCKET HALL, _25th November 1848._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
to state that Viscount Melbourne was released from further suffering
at about six o'clock yesterday afternoon. His bodily strength had
been rapidly declining during the last few days, and it was only at
intervals that he retained any degree of apparent consciousness.
The last transition took place quietly and with almost imperceptible
gradation.




_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _26th November 1848._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty: he sees no
political objection to a visit to Osborne on the part of the Duke
and Duchess of Nemours. The election of a President in France is so
completely absorbing attention that any mark of regard to the Duke of
Nemours may well pass unnoticed.

Lord John Russell had the honour of seeing Louis Philippe in
this house on Friday. He was in much better spirits, owing to the
convalescence of the Queen; but the illness has been a very serious
one.

Lord John Russell had understood that the affairs of property
belonging to the Orleans family were arranged, and that Louis Philippe
would ultimately be possessed of more than a million sterling.

Louis Philippe expressed his opinion in favour of Louis Bonaparte as a
candidate for the Presidency. He feels confident that France cannot go
to war on account of the state of her finances.




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _21th November 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Thank God! that the news from Berlin are better. It
is to be hoped that this may have a good effect elsewhere.

In France there ought really to be a Monarchy before long, _qui que ce
soit_.

Our poor old friend Melbourne died on the 24th. I sincerely regret
him, for he was truly attached to me, and though not a firm Minister
he was a noble, kind-hearted, generous being. Poor Lord Beauvale and
Lady Palmerston feel it very much. I wish it might soften the _caro
sposo_ of the latter-named person.

VICTORIA R.




[Pageheading: LETTER FROM THE POPE]


_Pope Pius IX. to Queen Victoria._[49]

To the Most Serene and Potent Sovereign Victoria, the Illustrious
Queen of England, Pius Papa Nonus.

Most Serene and Most Potent Queen, Greeting! Your Royal Majesty has
already learned what a subversion of public affairs has taken place
at Rome, and what utterly unheard-of violence was, on the 16th of
the late month of November, offered to us in our very Palace of the
Quirinal, in consequence of a nefarious conspiracy of abandoned and
most turbulent men. Hence, in order to avoid more violent commotions
and more serious dangers, as likewise for the purpose of freely
performing the functions of our apostolic Ministry, we, not without
the deepest and most heartfelt sorrow, have been constrained to
depart for a time from our Holy City, and from the whole state of our
pontifical dominions; and in the meanwhile we come as far as Gaëta,
where, as soon as we had arrived, our first care was to declare to
our subjects the sentiments of our mind and will, by a public edict,
a copy of which we transmit to your Royal Majesty, together with
these our letters. Without doubt, through your own wisdom, you will
perfectly understand, Most Serene and Potent Sovereign, that amongst
the other most cruel difficulties by which we are pressed, we must be
chiefly solicitous concerning those subject to our temporal rule and
the rights and possessions of the Roman Church, which, moreover, your
august Uncle and the other Princes of Europe protected with so much
zeal. But we do not in the least doubt that, in conformity with your
exalted magnanimity, your justice, and your known desire to maintain
order in public affairs, you will by no means suffer this same to be
wanting to us at this most lamentable time. Trusting indeed in this
hope, we do not cease, in the humility and affliction of our heart,
from earnestly beseeching God, the All Good and All Great, that He may
heap upon your Royal Majesty and your whole House all true and solid
prosperity, and that He may unite you with us in perfect charity.

Given at Gaëta, the 4th day of December 1848, in the third year of our
Pontificate.

PIUS PP. IX.[50]

    [Footnote 49: Official translation.]

    [Footnote 50: This letter was suitably acknowledged in general
    terms. _See_ p. 210.]




[Pageheading: LOUIS NAPOLEON]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _13th December 1848._

MY BELOVED UNCLE,--Pray accept my warmest and _best_ wishes for _many,
many happy_ returns of your birthday--a day so _dear_ to so many, and
which will be hailed with such joy in Belgium. You have indeed reason
to look with satisfaction on all around you, though it is a painful
thing to think how many have been ruined and made miserable since this
day twelvemonths. Let us hope that another year may bring many things
round again.

The weather is beautiful, and I wish much we could fly over to pay our
respects to you on your dear birthday.

The papers are just come, and I see there is no doubt of Louis
Napoleon's election, which I am very glad of, as it is a sign of
better times. But that one _should have to wish for him_ is really
wonderful.

Now good-bye, dearest Uncle. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _19th December 1848._

MY DEAREST, KINDEST UNCLE,--Your dear letter, full of interesting
topics, which I received yesterday, gave me great pleasure, and
I thank you much for it. The success of Louis Napoleon[51] is an
extraordinary event, but valuable as a universal condemnation of the
Republic since February.

It will, however, perhaps be more difficult to get rid of him again
than one at _first_ may imagine. Nemours thinks it better that none
of themselves should be _called_ into action for some time to come.
I fear that _he feels_ now that they _ought_ to have _foreseen_ the
dangers in February, and _ought not_ to have yielded; when I said to
him that the Pope had declared that he would _never_ quit Rome, and
_did so do_ the _very next day_, he said: "Ah! mon Dieu, on se laisse
entraîner dans ces moments." Louise said to me that _her Father_ had
so _often declared he would never quit Paris alive_, so that when she
heard of his flight she always believed it was untrue and he must be
dead....

    [Footnote 51: He was elected President on the 10th of
    December, by an immense majority.]




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _22nd December 1848._

The Queen has been waiting to receive an answer from Lord John Russell
upon her last letter, and has therefore delayed sending the enclosed
letter from Lord Palmerston.[52] But lest any further delay might
cause future inconvenience, she sends it now without having received
Lord John's answer. The Queen is sure Lord John will feel that neither
Lord Palmerston nor Lord Normanby have shown a proper regard for the
Queen's wishes and opinion in this matter. Lord Normanby's Despatch
shows that the step to be taken with reference to an Ambassador to be
sent here is avowedly for the purpose of controlling the future action
of the Queen's Government, and to _oblige her_ to keep a _permanent_
Ambassador at Paris in the person of Lord Normanby. It is not very
delicate in Lord Normanby to convey such a message, nor in Lord
Palmerston to urge it so eagerly. M. de Beaumont's departure from this
country without taking leave of the Queen was neither very becoming.

The Queen has already, on Lord Palmerston's account, received two
public affronts: the one by her Minister in Spain having been sent out
of that country,[53] the other now, by the new Emperor of Austria
not announcing to her by special mission his accession to the Throne,
which he did to all other Sovereigns, avowedly, as it appears, to mark
the indignation of Austria at the inimical proceedings of the British
Foreign Secretary. The Queen does not think that, in the face of such
slurs, the dignity of England will be vindicated by a race between her
representative and that of Spain, who is to present his credentials
first to the new President of the French Republic, which Lord
Palmerston considers of such importance as to render an _immediate_
decision indispensable.

Should Lord John think that we cannot do less now for Louis Napoleon
than has been done in the case of General Cavaignac, the Queen
will not object to renewing Lord Normanby's credentials as
Ambassador-Extraordinary on a special mission.

    [Footnote 52: Lord Palmerston had written to say that
    Lord Normanby's credentials were provisional, and regular
    credentials would become necessary. The new French Government
    were sending Ambassadors to Vienna, Rome, and other capitals,
    which in return would send Ambassadors to Paris, so that it
    would be injurious for this country's representative to be of
    inferior diplomatic rank. "It would," he wrote subsequently,
    "be derogatory to the dignity of your Majesty, and to the
    character of your Majesty's Government if, in the present
    state of things between the British and Spanish Governments
    the Spanish Ambassador should, by a dilatoriness on the part
    of your Majesty's Government, be allowed to raise a question
    about precedence with your Majesty's representative at Paris;
    it would be very inconvenient if that question were decided
    unfavourably to your Majesty's representative, and very
    undesirable that he should appear to be under obligation to
    the French Government for a decision in his favour."]

    [Footnote 53: See _ante_, p. 175.]




INTRODUCTORY NOTE

TO CHAPTER XVIII


The opening of Parliament (1849) was noteworthy for the appearance of
Mr Disraeli as leader of the Opposition in the House of Commons, in
place of Lord George Bentinck, who had died suddenly in the recess;
the Peelites, though influential, were numerically few, and they
continued by their support to maintain the Whigs in office, the
principal measure of the session being the Act for the repeal of the
Navigation Laws, a natural corollary to Peel's free trade policy. A
Royal visit was paid to Ireland in August, and at Cork, Waterford,
Dublin, and Belfast, the Queen and Prince were received with great
enthusiasm.

Abroad, the cause of United Italy suffered a severe check. The
Sicilian revolt came to an end, and Austrian ascendency was
re-established in Northern Italy. King Charles Albert was defeated at
Novara, and abdicated in favour of his son, Victor Emmanuel. The Pope,
who had fled from Rome in disguise, in November 1848, and was living
at Gaëta, was now under the protection of Austria and France, and
General Oudinot occupied the Papal city on his behalf in June.
Austrian influence restored Tuscany, Parma, and Modena to their
rulers, and in Central Europe operated to prevent the acceptance by
the King of Prussia of the Imperial Crown of Germany. Hungary, in
consequence of the help rendered to the Viennese insurrectionists in
1848, was reduced to submission, but only with Russian co-operation.
Heavy retribution was inflicted on the Hungarians; Kossuth and other
revolutionaries fled to Turkey, the Russian and Austrian Governments
unsuccessfully demanding their extradition.

The British operations against the Sikhs were brought to a successful
termination; the Commander-in-Chief, Lord Gough, with inferior
numbers, had engaged the enemy at Chillianwalla, with indecisive and
virtually unfavourable results, and Sir Charles Napier was sent out
to supersede him. Mooltan, where the outrage of the previous year
had taken place, had been besieged, and fell on the 22nd of January.
Dalhousie had established himself at Ferozepore. A week or two later
the Sikhs and Afghans were overwhelmingly defeated at Gujerat, and on
the 29th of March the Punjab was incorporated in the British Empire;
the "Koh-i-noor" was, in token of submission, presented by the
Maharajah to the Queen. Lord Dalhousie received a Marquisate, and the
thanks of both Houses of Parliament were voted to all concerned.




CHAPTER XVIII

1849


_Memorandum on Matters connected with the Form of addressing the Pope
in Answer to his Letter to Her Majesty of 4th December 1848._

FOREIGN OFFICE, _5th January 1849._

The accompanying draft of answer to the letter which the Pope
addressed to Her Majesty from Gaëta on the 4th of December is in the
same form as letters which were written to Pope Pius VII. by George
the Fourth while Prince Regent, and after he came to the Throne. They
address the Pope as "Most Eminent Sir," style him "Your Holiness," and
finish with the mere signature after the date of the conclusion of the
letter. Copies of those letters are annexed.

Other forms of writing Royal letters are:--

1st. Commencing "Sir my Brother" (or "Sir my Cousin," etc., as the
case may be), and ending thus:

  "Sir my _Brother_,
  Your _Majesty's_
  Good _Sister_."

This is the form used between Sovereign and Sovereign.

2nd. Commencing with the Queen's titles. In these letters the plural
"we" and "our" are employed instead of "I" and "my," and the letters
terminate thus:--

  "Your Good Friend,
  ...."

This form is now used almost exclusively for Royal letters to
Republics.

In the State Paper Office there is, with only one exception, no record
of any letter from a Sovereign of England to the Pope from the time of
Henry VIII., when the State Paper Office records commence. The single
exception is an original letter from Queen Mary in 1555 to Pope Paul
IV. It seems that when the time of her expected confinement drew nigh,
she caused letters to be prepared announcing the birth of a son, and
signed them in anticipation of the event. When no birth took place,
the letters were of course not sent off; but they have been preserved
to the present day, and among them is the letter to the Pope. The
accompanying paper contains a copy of the beginning and conclusion of
it.

There is no trace in the State Paper Office of any letter of credence
having been given by James II. to Lord Castlemaine in 1685. The
correspondence of the reign of James II. is, however, very defective,
and much of it must either have been suppressed or have got into
private hands.




[Pageheading: REPLY TO THE POPE]


_Draft_] _Queen Victoria to Pope Pius IX._[1]

MOST EMINENT SIR,--I have received the letter which your Holiness
addressed to me from Gaëta on the 4th of December last, and in which
you acquaint me that in consequence of the violent proceedings of
certain of your subjects, you had felt yourself obliged to depart from
Rome, and for a time to quit your dominions. I assure your Holiness
that I have been deeply pained at the intelligence of the events to
which your letter refers, and that I do the fullest justice to the
motives which induced your Holiness to withdraw for a time from your
capital. Your Holiness has given so many proofs of being animated by
a sincere desire to improve the condition of the people whom, under
Divine Providence, you have been chosen to govern, and the clemency of
your heart and the rectitude of your intentions are so well known and
so truly appreciated, that I cannot but hope that the trials which
you have experienced in consequence of popular commotion will speedily
come to an end, and will be succeeded by a cordial, good understanding
between your Holiness and the Roman people. I request your Holiness to
believe that it would afford me real pleasure to be able in any degree
to contribute to a result so much to be desired; and I am happy in
having this opportunity of assuring you of my sincere friendship, and
of the unfeigned respect and esteem which I entertain for your person
and character.

Given at Windsor Castle the [    ] day of January 1849.

    [Footnote 1: _See_ p. 204.]




[Pageheading: LETTER FROM PRINCE LOUIS NAPOLEON]


_The President of the French Republic to Queen Victoria._

ELYSÉE NATIONAL, _le 22 Janvier 1849._

TRÈS CHÈRE ET GRANDE AMIE,--Une de mes premières pensées lorsque le
v[oe]u de la nation Française m'appela au pouvoir fut de faire part à
votre Majesté de mon avènement et des sentiments que j'apportais dans
ma nouvelle position.

Des circonstances particulières ont retardé le départ de l'ambassadeur
qui devait porter ma lettre; mais aujourd'hui que l'Amiral Cécile
se rend à Londres je désire exprimer à votre Majesté la respectueuse
sympathie que j'ai toujours éprouvée pour sa personne; je désire
surtout lui dire combien je suis reconnaissant de la généreuse
hospitalité qu'elle m'a donnée dans ses états lorsque j'étais fugitif
ou proscrit et combien je serais heureux si ce souvenir pouvait servir
à resserrer les liens qui unissent les gouvernements et les peuples de
nos deux pays.

Je prie votre Majesté de croire à mes sentiments. Votre ami,

LOUIS NAPOLÉON BONAPARTE.




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]


_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _22nd January 1849._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and would
now wish to consult Lord Lansdowne on the propriety of offering
to Lord Palmerston to exchange the Foreign Office for the
Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland.[2]

As Lord John Russell has always approved in the main of the foreign
policy of Lord Palmerston, he could only make this offering in a
mode honourable to Lord Palmerston--that is to say, for instance, by
offering him at the same time an English Earldom, or an English Barony
with the Garter. Nor could he proceed in the matter without Lord
Lansdowne's concurrence.

    [Footnote 2: Hostilities were in progress between the Sicilian
    insurgents and their Sovereign. An agent for the former
    came to England to purchase arms, but was informed by the
    contractor to whom he applied that the whole of his stock had
    been pledged to the Ordnance Office. Lord Palmerston, without
    consulting the Cabinet, allowed this stock to be transferred
    to the insurgents. The matter became public property, and the
    Premier brought it before the Cabinet on the 23rd of January,
    when, somewhat unexpectedly, the Foreign Secretary consented
    to make an apology to the Neapolitan Government; so that the
    crisis terminated for the time.]




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _22nd January 1849._

The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letter and enclosures,
the contents of which have deeply grieved her, as the honour of her
Government has always been nearest to her heart. She feels deeply the
humiliation to have to make an apology to the Government of Naples,
which stands so very low in public estimation, and she naturally
dreads the effect this disclosure about the guns will have in the
world, when she considers how many accusations have been brought
against the good faith of this country latterly by many different
Governments. Of course they will all consider their suspicions and
accusations, however absurd they may have been, as justified and
proved.

The Queen supposes that the proposition Lord John makes to her about
moving Lord Palmerston to Ireland is the result of his conviction that
after this disclosure it will be no longer to the advantage of the
public service to leave the direction of the Foreign Affairs in these
critical times in Lord Palmerston's hands. The Queen will be anxious
to see Lord John upon this subject. All she wishes for is, that
matters may be so managed as to reflect the least possible discredit
upon the Government and Lord Palmerston himself.




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _6th February 1849._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--We are well. All went off extremely well on
Thursday, but the Government must expect difficulties upon their (very
doubtful) Foreign Policy. I own I do _not_ feel reassured about peace.
_Italy_ and the Pope, etc., are very ticklish subjects.

Everybody says Louis Napoleon has behaved extremely well in the last
crisis--full of courage and energy, and they say that he is decidedly
straightforward, which is not to be despised. I will not admit that
the _Gemüthlichkeit ist für immer begraben_ in Germany; it will surely
return when this madness is over, but how soon no one can tell. Ever
your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.




_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Dalhousie._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _6th February 1849._

The Queen has not yet thanked Lord Dalhousie for his long and
interesting letter which she received in the summer. Since that period
many important events have taken place in India, and the last news
have naturally made the Queen feel very anxious. She deeply laments
the loss of General Cureton and Colonel Havelock, officers who will
not be easily replaced. The Queen thinks that Lord Dalhousie has
throughout acted most judiciously and has thwarted more mischief
being done. She will abstain from remarking upon the conduct of the
Commander-in-Chief, as she knows that the Duke of Wellington has
written fully to Lord Dalhousie on this painful subject.[3] The Queen
concludes with expressing her hopes that Lord and Lady Dalhousie are
in good health, and with the Prince's kindest remembrances to Lord
Dalhousie.

    [Footnote 3: _See_ Introductory Note for the year, _ante_, p.
    208.]




[Pageheading: STATE OF EUROPE]


_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _10th February 1849._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I have to offer my most affectionate thanks
for your dear letter of the 6th. The state of the Queen seems better,
though I fear not so solidly as to be beyond mischief; but the
improvement is real, and will act as a moral support. They have been
severely tried, those poor exiles, and Heaven knows what is still in
store for them. I don't think that in Italy there will be war. The
French cannot think of it for some months, probably not before June or
July, and the Italians cannot make it alone without being licked; the
better informed know that. The Pope ought to be replaced on his seat
for the sake of every one; and his ultra-Liberal policy entitles him
to be supported by all Governments and by all right-minded people.

Louis Bonaparte has not ill-behaved, it seems; negatively he might
have done much harm. The position continues to be abominable. There
is for every one an _absence d'avenir_ which ruins everything and
everybody--that is the real difficulty.

_Die Gemüthlichkeit_ in Germany was the consequence of its political
existence these last thousand years; that is now all going to ruin,
and the _Gemüthlichkeit_ will be as little found again _que l'urbanité
Française_ so much talked of formerly and now unknown.

This part of February puts me always in mind of my dear little
_séjour_ with you in 1841. How far that period is now, though but
eight years from us; the very features of everything changed, I fear
for ever, and _not_ for the better.... Now I must conclude, and remain
ever, my dearest Victoria, your truly devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.




[Pageheading: LOUIS NAPOLEON.]


_Memorandum by Queen Victoria._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _19th February 1849._

Admiral Cécile, who dined here for the first time after the
presentation of his credentials as Ambassador from the French
Republic, with whom I spoke for some time after dinner, said: "Nous en
avons fait de tristes expériences en France," but that he hoped "que
les choses s'amélioraient"; that the Government was very firm and
decided, and determined not to allow order to be disturbed; "Paris
a maintenant fait quatre Révolutions que la France a subies; votre
Majesté sait qui a proclamé la République au mois de Février? Une
centaine de coquins! Personne s'en doutait, et cependant la France s'y
est soumise!" That the Government was however determined, and so were
all the Departments, that this should never happen again; no doubt the
danger from the Socialists was great, all over the world; that _that_
was the _real danger_, and that they would readily make another
attempt like the fearful one in June (the result of which for three
days was uncertain), but that they had not the power; that he was
continually impressing upon all his friends in France the necessity of
supporting _whatever_ form of Government there was _whose object_ was
the _maintenance of order_, and to unite "contre cet ennemi commun."
The President, he continued, had risen amazingly in the opinion of
every one by his firmness, courage, and determination--which he had
shown in those critical days a fortnight or three weeks ago--and that
in these two months he had acquired "une grande aptitude pour
les affaires; tout le monde est étonné, parce que personne ne s'y
attendait." He spoke with great delight of Belgium--and how it had
stood the shock of the events in France--and also of England. Italy,
he considered, was by far the greatest object of danger.

VICTORIA R.




[Pageheading: GAELIC AND WELSH]


_Queen Victoria to the Marquis of Lansdowne._

OSBORNE, _3rd March 1849._

The Queen sends Lord Lansdowne the book[4] she mentioned to him. It
is an extraordinary production for people of the working classes, and
there are a great many sound and good observations in it on education;
the observations on the deficiency in the religious instruction and
in the _preaching_ the Queen thinks are particularly true. It
likewise shows a lofty and enlarged _view_ of education which is often
overlooked.

The Queen takes this occasion of repeating her hope that _Gaelic_ will
be taught in future in the Highland schools, as well as English, as
it is really a great mistake that the people should be constantly
_talking_ a language which they often cannot read and generally not
write. Being very partial to her loyal and good Highlanders, the Queen
takes much interest in what she thinks will tend more than anything
to keep up their simplicity of character, which she considers a great
merit in these days.

The Queen thinks equally that Welsh should be taught in Wales as well
as English.[5]

    [Footnote 4: This book was probably _Popular Education, as
    regards Juvenile Delinquency_, by Thos. Bullock, 1849.]

    [Footnote 5: Lord Lansdowne, in his reply, undertook "to
    combine instruction in the Gaelic with the English language in
    the Highland as well as the Welsh schools, and to have a view
    to it in the choice of Inspectors."]




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _6th March 1849._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Your dear letter reached me yesterday, and I thank
you warmly for it. I wish you could be here, for I never remember
finer weather than we have had since we came here; perfect summer, and
so sweet, so enjoyable, and then with all the pleasures and beauties
of Spring you have that beautiful sea--so blue and smooth as it has
been these three days. If we have no mountains to boast of, we have
the _sea_, which is ever enjoyable. We have camelias which have stood
out two winters covered with _red_ flowers, and scarlet rhododendrons
in brilliant bloom. Does this not sound tempting? It seems almost
wrong to be at home, and Albert really hardly is.

I wish you joy of your _twenty-four_ foxes. If there was a black one
amongst them I should beg for one, as the skin you sent me last year
was _not_ a black one.

The news from India are very distressing, and make one very anxious,
but Sir Charles Napier is instantly to be sent out to supersede Lord
Gough, and he is so well versed in Indian tactics that we may look
with safety to the future _after_ his arrival.

The Italian Question remains very complicated, and the German one a
very perplexing, sad one. Prussia must protect the poor Princes and
put herself at the head, else there is no hope. Austria should behave
better, and not oppose the consolidation of a central Power, else I
know not what is to become of poor Germany.

Pray use your influence to prevent more fatal mischief.

Now adieu, dearest Uncle. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.




_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _16th March 1849._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
has the honour to state that the debate last night was brought to a
close.[6]

Mr Cobden and Mr Disraeli made very able speeches at the end of the
debate.

The debate has been a remarkable one, and the division shows tolerably
well the strength of parties. The Protectionists, animated by the
cry of agricultural distress, are disposed to use their power to the
utmost. Mr Disraeli shows himself a much abler and less passionate
leader than Lord George Bentinck.

On the other hand, the friends of Sir Robert Peel and the party of Mr
Cobden unite with the Government in resisting the Protectionist party.
The House of Commons thus gives a majority, which, though not compact,
is decided at once against the extreme Tory and the extreme Radical
party. With such a House of Commons the great interests of the
Throne and the Constitution are safe. An abrupt dissolution would put
everything to hazard.

    [Footnote 6: On Mr Disraeli's motion for payment of the half
    of local rates by the Treasury, which was defeated by 280 to
    189.]




[Pageheading: END OF THE SIKH WAR]

[Pageheading: MRS GEORGE LAWRENCE]


_The Earl of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria._

CAMP, FEROZEPORE, _24th March 1849._

The Governor-General presents his most humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour of acknowledging the receipt of the letter which
your Majesty most graciously addressed to him on the 5th of February.

He is deeply sensible of your Majesty's goodness, and most grateful
for the expression of approbation which it has conveyed.

The Governor-General is not without fear that he may have intruded too
often of late upon your Majesty's time. But he is so satisfied of the
extreme pleasure which your Majesty would experience on learning that
the prisoners who were in the hands of the Sikhs, and especially the
ladies and children, were once again safe in the British camp, that he
would have ventured to convey to your Majesty that intelligence,
even though he had not been able to add to it--as happily he can--the
announcement of the surrender of the whole Khalsa army, and the end of
the war with the Sikhs.

Major-General Gilbert pushed on rapidly in pursuit of the Sikhs, who
were a few marches in front of him, carrying off our prisoners with
them.

At Rawul Pindee, half-way between the Jhelum and Attock, the Sikh
troops, as we have since heard, would go no further. They received no
pay, they were starving, they had been beaten and were disheartened;
and so they surrendered.

All the prisoners were brought safe into our camp. Forty-one pieces of
artillery were given up. Chuttur Singh and Shere Singh, with all the
Sirdars, delivered their swords to General Gilbert in the presence of
his officers; and the remains of the Sikh army, 16,000 strong, were
marched into camp, by 1000 at a time, and laid down their arms as they
passed between the lines of the British troops.

Your Majesty may well imagine the pride with which British Officers
looked on such a scene, and witnessed this absolute subjection and
humiliation of so powerful an enemy.

How deeply the humiliation was felt by the Sikhs themselves may be
judged by the report which the officers who were present have made,
that many of them, and especially the grim old Khalsas of Runjeet's
time, exclaimed as they threw their arms down upon the heap: "This day
Runjeet Singh has died!"

Upwards of 20,000 stands of arms were taken in the hills. Vast
quantities were gathered after the flight of the Sikhs from Gujerat.
As a further precaution, the Governor-General has ordered a disarming
of the Sikhs throughout the Eastern Doabs, while they are yet cast
down and afraid of punishment. He trusts that these measures may all
tend to ensure the continuance of peace.

The Sirdars will arrive at Lahore to-day, where they will await the
determination of their future places of residence. The officers who
were prisoners have also reached Lahore, together with Mrs George
Lawrence and her children.

It is impossible to speak too highly of the admirable spirit which
this lady has displayed during many months of very arduous trial.

By the kindness of others, the Governor-General has had the
opportunity of seeing constantly the little notes which were secretly
despatched by her from her prison. The gallant heart she kept up under
it all, the cheerful face she put upon it, and the unrepining patience
with which she bore the privations of captivity and the dangers which
it threatened to her children, her husband, and herself, must command
the highest respect and make one proud of one's countrywomen.

General Gilbert, by the latest intelligence, had seized the fort of
Attock, had crossed the Indus, and was advancing on Peshawur, whither
the Afghans had retired.

By next mail the Governor-General trusts that he will be able to
announce that every enemy has been swept away by your Majesty's
Armies, and that the Afghans have either been crushed like the Sikhs
or have fled to Cabul again.

He has the honour to subscribe himself, your Majesty's most obedient,
most humble and very faithful Subject and Servant,

DALHOUSIE.




[Pageheading: THE KING OF SARDINIA]


_The King of Sardinia_ (_Victor Emanuel_) _to Queen Victoria._

TURIN, _le 30 Mars 1849._

MA TRÈS CHÈRE S[OE]UR,--La participation officielle que je m'empresse
de vous donner de mon avènement au trône m'offre une occasion que je
suis heureux de saisir pour vous exprimer dans une lettre de ma main
les sentiments de ma vive gratitude pour l'affection dont ma maison a
reçu des preuves marquantes et réitérées de votre part, comme pour
le bienveillant intérêt que votre Gouvernement a témoigné à ce pays
particulièrement dans les graves événements qui ont eu lieu pendant
cette dernière année.

Je vous prie d'être persuadée que rien n'est plus sincère que
la reconnaissance que j'en conserve, et de me laisser nourrir la
confiance que je puis compter sur la continuation de ces dispositions
si aimables.

En vous renouvelant les sentiments d'amitié la plus parfaite, je suis,
votre très cher Frère,

VICTOR EMANUEL.




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _10th April 1849._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--You will, I am sure, share our joy at Ernest's
_wonderful_ success at Eckerforde.[7] It is a marvellous piece of good
fortune _pour son baptême de feu_, but it alarmed and agitated us all
to think that he might have been wounded, _to say the least_, for he
had his horse killed under him. At all events, he has done honour to
the poor race to which he belongs, and it makes us both very happy.
I think it will tend decidedly to shorten the war. Poor dear
Alexandrine! in what anxiety she will have been.

The victory of Novara[8] seems to have been one of the hardest fought
and most brilliant battles known for years and years, and old Radetzky
says that he must name every individual if he was to do justice to
officers and men. But the loss was very severe. The regiment of Kinsky
lost _twenty-four_ officers! The Archduke Albert distinguished himself
exceedingly, which is worthy of his noble father. I could work myself
up to a great excitement about these exploits, for there is nothing I
admire more than great military exploits and daring.

    [Footnote 7: In this engagement with the Danes, arising out
    of the Schleswig-Holstein dispute, Prince Ernest greatly
    distinguished himself.]

    [Footnote 8: In which Marshal Radetzky defeated the
    Piedmontese.]




[Pageheading: THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON]


_Queen Victoria to the Duke of Wellington._

_1st May 1849._

The Queen cannot let this day pass without offering to the Duke of
Wellington her warmest and sincerest wishes for many happy returns of
this day. She hopes the Duke will place the accompanying trifle on
his table, and that it will recall to his mind _one_ who ever reflects
with gratitude on the services he has rendered and always does render
to his Sovereign and his country.




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _8th May 1849._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Alas! poor Germany, I am wretched about her;
those news from Dresden are very distressing.[9] Really with such an
excellent man as the poor King, it is too wicked to do what they
have done. If only _some sort_ of arrangement could be made; then
afterwards there might be modifications, both in the Constitution,
etc., for that Constitution never will work well.

Our Navigation Laws debate in the House of Lords began last night, and
is to be concluded to-night. There seems to be almost a certainty that
there will be a majority, though a very small one, and the danger of
course exists that any accident may turn it the other way.

Knowing your esteem for our worthy friend, Sir Robert Peel, you will,
I am sure, be glad to hear that his second son, Frederick,[10] made
such a beautiful speech--his maiden speech--in the House of Commons
last night; he was complimented by every one, and Sir Robert was
delighted. I am so glad for him, and also rejoice to see that there is
a young man who promises to be of use hereafter to his country.

Albert is again gone to lay a first stone. It is a delight to hear
people speak of the good he does by always saying and doing the right
thing....

    [Footnote 9: The King of Prussia, finding Saxony, Bavaria,
    Würtemberg, and Hanover opposed to the ascendency of Prussia
    in the Confederation, declined the Imperial Crown of Germany;
    fresh disturbances thereupon ensued, and at Dresden, the King
    of Saxony had to take refuge in a fortress.]

    [Footnote 10: Afterwards the Right Hon. Sir Frederick Peel,
    who died in 1906.]




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _22nd May 1849._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I could not write to you yesterday, my time having
been so entirely taken up by kind visitors, etc., and I trust you
will forgive these hurried lines written just before our departure for
Osborne.[11] I hope that you will not have been alarmed by the account
of the occurrence which took place on Saturday, and which I can assure
you did _not_ alarm _me_ at all. _This_ time it is quite clear that
it was a wanton and wicked wish merely to _frighten_, which is very
wrong, and will be tried and punished as a _misdemeanour_. The
account in the _Times_ is quite correct. The indignation, loyalty, and
affection this act has called forth is very gratifying and touching.

Alice gives a very good account of it, and Lenchen[12] even says, "Man
shot, tried to shoot dear Mamma, must be punished." They, Affie, and
Miss Macdonald were with me. Albert was riding, and had just returned
before me. Augustus and Clém had left us just two hours before....

Many thanks for your kind letter of the 19th. _What_ a state Germany
is in!--I mean _Baden_, but I hope that this violent crisis may lead
to good.

I must conclude. Ever your truly devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 11: The Queen, while driving down Constitution Hill,
    was fired at by one William Hamilton, the pistol being charged
    only with powder. He was tried under the Act of 1842, and
    sentenced to seven years' transportation.]

    [Footnote 12: Princess Helena (now Princess Christian), born
    25th May 1846.]




[Pageheading: ANNEXATION OF THE PUNJAB]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _26th May 1849._

The Queen has to say, in answer to Lord John Russell's communication
respecting India, that she quite approves the annexation of the
Punjab, and is pleased to find that the Government concur in this
view. The elevation of Lord Dalhousie to a Marquisate is well
deserved, and almost the only thing that can be offered him as a
reward for his services; but considering his want of fortune, the
Queen thinks that it should be ascertained in the first instance
whether the increase of rank will be convenient to him. Lord Gough's
elevation to the dignity of Viscount has the Queen's sanction.




[Pageheading: FOREIGN OFFICE BUSINESS]


_Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert._

CHESHAM PLACE, _19th June 1849._

SIR,--I have spoken to Lord Palmerston respecting the draft to Mr
Buchanan.[13]

It appears that he converted it into a private letter, as I suggested,
but he thought fit to place it on record, as it contained information
derived from authentic sources, and of importance.

It appears the drafts are still sent to the Queen at the same time as
to me, so that my remarks or corrections, or even the cancelling of
a despatch, as not infrequently happens, may take effect after the
Queen's pleasure has been taken.

This appears to me an inconvenient course.

Lord Palmerston alleges that as 28,000 despatches were received and
sent last year, much expedition is required; but he professes himself
ready to send the despatches to me in the first instance, if the Queen
should desire it.

It appears to me that all our despatches ought to be thoroughly
considered, but that Her Majesty should give every facility to the
transaction of business by attending to the drafts as soon as possible
after their arrival.

I would suggest therefore that the drafts should have my concurrence
before they are submitted to the Queen, and in case of any material
change, that I should write to apprise Her Majesty of my views, and,
if necessary, submit my reasons, I have the honour to be, your Royal
Highness's most obedient Servant,

J. RUSSELL.

    [Footnote 13: Mr (afterwards Sir) Andrew Buchanan (1807-1882),
    Secretary of Legation at St. Petersburg.]




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]


_The Prince Albert to Lord John Russell._

_20th June 1849._

MY DEAR LORD JOHN,--Your proposal with respect to the mode of taking
the Queen's pleasure about the drafts is perfectly agreeable to the
Queen. She would only require that she would not be pressed for an
answer within a few minutes, as is now done sometimes.

Lord Palmerston could always manage so that there are twelve or
twenty-four hours left for reference to you, and consideration, and
there are few instances in which business would suffer from so short
a delay. As Lord Palmerston knows when the Mails go, he has only
to write in time for them, and he must recollect that the 28,000
despatches in the year come to you and to the Queen as well as to
himself.

Should the Queen in future have to make any remark, she will make it
to you, if that will suit you. Ever yours truly,

ALBERT.




_Lord John Russell to Viscount Palmerston._

_21st June 1849._

MY DEAR PALMERSTON,--I wrote the substance of what you wrote to me
to the Prince, and proposed that the drafts should, in the first
instance, be sent to me. You will see by the enclosed letter from the
Prince that the Queen approves of this proposal.

It may somewhat abridge the circuit if, when I have no remark to make,
I forward the drafts with the Foreign Office direction to the Queen at
once.

I cannot pretend to say that I paid the same attention to the 28,000
despatches of 1848 that you are obliged to do. Still I agree in the
Prince's remark that directions to Foreign Ministers ought to be very
maturely weighed, for the Queen and the Government speak to foreign
nations in this and no other manner. Yours truly,

J. RUSSELL.




[Pageheading: SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN]


_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _21st June 1849._

The Queen returns the enclosed drafts, which she will not further
object to, but she feels it necessary to say a few words in answer to
Lord Palmerston's letter. The union of Schleswig and Holstein[14] is
not an ideal one, but _complete_ as to Constitution, Finance, Customs,
Jurisdiction, Church, Universities, Poor Law, Settlement, Debts, etc.,
etc., etc. It is _not established_ by the Kings-Dukes, but has existed
for centuries. To defend Holstein against the attack made by Denmark
upon this union, Germany joined the war. It is true that it is
now proposed in the new Constitution for Germany to consent to the
separation of Schleswig and Holstein, although last year the Frankfort
Parliament had desired the incorporation of Schleswig into Germany
with Holstein; but the question for Germany is now not to begin a war,
but to close one by a lasting peace. In this she has, in the Queen's
opinion, a right and a duty to see that the independence of Schleswig
is secured before she abandons that country. The comparison with
Saxony does not hold good for a moment, for the Schleswig Revolution
was not directed against the Duke, but against the King of Denmark,
who invaded the rights of the Duke of Schleswig-Holstein; the
assistance of Prussia could therefore not be given to Denmark, but to
Schleswig-Holstein. The case of Hungary has neither any similitude.
Hungary is not to be torn from its connection with the German States
by the Austrian Government, but just the reverse.

Lord Palmerston cannot be more anxious for a speedy termination of the
Danish war than the Queen is, but she thinks that the mediation will
not effect this as long as the mediating power merely watches which
of the two parties is in the greatest difficulties for the moment, and
urges it to give way; but by a careful and anxious discovery of the
rights of the question and a steady adherence to the recommendation
that what is right and fair ought to be done. The cause of the
war having been the unlawful attempt to incorporate Schleswig into
Denmark, the peace cannot be lasting unless it contains sufficient
guarantees against the resumption of that scheme.[15]

    [Footnote 14: Schleswig had been claimed by Germany as an
    integral part of her territory, and a war between Germany and
    Denmark was in progress.]

    [Footnote 15: In reply, Lord Palmerston expressed entire
    concurrence in the justice of the principles which the Queen
    indicated as being those which ought to guide a mediating
    Power.]




[Pageheading: PROPOSED VISIT TO IRELAND]


_Lord John Russell to the Earl of Clarendon._

_23rd June 1849._

I have the satisfaction to inform your Excellency that I have received
the Queen's commands to acquaint you that Her Majesty hopes to be able
in the course of the present summer to fulfil the intention, which you
are aware she has long entertained, of a visit to Ireland. The general
distress unfortunately still prevalent in Ireland precludes the
Queen from visiting Dublin in state, and thereby causing ill-timed
expenditure and inconvenience to her subjects; yet Her Majesty does
not wish to let another year pass without visiting a part of her
dominions which she has for so long a time been anxious personally
to become acquainted with. She accordingly will, at some sacrifice
of personal convenience, take a longer sea voyage, for the purpose
of visiting in the first instance the Cove of Cork, and from thence
proceed along the Irish coast to Dublin. After remaining there a
few days, during which time Her Majesty will be the guest of your
Excellency, she would continue her cruise along the Irish coast
northward and visit Belfast, and from thence cross to Scotland.
Although the precise time of Her Majesty's visit cannot yet be fixed,
it will probably take place as early in August as the termination of
the session of Parliament will permit, and I feel assured that this
early announcement of her intentions will be received with great
satisfaction by Her Majesty's loyal and faithful subjects in Ireland.




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _19th July 1849._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letters. She returns Lord
Clarendon's, and the very kind one of the Primate.[16]

With respect to Lord Clarendon's suggestion that the Prince of Wales
should be created Duke, or rather, as Lord John _says_, _Earl_ of
Dublin--the Queen thinks it is a matter for consideration whether such
an act should _follow_ the Queen's visit as a compliment to Ireland,
but she is decidedly of opinion that it should _not precede_ it.

We are sorry that Lord John does not intend going to Ireland, but
fully comprehend his wishes to remain quiet for three weeks. We shall
be very glad to see him at Balmoral on the 20th or 22nd of August.

We hope Lady John and the baby continue to go on well.

    [Footnote 16: Lord John George de la Poer Beresford
    (1773-1862) was Archbishop of Armagh from 1822 until his
    death.]




[Pageheading: ARRIVAL IN DUBLIN]

[Pageheading: THE IRISH VISIT]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

LODGE, PH[OE]NIX PARK, _6th August 1849._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Though this letter will only go to-morrow, I will
begin it to-day and tell you that everything has gone off beautifully
since we arrived in Ireland, and that our entrance into Dublin was
really a magnificent thing. By my letter to Louise you will have
heard of our arrival in the Cove of Cork. Our visit to Cork was very
successful; the Mayor was knighted _on deck_ (on board the _Fairy_),
like in times of old. Cork is about seventeen miles up the River Lee,
which is beautifully wooded and reminds us of Devonshire scenery. We
had previously stepped on shore at _Cove_, a small place, to enable
them to call it _Queen's Town_; the enthusiasm is immense, and at Cork
there was more firing than I remember since the Rhine.

We left Cork with fair weather, but a head sea and contrary wind which
made it rough and me very sick.

_7th._--I was unable to continue till now, and have since received
your kind letter, for which I return my warmest thanks. We went into
Waterford Harbour on Saturday afternoon, which is likewise a fine,
large, safe harbour. Albert went up to Waterford in the _Fairy_, but
I did not. The next morning we received much the same report of the
weather which we had done at Cork, viz. that the weather was fair but
the wind contrary. However we went out, as it could not be helped,
and we might have remained there some days for no use. The first three
hours were very nasty, but afterwards it cleared and the evening was
beautiful. The entrance at seven o'clock into Kingston Harbour was
splendid; we came in with ten steamers, and the whole harbour,
wharf, and every surrounding place was _covered_ with _thousands_ and
thousands of people, who received us with the greatest enthusiasm. We
disembarked yesterday morning at ten o'clock, and took two hours
to come here. The most perfect order was maintained in spite of the
immense mass of people assembled, and a more good-humoured crowd I
never saw, but noisy and excitable beyond belief, talking, jumping,
and shrieking instead of cheering. There were numbers of troops out,
and it really was a wonderful scene. This is a very pretty place,
and the house reminds me of dear Claremont. The view of the Wicklow
Mountains from the windows is very beautiful, and the whole park is
very extensive and full of very fine trees.

We drove out yesterday afternoon and were followed by jaunting-cars
and riders and people running and screaming, which would have amused
you. In the evening we had a dinner party, and so we have to-night.
This morning we visited the Bank, the Model School (where the
Protestant and Catholic Archbishops received us), and the College, and
this afternoon we went to the Military Hospital. To-morrow we have a
Levée, where 1,700 are to be presented, and the next day a Review, and
in the evening the Drawing-Room, when 900 ladies are to be presented.

George[17] is here, and has a command here. He rode on one side of our
carriage yesterday. You see more ragged and wretched people here than
I ever saw anywhere else. _En revanche_, the women are really very
handsome--quite in the lowest class--as well at Cork as here; such
beautiful black eyes and hair and such fine colours and teeth.

I must now take my leave. Ever your most affectionate Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 17: The late Duke of Cambridge.]




_The Earl of Clarendon to Sir George Grey._

VICE-REGAL LODGE, _14th August 1849._

MY DEAR GREY,--If I had known where to direct I should have thanked
you sooner for your two welcome letters from Belfast, where everything
seems to have gone off to our hearts' desire, and the Queen's
presence, as the Stipendiary Magistrate writes word, has united all
classes and parties in a manner incredible to those who know the
distance at which they have hitherto been kept asunder.

The enthusiasm here has not abated, and there is not an individual
in Dublin that does not take as a personal compliment to himself the
Queen's having gone upon the paddle-box and having ordered the Royal
Standard to be lowered three times.

Even the ex-Clubbists,[18] who threatened broken heads and windows
before the Queen came, are now among the most loyal of her subjects,
and are ready, according to the police reports, to fight any one who
dare say a disrespectful word of Her Majesty.

In short, the people are not only enchanted with the Queen and the
gracious kindness of her manner and the confidence she has shown in
them, but they are pleased with themselves for their own good feelings
and behaviour, which they consider have removed the barrier that
hitherto existed between the Sovereign and themselves, and that they
now occupy a higher position in the eyes of the world. Friend Bright
was with me to-day, and said he would not for the world have missed
seeing the embarkation at Kingston, for he had felt just the same
enthusiasm as the rest of the crowd. "Indeed," he added, "I'll defy
any man to have felt otherwise when he saw the Queen come upon the
platform and bow to the people in a manner that showed her heart was
with them." He didn't disguise either that the Monarchical principle
had made great way with him since Friday. Ever yours truly,

CLARENDON.

    [Footnote 18: Seditious clubs had been an important factor in
    the Irish disturbances of 1848.]




[Pageheading: BREVET PROMOTIONS]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _3rd October 1849._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's explanation respecting the
brevet promotions on the occasion of her visit to Ireland, but cannot
say that his objections have convinced her of the impropriety of
such a promotion (to a limited extent). To Lord John's fears of the
dangerous consequences of the precedent, the Queen has only to answer,
that there can be only _one first visit_ to Ireland, and that the
_first_ visit to Scotland in 1842 was followed by a few promotions,
without this entailing promotions on her subsequent visits to that
part of the country; that even the first visit to the Channel
Islands was followed by a few promotions, and this under Lord
John's Government. All the precedents being in accordance with
the proposition made by the Duke, an opposition on the part of the
Government would imply a declaration against all brevets except in the
field, which would deprive the Crown of a most valuable prerogative.
If such a brevet as the one proposed were to lead to great additional
expense, the Queen could understand the objection on the ground of
economy; but the giving brevet rank to a few subaltern officers is too
trifling a matter to alarm the Government. Perhaps the number might be
reduced even, but to deviate from the established precedents for
the first time altogether in this case, and that after the excellent
behaviour of the Army in Ireland under very trying circumstances,
would be felt as a great injustice.

The Queen therefore wishes Lord John to ask the Duke to send him
the former precedents and to consider with his colleagues whether a
modified recommendation cannot be laid before her.[19]

    [Footnote 19: The Duke of Wellington had submitted a list
    of Officers for brevet promotion, which received the Queen's
    sanction; but the list was afterwards reduced.]




_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

WOBURN ABBEY, _4th October 1849._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and will
consider, in communication with the Duke of Wellington, whether any
modified list can be proposed by him to your Majesty.

The economy, as your Majesty truly observes, is not a matter of much
consideration. But to reward Officers on the Staff, who are already
favoured by being placed on the Staff in Ireland, is a practice which
tends but too much to encourage the opinion that promotions in the
Army and Navy are given not to merit, but to aristocratical connection
and official favour.

In the midst of the degradation of Thrones which the last two years
have seen in Europe, it will be well if the English Crown preserves
all its just prerogatives, and has only to relinquish some customary
abuses, which are not useful to the Sovereign, and are only an
equivocal advantage to the Ministers of the day.




[Pageheading: A PUBLIC THANKSGIVING]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _31st October 1849._

The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letter, and was much
rejoiced at everything having gone off so well yesterday;[20] she was
very much annoyed at being unable to go herself, and that the untoward
chicken-pox should have come at this moment; she is, however, quite
recovered, though still much marked.

With respect to the proposition about the Thanksgiving, the Queen
quite approves of it, and (_if it is generally preferred_) that it
should be on a week-day. As to the Bishop of London's proposal,[21]
the Queen thinks that Lord John may have misunderstood him; she
supposes that he meant that she should attend _some_ place of _public
worship_, and not in her domestic chapel, in order to join in the
public demonstration. The Queen is quite ready to go with her Court
to St George's Chapel here; but she would like it to take place on
an earlier day than the 27th of November, when she would probably be
already in the Isle of Wight, where we think of going as usual on the
22nd or 23rd.

    [Footnote 20: The ceremony of opening the new Coal Exchange,
    at which, besides Prince Albert, the Prince of Wales and
    Princess Royal were present.]

    [Footnote 21: There had been a severe epidemic of cholera in
    the country. In twelve months 14,000 deaths, in London alone,
    were due to this malady. The 15th of November was appointed
    for a general Day of Thanksgiving for its cessation, and the
    Bishop of London had suggested that the Queen should attend a
    public service at St Paul's. Lord John Russell was in favour
    of Westminster Abbey.]




[Pageheading: POSITION OF GERMANY]


_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

EATON SQUARE, _29th November 1849._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. In
answer to your Majesty's enquiry, he has to state that a very short
conversation took place in the Cabinet on the affairs of Germany upon
an enquiry of Lord John Russell whether the Diet of Erfurt[22] might
not be considered a violation of the Treaties of 1815. Lord Palmerston
thought not, but had not examined the question.

The affairs of Germany are in a critical position; Austria will
oppose anything which tends to aggrandise Prussia; Prussia will
oppose anything which tends to free Government; and France will oppose
anything which tends to strengthen Germany. Still, all these powers
might be disregarded were Germany united, but it is obvious that
Bavaria and Würtemberg look to Austria and France for support, while
Hanover and Saxony will give a very faint assistance to a Prussian
League.

The matter is very critical, but probably will not lead to war.

    [Footnote 22: In order to effect the consolidation of Germany,
    the King of Prussia had summoned a Federal Parliament to meet
    at Erfurt.]




_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

FOREIGN OFFICE, _30th November 1849._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and in
reply to your Majesty's enquiry as to what the measures would be
which Sir William Parker[23] would have to take in order to support Mr
Wyse's[24] demands for redress for certain wrongs sustained by British
and Ionian subjects, begs to say that the ordinary and accustomed
method of enforcing such demands is by reprisals--that is to say,
by seizing some vessels and property of the party which refuses
redress,[25] and retaining possession thereof until redress is
granted.

Another method is the blockading of the ports of the party by whom
redress is refused, and by interrupting commercial intercourse to
cause inconvenience and loss. Viscount Palmerston, however, does not
apprehend that any active measures of this kind will be required, but
rather expects that when the Greek Government finds that the demand
is made in earnest, and that means are at hand to enforce it,
satisfaction will at last be given. The refusal of the Greek
Government to satisfy these claims, and the offensive neglect
with which they have treated the applications of your Majesty's
representative at Athens have, as Viscount Palmerston is convinced,
been the result of a belief that the British Government never would
take any real steps in order to press these matters to a settlement.

    [Footnote 23: Commanding the Mediterranean Fleet.]

    [Footnote 24: British Envoy at Athens.]

    [Footnote 25: _See_ Introductory Note for 1850, _post_, p.
    231.]




[Pageheading: DEATH OF QUEEN ADELAIDE]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _11th December 1849._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Thank you much for your kind letter of the 6th;
you will have received mine of the 4th shortly after you wrote. I
know _how_ you would mourn with us over the death of our beloved Queen
Adelaide. _We_ have lost the kindest and dearest of friends, and the
_universal_ feeling of sorrow, of regret, and of _real_ appreciation
of her character is very touching and gratifying. _All_ parties, _all_
classes, join in doing her justice. Much was done to set Mamma against
her, but the dear Queen ever forgave this, ever showed love and
affection, and for the last eight years their friendship was as great
as ever. Ever yours affectionately,

VICTORIA R.




INTRODUCTORY NOTE

TO CHAPTER XIX


The Ministry were still (1850) able, relying on the support of Sir
Robert Peel, to resist the attacks of the Protectionists in the House
of Commons, though their majority on a critical occasion fell to
twenty-one; but they were rehabilitated by the discussions on foreign
policy. One Don Pacifico, a Portuguese Jew, a native of Gibraltar and
a British subject, had had his house in Athens pillaged by a mob; he,
with Mr Finlay, the historian, who had a money claim against the Greek
Government, instead of establishing their claims in the local courts,
sought the intervention of the home Government; Lord Palmerston, whose
relations with the Court were even more strained than usual, resolved
to make a hostile demonstration against Greece, and a fleet was sent
to the Piræus with a peremptory demand for settlement. The House of
Lords condemned this high-handed action, but a friendly motion
of confidence was made in the Commons, and Lord Palmerston had an
extraordinary triumph, by a majority of forty-six, notwithstanding
that the ablest men outside the Ministry spoke against him, and that
his unsatisfactory relations with the Queen were about to culminate in
a severe reprimand.

Sir Robert Peel's speech in this debate proved to be his last public
utterance, his premature death, resulting from a fall from his horse,
taking place a few days later; Louis Philippe, who had been living
in retirement at Claremont, passed away about the same time. Another
attack on the Queen, this time a blow with a cane, was made by one
Robert Pate, an ex-officer and well-connected; the plea of insanity
was not established, and Pate was transported.

Public attention was being drawn to the projected Exhibition in Hyde
Park, Prince Albert making a memorable speech at the Mansion House
in support of the scheme; the popular voice had not been unanimous in
approval, and subscriptions had hung fire, but henceforward matters
improved, and Mr Paxton's design for a glass and iron structure was
accepted and proceeded with.

The friction with Lord Palmerston was again increased by his action
in respect to General Haynau, an Austrian whose cruelty had been
notorious, and who was assaulted by some of the _employés_ at a London
brewery. The Foreign Office note to the Austrian Government nearly
brought about Palmerston's resignation, which was much desired by the
Queen.

At the close of the year the whole country was in a ferment at the
issue of a Papal Brief, re-establishing the hierarchy of Bishops
in England with local titles derived from their sees; and Cardinal
Wiseman, thenceforward Archbishop of Westminster, by issuing a
pastoral letter on the subject, made matters worse. The Protestant
spirit was aroused, the two Universities presented petitions, and the
Prime Minister, in a letter to the Bishop of Durham, helped to fan
the "No Popery" flame. Just at a time when a coalition of Whigs and
Peelites was beginning to be possible, an Ecclesiastical Titles Bill,
almost fatal to mutual confidence, became necessary.




CHAPTER XIX

1850


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _5th February 1850._

MY DEAR UNCLE,--We had the house full for three days last week on
account of our theatrical performances on Friday, which went off
extremely well. The Grand Duchess Stephanie was here, _très aimable_,
and not altered. She spoke much of Germany and of politics, and
of _you_ in the highest terms--"Comme le Roi Léopold s'est bien
tenu"--and that she had mentioned this at Claremont, and then felt
shocked at it, but that the poor King had answered: "Il avait mon
exemple devant lui, et il en a profité!" She thought the whole family
_très digne_ in their _malheur_, but was struck with the melancholy
effect of the whole thing.

Our affairs have gone off extremely well in Parliament, and the
Protectionists have received an effective check; the question of the
Corn Laws seems _indeed settled_. This is of great importance, as it
puts a stop to the excitement and expectations of the farmers, which
have been falsely kept up by the aristocracy....

I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.




_Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell._

CARLTON GARDENS, _15th February 1850._

MY DEAR JOHN RUSSELL,--I have altered this draft so as I think to meet
the views of the Queen and of yourself in regard to the continuance
of the suspension.[1] I should not like to put into a despatch an
instruction to accept less than we have demanded, because that would
imply what I don't think to be the fact, viz. that we have demanded
more than is due. If the demands were for the British Government, we
might forego what portions we might like to give up, but we have no
right to be easy and generous with the rights and claims of other
people. Besides, if we get anything, we shall get all. The whole
amount is quite within the power of the Greek Government to pay. Yours
sincerely,

PALMERSTON.

    [Footnote 1: _I.e._ of hostilities against the Greek
    Government, designed to extract compensation for the injuries
    inflicted on British subjects. See _ante_, p. 231.]




[Pageheading: THE DRAFT TO GREECE]


_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _17th February 1850._

The Queen sent the day before yesterday the proposed draft to Mr
Wyse back to Lord Palmerston, enclosing a Memorandum from Lord John
Russell, and telling Lord Palmerston "that she entirely concurred with
Lord John, and wished the draft to be altered accordingly." She has
not yet received an answer from Lord Palmerston, but just hears from
Lord John, in answer to her enquiry about it, that Lord Palmerston has
_sent_ the draft off _unaltered_.[2] The Queen must remark upon this
sort of proceeding, of which this is not the first instance, and
plainly tell Lord Palmerston that this must not happen again. Lord
Palmerston has a perfect right to state to the Queen his reasons for
disagreeing with her views, and will always have found her ready to
listen to his reasons; but she cannot allow a servant of the Crown
and her Minister to act contrary to her orders, and this without her
knowledge.

    [Footnote 2: _See_ Ashley's _Palmerston_, vol. i. chap. v.]




[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S EXPLANATION]


_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

CARLTON GARDENS. _17th February 1850._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and in
reply to your Majesty's communication of this day, he begs to
state that upon receiving, the day before yesterday, your Majesty's
Memorandum on the proposed draft to Mr Wyse, together with the
accompanying Memorandum[3] from Lord John Russell, he altered the
draft, and sent it to Lord John Russell, and received it back from
Lord John Russell with the accompanying note in answer to that which
he wrote to Lord John Russell. It was important that the messenger
should go off that evening, and the time occupied in these
communications rendered it just, but barely, possible to despatch the
messenger by the mail train of that evening. The despatch thus altered
coincided with the views of your Majesty and Lord John Russell as to
the question in regard to the length of time during which reprisals
should be suspended to give scope for the French negotiation. The
other question as to giving Mr Wyse a latitude of discretion to
entertain any proposition which might be made to him by the Greek
Government was considered by the Cabinet at its meeting yesterday
afternoon, and Viscount Palmerston gave Mr Wyse a latitude of that
kind in regard to the claim of Mr Pacifico, the only one to which
that question could apply, in a despatch which he sent by the overland
Mediterranean mail which went off yesterday afternoon. That despatch
also contained some instructions as to the manner in which Mr Wyse
is to communicate with Baron Gros,[4] and those instructions were the
result of a conversation which Viscount Palmerston had with the French
Ambassador after the meeting of the Cabinet. Viscount Palmerston was
only waiting for a copy of the despatch of yesterday evening, which,
owing to this day being Sunday, he has not yet received, in order to
send to your Majesty the altered draft of yesterday evening, with
an explanation of the circumstances which rendered it impossible to
submit them to your Majesty before they were sent off.[5]

    [Footnote 3: Lord John Russell's opinion was that three weeks
    should be allowed to Mr Wyse and Sir W. Parker to accept terms
    as satisfactory as they could obtain, and that Sir W. Parker
    should not be obliged to resume coercive measures, if the
    concessions of the Greek Government should appear to afford a
    prospect of a speedy settlement of the affair.]

    [Footnote 4: Baron Gros was the Commissioner despatched by
    the French Government to Athens to assist in arranging the
    dispute.]

    [Footnote 5: See subsequent correspondence between Lord John
    and Lord Palmerston, Walpole's _Russell_, vol. ii. chap. xix.]




[Pageheading: RE-ARRANGEMENT SUGGESTED]

[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S PLAN]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _3rd March 1850._

Before leaving Town yesterday we saw Lord John Russell, who came to
state what had passed with reference to Lord Palmerston. He premised
that Lord Palmerston had at all times been a most agreeable and
accommodating colleague; that he had acted with Lord John ever since
1831, and had not only never made any difficulty, but acted most
boldly and in the most spirited manner on all political questions;
besides, he was very popular with the Radical part of the House of
Commons as well as with the Protectionist, so that both would be ready
to receive him as their Leader; he (Lord John) was therefore most
anxious to do nothing which could hurt Lord Palmerston's feelings, nor
to bring about a disruption of the Whig Party, which at this moment
of Party confusion was the only one which still held together. On the
other hand, the fact that the Queen distrusted Lord Palmerston was a
serious impediment to the carrying on of the Government. Lord John was
therefore anxious to adopt a plan by which Lord Palmerston's services
could be retained with his own goodwill, and the Foreign Affairs
entrusted to other hands. The only plan he could think of was to give
Lord Palmerston the lead in the House of Commons--the highest position
a statesman could aspire to--and to go himself to the House of Lords.
He had communicated his views to Lord Lansdowne, who agreed in them,
and thought he could do nothing better than speak to Lord Palmerston
at once. Lord Palmerston said that he could not have helped to have
become aware that he had forfeited the Queen's confidence, but he
thought this had not been on _personal_ grounds, but merely on account
of his line of policy, with which the Queen disagreed. (The Queen
interrupted Lord John by remarking that she distrusted him on
_personal_ grounds also, but I remarked that Lord Palmerston had so
far at least seen rightly; that he had become disagreeable to the
Queen, not on account of his person, but of his political doings,
to which the Queen assented.) Lord Palmerston appeared to Lord John
willing to enter into this agreement.

On the question how the Foreign Office should be filled, Lord John
said that he thought his father-in-law, Lord Minto, ought to take
the Foreign Office.... As the Queen was somewhat startled by this
announcement, I said I thought that would not go down with the public.
After Lord Palmerston's removal (who was considered one of the ablest
men in the country) he ought not to be replaced but by an equally able
statesman; the Office was of _enormous_ importance, and ought not to
be entrusted to any one but Lord John himself or Lord Clarendon. On
the Queen's enquiry why Lord Clarendon had not been proposed for it,
Lord John said he was most anxious that the change of the Minister
should not produce a change in the general line of policy which he
considered to have been quite right, and that Lord Clarendon did
not approve of it; somehow or other he never could agree with
Lord Clarendon on Foreign Affairs; he thought Lord Clarendon very
anti-French and for an alliance with Austria and Russia. The Queen
replied she knew Lord Clarendon's bad opinion of the mode in which the
Foreign Affairs had been conducted, and thought that a merit in him,
but did not think him Austrian or Russian, but merely disapproving
of Lord Palmerston's behaviour. I urged Lord John to take the Foreign
Affairs himself, which he said would have to be done if the Queen did
not wish Lord Minto to take them; he himself would be able to do the
business when in the House of Lords, although he would undertake it
unwillingly; with the business in the House of Commons it would have
been impossible for him.

The Queen insisted on his trying it with a seat in the House of Lords,
adding that, if he found it too much for him, he could at a later
period perhaps make the Department over to Lord Clarendon.

I could not help remarking that it was a serious risk to entrust Lord
Palmerston with the lead in the House of Commons, that it might be
that the Government were defeated and, if once in opposition, Lord
Palmerston might take a different line as leader of the Opposition
from that which Lord John would like, and might so easily force
himself back into office as Prime Minister. Lord John, however,
although admitting that danger, thought Lord Palmerston too old to do
much in the future (having passed his sixty-fifth year); he admitted
that Sir George Grey was the natural leader of the Commons, but
expected that a little later the lead would still fall into his hands.

The arrangements of the Offices as proposed would be that Lord
Palmerston would take the Home Office, and Sir George Grey the
Colonial Office, and Lord Grey vacate this office for the Privy
Seal. If Lord Minto, however, was not to have the Foreign Office, the
arrangement must be recast. Lord Clarendon would become Secretary
of State for Ireland, after the abolition of the Lord-Lieutenancy.
Possibly also Sir George Grey might take the office, and Lord
Clarendon take the Colonies, which Lord Grey would be glad to be rid
of. On my observing that I had thought the Colonies would have done
best for Lord Palmerston, leaving Sir George Grey at the Home Office,
Lord John acknowledged that he would likewise prefer this arrangement,
but considered it rendered impossible from its having been the very
thing Lord Grey had proposed in 1845, and upon which the attempt to
form a Whig Government at that time had broken down, Lord Palmerston
having refused to enter the Cabinet on those terms. Lord John ended
by saying that Lord Palmerston having agreed to the change, it was
intended that nothing should be done about it till after the close of
the Session, in order to avoid debates and questions on the subject;
moreover, Lord Lansdowne had agreed to continue still this Session his
labours as Leader in the House of Lords, and begged for the _utmost
secrecy_ at present.

ALBERT.

Lord John Russell already last year had spoken to me of his wish to
go to the House of Lords, finding the work in the House of Commons,
together with his other business, too much for him, and Lord Lansdowne
being desirous to be relieved from the lead in the Upper House.

ALBERT.




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S ULTIMATUM]


_Memorandum by Baron Stockmar._[6]

_12th March 1850._

The least the Queen has a right to require of her Minister is:--

1. That he will distinctly state what he proposes in a given case, in
order that the Queen may know as distinctly to what she has to give
her royal sanction.

2. Having given once her sanction to a measure, the Minister who,
in the execution of such measure alters or modifies it arbitrarily,
commits an act of dishonesty towards the Crown, which the Queen has
an undoubted constitutional right to visit with the dismissal of that
Minister.

STOCKMAR.

    [Footnote 6: Compare this with the Memorandum ultimately drawn
    up on the 12th of August.]




_Queen Victoria to the Marquis of Lansdowne._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _16th March 1850._

The Queen wishes to remark to Lord Lansdowne, that his answer to Lord
Stanley in the House of Lords last night might possibly lead to the
misapprehension that Lord Palmerston's delay in sending the despatch
to Mr Wyse had been caused by the time it took to get the Queen's
approval of it. She must protest against such an inference being
drawn, as being contrary to the fact, Lord Palmerston indeed having
sent out in the first instance a different despatch from that which
she had approved.




[Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN FRANCE]


_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _25th March 1850._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,-- ... King Louis Philippe seems better, but still
he is evidently breaking; there is no wonder when one considers all
he has gone through, and is still to suffer! No one can tell a day
[ahead] what may happen in France, and if all the family have, which
is but[7] in France, may not be confiscated. The thirst for spoliation
is great; the people who lead have no other view, they are not
fanatics, their aim is to rise and to enrich themselves; the remainder
is mere humbug, exactly as you have it very near home. Never was
there a nation in a worse and a more helpless state, and the numerous
parties who will _not_ unite render all solutions impossible, and the
republic will be maintained for that very reason. It is but a name
and no substance, but that _name of_ _republic_ encourages every
extravagant or desperate proceeding, and turns people's heads in the
old monarchies; every doctor or magistrate sees himself president of
some republic, and the ambitions of so many people who see all the
impediments which existed formerly removed, and who, according to
their _own opinion_, are wonderful people, will be insatiable and much
more dangerous than you imagine in England. On the Continent every man
thinks himself fit to be at the head of the Government; there is no
political measure or scale, and the success of some bookseller or
doctor or advocate, etc., turns the heads of all those in similar
positions--_on ne doute de rien_. When you consider that a
_banqueroutier_ like Ledru Rollin[8] ruled over France _for six
months_ almost with _absolute power,_ merely because he took it, you
may imagine how many thousands, even of workmen, cooks, stage people,
etc., look to be taken to rule over their fellow-citizens; _toujours
convaincu de leur propre mérite_. I am happy to see that you escaped
a ministerial crisis; the peril was great, and it would have been
dreadful for you at such a moment.

Albert made a fine long speech, I see.[9] Did he read it? _ex
tempore_, it would have been very trying. I trust we may come to that
unity of mankind of which he speaks, and of universal peace which our
friend Richard Cobden considers as very near at hand; if, however,
the red benefactors of mankind at Paris get the upper hand, _universal
war_ will be the order of the day. We are so strongly convinced of
this that we are very seriously occupied with the means of defence
which this country can afford, and we imagine that if we are not
abandoned by our friends, it will be impossible to force our positions
on the Schelde.

I must now quickly conclude. Remaining ever, my beloved Victoria, your
devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

    [Footnote 7: _I.e._ "only."]

    [Footnote 8: He was President in 1848.]

    [Footnote 9: At the Mansion House banquet to the Commissioners
    for the Exhibition of 1851. See quotation from it in Sir T.
    Martin's _Life_, vol. ii, p. 247.]




_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _25th March 1850._

The Queen approves these drafts, but thinks that in the part alluding
to M. Pacifico, should be added a direction to Mr Wyse to satisfy
himself of the _truth_ of M. Pacifico's statements of losses before
he grounds his demands upon them.[10] The draft merely allows a
sub-division of the claims, but takes their validity for granted.

    [Footnote 10: Don Pacifico claimed £31,500--£4,900 being for
    effects destroyed, and £26,600 in respect of certain claims
    against the Portuguese Government, the vouchers for which he
    stated had been destroyed by the mob which pillaged his house.
    His valuation of the various items was of the most extravagant
    description.]




[Pageheading: SPEECH BY PRINCE ALBERT]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _26th March 1850._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Albert made a really beautiful speech the other
day, and it has given the greatest satisfaction and done great good.
He is indeed _looked up to and beloved_, as _I_ could _wish_ he should
be; and the _more_ his _rare qualities_ of mind and heart are _known_,
the _more_ he will be understood and appreciated. People are much
struck at his great powers and energy; his great self-denial, and
constant wish to work for others, is so striking in his character; but
it is the _happiest_ life; pining for what one cannot have, and trying
to run after what is pleasantest, _invariably_ ends in disappointment.

I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _29th March 1850._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I write only a few lines to-day, begging you to
give the accompanying drawing of her little _namesake_ to dearest
Louise _on_ her birthday.

I shall duly answer your dear letter of the 25th on Tuesday, but am
anxious to correct the impression that Albert read his fine speech.
He _never_ has done so with any of his fine speeches, but speaks them,
having first prepared them and written them down,--and does so _so
well_, that no one believes that he is ever nervous, which _he is_.
This last he is said to have spoken in so particularly English a way.

We have still sadly cold winds. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _14th April 1850._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter with the drafts,
which he mentioned last night to her, and she has sent his letter with
them to Lord Palmerston.

Lord Palmerston's conduct in this Spanish question[11] in not
communicating her letter to Lord John, as she had directed, is really
too bad, and most disrespectful to the Queen; she can really hardly
communicate with him any more; indeed it would be better she should
not.

    [Footnote 11: The question was the selection of a Minister for
    Madrid.]




[Pageheading: LORD HOWDEN]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _27th April 1850._

In order to save the Government embarrassments, the Queen has
sanctioned the appointment of Lord Howden[12] to Madrid, although
she does not consider him to be quite the stamp of person in whom she
could feel entire confidence that he will be proof against all spirit
of intrigue, which at all times and now particularly is so much
required in Spain. But she must once more ask Lord John to watch that
the Queen may be quite openly and considerately dealt by. She knows
that Lord Howden has long been made acquainted with his appointment,
and has been corresponding upon it with General Narvaez; the
correspondent of the _Times_ has announced his appointment from Madrid
already three weeks ago, and all that time Lord Palmerston remained
silent upon the matter to the Queen, not even answering her upon her
letter expressing her wish to see Lord Westmorland[13] appointed. Lord
John must see the impropriety of this course, and if it were not for
the Queen's anxiety to smooth all difficulties, the Government might
be exposed to most awkward embarrassments. She expects, however,
and has the right to claim, equal consideration on the part of her
Ministers. She addresses herself in this matter to Lord John as the
head of the Government.

    [Footnote 12: Lord Howden had been recently Minister at Rio
    Janeiro.]

    [Footnote 13: Minister at Berlin, 1841-51.]




_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _28th April 1850._

... Lord John Russell cannot but assent to your Majesty's right to
claim every consideration on the part of your Majesty's Ministers.
He will take care to attend to this subject, and is much concerned to
find that your Majesty has so frequently occasion to complain of Lord
Palmerston's want of attention.




[Pageheading: THE KOH-I-NOOR]


_The Marquis of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria._

SIMLA, _15th May 1850._

... When the Governor-General had the honour of addressing your
Majesty from Bombay, the arrangements for the transmission of the
Koh-i-noor were incomplete. He therefore did not then report to your
Majesty, as he now humbly begs leave to do, that he conveyed the
jewel himself from Lahore in his own charge, and deposited it in the
Treasury at Bombay. One of your Majesty's ships had been ordered to
Bombay to receive it, but had not then arrived, and did not arrive
till two months afterwards, thus causing delay. The _Medea_, however,
sailed on 6th April, and will, it is hoped, have a safe and speedy
passage to England.

By this mail the Governor-General transmits officially a record of all
that he has been able to trace of the vicissitudes through which the
Koh-i-noor has passed. The papers are accurate and curious.

In one of them it is narrated, on the authority of Fugueer-ood-deen,
who is now at Lahore, and who was himself the messenger, that Runjeet
Singh sent a message to Wufa Begum, the wife of Shah Sooja, from whom
he had taken the gem, to ask her its value. She replied, "If a strong
man were to throw four stones, one north, one south, one east, one
west, and a fifth stone up into the air, and if the space between
them were to be filled with gold, all would not equal the value of the
Koh-i-noor." The Fugueer, thinking probably that this appraisement was
somewhat imaginative, subsequently asked Shah Sooja the same question.
The Shah replied that its value was "good fortune; for whoever
possessed it had conquered their enemies."

The Governor-General very respectfully and earnestly trusts that your
Majesty, in your possession of the Koh-i-noor, may ever continue to
realise its value as estimated by Shah Sooja.

He has the honour to subscribe himself, with deep respect, your
Majesty's most obedient, most humble, and most faithful Subject and
Servant,

DALHOUSIE.




[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S FOREIGN POLICY]


_The Prince Albert to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _18th May 1850._

MY DEAR LORD JOHN,--I return you the enclosed letters which forbode
a new storm, this time coming from Russia.[14] I confess I do not
understand that part of the quarrel, but one conviction grows stronger
and stronger with the Queen and myself (if it is possible), viz. that
Lord Palmerston is bringing the whole of the hatred which is borne to
him--I don't mean here to investigate whether justly or unjustly--by
all the Governments of Europe upon England, and that the country
runs serious danger of having to pay for the consequences. We cannot
reproach ourselves with having neglected warning and entreaties, but
the Queen may feel that her duty demands her not to be content with
mere warning without any effect, and that for the sake of one man the
welfare of the country must not be exposed....

ALBERT.

    [Footnote 14: Russia as well as France had been appealed to by
    Greece against the pressure brought to bear upon her. On the
    18th of April a Convention was signed in London disposing of
    the whole dispute, and referring Don Pacifico's claims
    against Portugal to arbitration. Lord Palmerston was remiss in
    communicating the progress of those negotiations to Mr Wyse,
    who persisted in his coercive measures, disregarding the
    intelligence on the subject he received from Baron Gros, and
    Greece accordingly submitted to his terms. France and Russia
    were incensed, the French Ambassador was recalled, and on the
    18th of May Baron Brunnow intimated the imminence of similar
    action by the Czar.]




_Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _18th May 1850._

SIR,--I feel very strongly that the Queen ought not to be exposed to
the enmity of Austria, France, and Russia on account of her Minister.
I was therefore prepared to state on Monday that it is for Her Majesty
to consider what course it will be best for her and for the country to
pursue.

1. I am quite ready to resign my office, but I could not make Lord
Palmerston the scapegoat for the sins which will be imputed to the
Government in the late negotiations.

2. I am ready, if it is thought best, to remain in office till
questions pending in the two Houses are decided. If unfavourably, a
solution is obtained; if favourably, Lord John Russell will no longer
remain in office with Lord Palmerston as Foreign Secretary.

These are hasty and crude thoughts, but may be matured by Monday.




[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S REPORT]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _20th May 1850._

Lord John Russell came to-day to make his report to the Queen on
his final determination with respect to the Greek question and Lord
Palmerston. He said it was quite impossible to abandon Lord Palmerston
upon this question, that the Cabinet was as much to blame (if there
were cause for it) as Lord Palmerston, and particularly he himself,
who had given his consent to the measures taken, and was justly held
responsible by the country for the Foreign Policy of the Government.
Admitting, however, that Lord Palmerston's personal quarrels with all
Governments of foreign countries and the hostility with which they
were looking upon him was doing serious injury to the country, and
exposing the Crown to blows aimed at the Minister, he had consulted
Lord Lansdowne.... Lord Lansdowne fully felt the strength of what I
said respecting the power of the Leader of the House of Commons, and
the right on the part of the Queen to object to its being conferred
upon a person who had not her entire confidence. I said I hoped Lord
Lansdowne would consider the communication of the letter as quite
confidential, as, although I had no objection to telling Lord
Palmerston anything that was said in it myself, I should not like that
it should come to his ears by third persons or be otherwise talked
of. Lord John assured me that Lord Lansdowne could be entirely relied
upon, and that he himself had locked up the letter under key the
moment he had received it, and would carefully guard it.

The result of our conference was, that we agreed that Lord Clarendon
was the only member of the Government to whom the Foreign Affairs
could be entrusted unless Lord John were to take them himself, which
was much the best. Lord John objected to Lord Clarendon's intimate
connection with the _Times_, and the violent Austrian line of that
paper; moreover, Lord Clarendon would be wanted to organise the new
department of Secretary of State for Ireland. The Colonial Office
was much the best for Lord Palmerston, and should Lord John go to the
House of Lords, Sir George Grey was to lead in the Commons. Lord John
would take an opportunity of communicating with Lord Palmerston, but
wished nothing should be said or done about the changes till after the
close of the Session.[15]

ALBERT.

    [Footnote 15: The question of the relations of Lord Palmerston
    with the Crown had to be postponed owing to the debates in
    both Houses on Foreign Policy. In the Lords, Lord Stanley
    moved a vote of censure on the Government for enforcing by
    coercive measures various doubtful or exaggerated claims
    against the Greek Government.]




[Pageheading: SUNDAY POSTS]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _9th June 1850._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's two letters. If the
Cabinet _think_ it impossible to do otherwise, of course the Queen
consents--though _most reluctantly_--to a compliance with the vote
respecting the Post Office.[16] The Queen thinks it a very _false_
notion of obeying God's will, to do what will be the cause of much
annoyance and possibly of great distress to private families. At any
rate, she thinks decidedly that great caution should be used with
respect to any alteration in the transmission of the mails, so that at
least _some means_ of communication may still be possible.

    [Footnote 16: Lord Ashley carried a resolution forbidding
    the Sunday delivery of letters; a Committee of Inquiry was
    appointed, and reported against the proposed change, which was
    abandoned.]




_Queen Victoria to the Duke of Cambridge._

OSBORNE, _10th June 1850._

MY DEAR UNCLE,--I have enquired into the precedents, and find that
though there are none exactly similar to the case of George, there
will be no difficulty to call him up to the House of Lords; and I
should propose that he should be called up by the name of Earl of
Tipperary, which is one of your titles. Culloden, which is your
other title, would be from recollections of former times obviously
objectionable. There are several precedents of Princes being made
Peers without having an establishment, consequently there can be no
difficulty on this point.

I feel confident that George will be very moderate in his politics,
and support the Government whenever he can. Princes of the Royal
Family should keep as much as possible aloof from _Party Politics_, as
I think they else invariably become mixed up with Party violence, and
frequently are made the tools of people who are utterly regardless of
the mischief they cause to the Throne and Royal Family. Believe me,
always, your affectionate Niece,

VICTORIA R.




[Pageheading: PRINCE GEORGE OF CAMBRIDGE]


_The Duke of Cambridge to Queen Victoria._

CAMBRIDGE HOUSE, _10th June 1850._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I seize the earliest opportunity of thanking you
for your very kind letter, which I have this moment received, and to
assure you at the same time that I do most fully agree with you in
your observations concerning the line in politics which the members
of the Royal Family ought to take. This has always been my principle
since I entered the House of Lords, and I am fully convinced that
George will follow my example.

I must also add that I have felt the great advantage of supporting the
Government, and I have by that always been well with all Parties, and
have avoided many difficulties which other members of my family have
had to encounter.

I shall not fail to communicate your letter to George, who will, I
trust, never prove himself unworthy of the kindness you have shown
him.

With the request that you will remember me most kindly to Albert, I
remain, my dearest Victoria, your most affectionate Uncle,

ADOLPHUS.




_Prince George of Cambridge to Queen Victoria._

ST JAMES'S PALACE, _15th June 1850._

MY DEAR COUSIN,--I have not as yet ventured to address you on a
subject of much interest personally to myself, and upon which I am
aware that you have been in correspondence with my father; but as I
believe that the question which was brought to your notice has
been settled, I cannot any longer deprive myself of the pleasure of
expressing to you my most sincere and grateful thanks for the kind
manner in which you have at once acceded to the anxious request of my
father and myself, by arranging with the Government that I should be
called up to the House of Lords. This has been a point upon which I
have long been most anxious, and I am truly and sincerely grateful
that you have so considerately entered into my feelings and wishes. I
understand that it is your intention that I should be called up by my
father's second title as Earl of Tipperary; at the same time I hope
that though I take a seat in the House as Earl of Tipperary, I may be
permitted to retain and be called by my present name on all occasions
not connected with the House of Lords. As regards the wish expressed
by yourself, that I should not allow myself to be made a political
partisan, I need not, I trust, assure you that it will be ever my
endeavour to obey your desires upon this as on all other occasions;
but I trust I may be permitted to add, that even before this desire
expressed by you, it had been my intention to follow this line of
conduct. I conceive that whenever they conscientiously can do so, the
members of the Royal Family should support the Queen's Government; and
if at times it should happen that they have a difficulty in so doing,
it is at all events not desirable that they should place themselves
prominently in opposition to it. This I believe to be your feelings
on the subject, and if you will permit me to say so, they are also my
own.

Hoping to have the pleasure soon of expressing to you my gratitude in
person, I remain, my dear Cousin, your most dutiful Cousin,

GEORGE.




_Queen Victoria to Prince George of Cambridge._

OSBORNE, _17th June 1850._

MY DEAR GEORGE,--Many thanks for your kind letter received yesterday.
I am glad to hear that you are so entirely of my opinion with respect
to the political conduct of the Princes of the Royal Family who are
peers, and I feel sure that your conduct will be quite in accordance
with this view. With respect to your wish to be called as you have
hitherto been, I do not think that this will be possible. It has never
been done, besides which I think the Irish (who will be much flattered
at your being called up by the title of Tipperary) would feel it as a
slight if you did not wish to be called by the title you bear. All
the Royal Peers have always been called by their titles in this and in
other countries, and I do not think it would be possible to avoid it.
Ever, etc.,

VICTORIA R.[17]

    [Footnote 17: The patent was made out, but not signed, a
    memorandum of Prince Albert recording:--

    BUCKINGHAM PALACE. _8th July 1850._

    I kept this warrant back from the Queen's signature on account
    of the Duke of Cambridge's illness. The Duke died yesterday
    evening, without a struggle, after an attack of fever which
    had lasted four weeks. So the summons of Prince George has
    never been carried out.

    ALBERT.]




[Pageheading: MR ROEBUCK'S MOTION]


_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _21st June 1850._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to report that Mr Roebuck asked him yesterday what course
the Government intends to pursue after the late vote of the House of
Lords.[18]

The newspapers contain the report of Lord John Russell's answer.

Mr Roebuck has proposed to move on Monday a general approbation of the
Foreign Policy of the Government.

What may be the result of such a Motion it is not easy to say, but
as Lord Stanley has prevailed on a majority in the House of Lords
to censure the Foreign Policy of the Government, it is impossible to
avoid a decision by the House of Commons on this subject.

The misfortune is that on the one side every detail of negotiation is
confounded with the general principles of our Foreign Policy, and on
the other a censure upon a Foreign Policy, the tendency of which has
been to leave despotism and democracy to fight out their own battles,
will imply in the eyes of Europe a preference for the cause of
despotism, and a willingness to interfere with Russia and Austria on
behalf of absolute government. The jealousy of the House of Commons
would not long bear such a policy.

Be that as it may, Lord Stanley has opened a beginning of strife,
which may last for many years to come.

    [Footnote 18: Lord Stanley's Motion of Censure was carried by
    a majority of 37 in a House of 301.]




[Pageheading: LORD STANLEY'S MOTION]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _21st June 1850._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter and read his speech
in the House of Commons. She regrets exceedingly the position in which
the Government has been placed by the Motion of Lord Stanley in the
House of Lords. Whichever way the Debate in the House of Commons
may terminate, the Queen foresees great troubles. A defeat of the
Government would be _most inconvenient_. The Queen has always
approved the _general_ tendency of the policy of the Government to
let despotism and democracy fight out their battles abroad, but must
remind Lord John that in the execution of this policy Lord Palmerston
has _gone a long way_ in taking up the side of democracy in the fight,
and this is the "detail of negotiations" which Lord John is afraid may
be confounded with the general principle of our Foreign Policy. Indeed
it is already confounded by the whole of the foreign and the great
majority of the British public, and it is to be feared that the
discussion will place despotic and democratic principles in array
against each other in this country, whilst the original question turns
only upon the justice of Don Pacifico's claims.




_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _22nd June 1850._

Lord John Russell deeply regrets that your Majesty should be exposed
to inconvenience in consequence of Lord Stanley's Motion. He has
copied Mr Roebuck's Motion as it now stands on the votes. The word
"principles" includes the general policy, and excludes the particular
measures which from time to time have been adopted as the objects of
approbation.

It is impossible to say at this moment what will be the result. Lord
Stanley, Lord Aberdeen, Mr Gladstone, and Mr Disraeli appear to be in
close concert.

Lord Stanley can hardly now abandon Protection. Mr Gladstone, one
should imagine, can hardly abandon Free Trade. The anger of the honest
Protectionists and the honest Free-Traders will be very great at so
unprincipled a coalition.

Mr Roebuck's Motion: That the principles on which the Foreign Policy
of Her Majesty's Government has been regulated have been such as were
calculated to maintain the honour and dignity of this country, and in
times of unexampled difficulty to preserve peace between England and
the various nations of the world.




[Pageheading: HOLSTEIN AND GERMANY]


_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _22nd June 1850._

The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter of yesterday, but
cannot say that his arguments in support of his former opinion, that
the Germanic Confederation should be omitted from amongst the Powers
who are to be invited to sign a protocol, the object of which is to
decide upon the fate of Holstein, have proved successful in convincing
her of the propriety of this course. As Holstein belongs to the
Germanic Confederation and is only accidentally connected with Denmark
through its Sovereign, a Protocol to ensure the integrity of the
Danish Monarchy is a direct attack upon Germany, if carried out
without her knowledge and consent; and it is an act repugnant to all
feelings of justice and morality for third parties to dispose of other
people's property, which no diplomatic etiquette about the difficulty
of finding a proper representative for Germany could justify. The mode
of representation might safely be left to the Confederation itself.
It is not surprising to the Queen that Austria and Prussia should
complain of Lord Palmerston's agreeing with Sweden, Russia, Denmark,
and France upon the Protocol before giving Prussia and Austria any
notice of it.




[Pageheading: THE PROTOCOL]


_Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell._

CARLTON GARDENS, _23rd June 1850._

MY DEAR JOHN RUSSELL,--The Queen has entirely misconceived the object
and effect of the proposed Protocol. It does not "decide upon the
fate of Holstein," nor is it "an attack upon Germany." In fact, the
Protocol is to _decide_ nothing; it is to be merely a record of the
wishes and opinions of the Power whose representatives are to sign
it....[19]

How does any part of this decide the fate of Holstein or attack
Germany?

Is not the Queen requiring that I should be Minister, not indeed for
Austria, Russia, or France, but for the Germanic Confederation?
Why should we take up the cudgels for Germany, when we are inviting
Austria and Prussia, the two leading powers of Germany, and who would
of course put in a claim for the Confederation if they thought it
necessary, which, however, for the reasons above stated, they surely
would not?...

As to my having _agreed_ with Sweden, Russia, Denmark, and France
before communicating with Prussia and Austria, that is not the course
which things have taken. Brunnow proposed the Protocol to me, and
I have been in discussion with him about it. It is _he_ who has
communicated it to the French Ambassador, to Reventlow, and to
Rehausen; I sent it privately several weeks ago to Westmorland, that
he might show it confidentially to Schleinitz, but telling Westmorland
that it was not a thing settled, but only a proposal by Russia, and
that, at all events, some part of the wording would be altered. I have
no doubt that Brunnow has also shown it to Koller; but I could not
send it officially to Berlin or Vienna till Brunnow had agreed to such
a wording as I could recommend the Government to adopt, nor until I
received the Queen's sanction to do so.

The only thing that occurs to me as practicable would be to say to
Austria and Prussia that if, in signing the Protocol, they could add
that they signed also in the name of the Confederation, we should be
glad to have the additional weight of that authority, but that could
not be made a _sine quâ non_, any more than the signature of Austria
and Prussia themselves, for I think that the Protocol ought to be
signed by as many of the proposed Powers as may choose to agree to
it, bearing always in mind that it is only a record of opinions and
wishes, and does not decide or pretend to decide anything practically.
Yours sincerely,

PALMERSTON.

    [Footnote 19: The Protocol was to record the desirability
    of the following points:--(1) that the several states which
    constituted the Danish Monarchy should remain united, and
    that the Danish Crown should be settled in such manner that it
    should go with the Duchy of Holstein; (2) that the signatory
    Powers, when the peace should have been concluded, should
    concert measures for the purpose of giving to the results
    an additional pledge of stability, by a general European
    acknowledgment.]




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S OPINION]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _25th June 1850._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter enclosing those of
Lord Palmerston and Lord Lansdowne. The _misconception_ on the Queen's
part, which Lord Palmerston alleges to exist, consists in her taking
the essence of the arrangement for the mere words. Lord Palmerston
pretends that the Protocol "does not decide upon the fate of Holstein
nor attack Germany." However, the only object of the Protocol is the
fate of Holstein, which is decided upon--

(1.) By a declaration of the importance to the interests of Europe to
uphold the integrity of the Danish Monarchy (which has no meaning, if
it does not mean that Holstein is to remain with it).

(2.) By an approval of the efforts of the King of Denmark to keep it
with Denmark, by adapting the law of succession to that of Holstein.

(3.) By an engagement on the part of the Powers to use their "_soins_"
to get the constitutional position of Holstein settled in a peace
according to the Malmoe preliminaries, of which it was one of
the conditions that the question of the succession was to be left
untouched.

(4.) To seal the whole arrangement by an act of European
acknowledgment.

If the declarations of importance, the approval, the "_soins_" and
the acknowledgments of _all_ the great Powers of Europe are to decide
nothing, then Lord Palmerston is quite right; if they decide anything,
it is the fate of Holstein.

Whether this will be an attack upon Germany or not will be easily
deduced from the fact that the attempt on the part of Denmark to
incorporate into her polity the Duchy of Schleswig was declared by
the Diet in 1846 to be a declaration of war against Germany merely on
account of its intimate connection with the Duchy of Holstein.

The Queen does not wish her Minister to be Minister for Germany, but
merely to treat that country with the same consideration which is due
to every country on whose interests we mean to decide.

The Queen would wish her correspondence upon this subject to be
brought before the Cabinet, and will abide by their deliberate
opinion.




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _25th June 1850._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Charles will have told you how kindly and amiably
the Prince of Prussia has come here, travelling night and day from
St Petersburg, in order to be in time for the christening of our
little _Arthur_.[20] I wish you could (and you will, for he intends
stopping at Brussels) hear him speak, for he is so straightforward,
conciliatory, and yet firm of purpose; I have a great esteem and
respect for him. The poor King of Prussia is recovered,[21] and has
been received with great enthusiasm on the first occasion of his first
reappearance in public.

We are in a _crisis_, no one knowing how this debate upon this most
unfortunate Greek business will end. It is most unfortunate, for
whatever way it ends, it must do great harm.

I must now conclude, for I am quite overpowered by the heat. Ever your
truly devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 20: The present Duke of Connaught, born on the 1st
    of May, the birthday of the Duke of Wellington, who was one of
    the sponsors, and after whom he was named.]

    [Footnote 21: From an attempt to assassinate him.]




[Pageheading: THE DON PACIFICO DEBATE]


_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _26th June 1850._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
has the honour to report that in the debate of last night Viscount
Palmerston defended the whole Foreign Policy of the Government in a
speech of four hours and three quarters.[22] This speech was one
of the most masterly ever delivered, going through the details of
transactions in the various parts of the world, and appealing from
time to time to great principles of justice and of freedom.

The cheering was frequent and enthusiastic. The debate was adjourned
till Thursday, when it will probably close.

The expectation is that Ministers will have a majority, but on the
amount of that majority must depend their future course.

    [Footnote 22: It lasted from dusk till dawn, and the Minister
    asked for a verdict on the question whether, "as the Roman in
    days of old held himself free from indignity when he could
    say, _Civis Romanus sum_, so also a British subject, in
    whatever land he may be, shall feel confident that the
    watchful eye and the strong arm of England will protect
    him against injustice and wrong." Peel, who made his last
    appearance in the House, voted against Palmerston.]




_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

_Chesham Place_, _27th June 1850._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to state that the prospects of the division are rather more
favourable for Ministers than they were.

Ministers ought to have a majority of forty to justify their remaining
in office.[23]

Mr Gladstone makes no secret of his wish to join Lord Stanley in
forming an Administration.

Lord John Russell would desire to have the honour of an audience of
your Majesty on Saturday at twelve or one o'clock.

The division will not take place till to-morrow night.

    [Footnote 23: In the result, Ministers succeeded by 310 to
    264, although opposed to them in the debate were Mr Gladstone,
    Mr Cobden, Sir Robert Peel, Mr Disraeli, Sir James Graham,
    and Sir William Molesworth. Next to the speeches of Lord
    Palmerston and Lord John Russell, the most effective speech
    on the Government side was that of Mr Alexander Cockburn,
    afterwards Lord Chief Justice of England.]




[Pageheading: PEEL'S ACCIDENT]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _2nd July 1850._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--For two most kind and affectionate letters I offer
my warmest and best thanks. The good report of my beloved Louise's
improvement is a great happiness. By my letter to Louise you will have
learnt all the details of this certainly very disgraceful and very
inconceivable attack.[24] I have not suffered except from my head,
which is still very tender, the blow having been extremely violent,
and the brass _end_ of the stick fell on my head so as to make a
considerable noise. I own it makes me nervous out driving, and I start
at any person coming near the carriage, which I am afraid is natural.
We have, alas! now another cause of much greater anxiety in the person
of our excellent Sir Robert Peel,[25] who, as you will see, has had
a most serious fall, and though going on well at first, was very ill
last night; thank God! he is better again this morning, but I fear
still in great danger. I cannot bear even to think of losing him; it
would be the greatest loss for the whole country, and irreparable for
us, for he is so trustworthy, and so entirely to be depended on. _All_
parties are in great anxiety about him. I will leave my letter open to
give you the latest news.

Our good and amiable guest[26] likes being with us, and will remain
with us till Saturday. We had a concert last night, and go to the
opera very regularly. The _Prophète_ is quite beautiful, and I am
sure would delight you. The music in the _Scène du Couronnement_ is,
I think, finer than anything in either _Robert_ or the _Huguenots_; it
is highly dramatic, and really very touching. Mario sings and acts
in it quite in perfection. His _Raoul_ in the Huguenots is also most
beautiful. He improves every year, and I really think his voice is the
finest tenor I ever heard, and he sings and acts with such _intense_
feeling.

What do you say to the conclusion of our debate? It leaves things just
as they were. The House of Commons is becoming very unmanageable and
troublesome....

I must now conclude. With Albert's love, ever your most affectionate
Niece,

VICTORIA R.

I am happy to say that Sir Robert, though still very ill, is freer
from pain, his pulse is less high, and he feels himself better; the
Doctors think there is _no_ vital injury, and nothing from which he
cannot recover, but that he must be for some days in a precarious
state.

    [Footnote 24: The Queen, as she was leaving Cambridge House,
    where she had called to inquire after the Duke of Cambridge's
    health, was struck with a cane by one Robert Pate, an
    ex-officer, and a severe bruise was inflicted on her forehead.
    The outrage was apparently committed without motive, but an
    attempt to prove Pate insane failed, and he was sentenced to
    seven years' transportation.]

    [Footnote 25: On the day following the Don Pacifico debate,
    Sir Robert Peel, after attending a meeting of the Exhibition
    Commissioners, had gone out riding. On his return, while
    passing up Constitution Hill, he was thrown from his horse,
    and, after lingering three days in intense pain, died on the
    5th of July.]

    [Footnote 26: The Prince of Prussia.]




[Pageheading: THE KING OF DENMARK]


_The King of Denmark to Queen Victoria._

COPENHAGUE, _4 Juillet 1850._

MADAME MA S[OE]UR,--Je remplis un devoir des plus agréables, en
m'empressant d'annoncer à votre Majesté que la paix vient d'être
signée le 2 de ce mois à Berlin entre moi et Sa Majesté le Roi de
Prusse, en Son nom et en celui de la Confédération Germanique.[27]

Je sais et je reconnais de grand c[oe]ur combien je suis redevable
à votre Majesté et à Son Gouvernement de ce résultat important, qui
justifie mon espérance de pouvoir bientôt rendre à tous mes sujets les
bienfaits d'une sincère réconciliation et d'une véritable concorde.

Votre Majesté a par la sollicitude avec laquelle Elle a constamment
accompli le mandat de la médiation dans l'intérêt du Danemark et de
l'Europe, ajouté aux témoignages inappréciables de sincère amitié
qu'elle n'a cessé de m'accorder durant la longue et pénible épreuve
que le Danemark vient de nouveau de traverser, mais qui paraît, à
l'aide du Tout-Puissant, devoir maintenant faire place à un meilleur
avenir, offrant, sous les auspices de votre Majesté, de nouvelles
garanties pour l'indépendance de mon antique Couronne et pour le
maintien de l'intégrité de ma Monarchie, à la défense desquelles je me
suis voué entièrement.

Je suis persuadé que votre Majesté me fera la justice de croire que je
suis on ne peut plus reconnaissant, et que mon peuple fidèle et loyal
s'associe à moi et aux miens, pénétré de ces mêmes sentiments de
gratitude envers votre Majesté.

Je m'estimerais infiniment heureux si Elle daignait ajouter à toutes
Ses bontés, celle que de me fournir l'occasion de Lui donner des
preuves de mon dévouement inaltérable et de la haute considération
avec lesquels je prie Dieu qu'il vous ait, Madame ma S[oe]ur, vous,
votre auguste Époux et tous les vôtres, dans sa sainte et digne garde,
et avec lesquels je suis, Madame ma S[oe]ur, de votre Majesté, le bon
Frère,

FREDERICK.

    [Footnote 27: Denmark and the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies were
    still at war. Germany was bent on absorbing the Duchies, but
    Prussia now concluded a peace with Denmark: the enlistment of
    individual Germans in the insurgent army continued.]




[Pageheading: DEATH OF PEEL]


_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _5th July 1850._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--It gave me the greatest pain to learn of the
death of our true and kind friend, Sir Robert Peel. That he should
have met with his end--he so valuable to the whole earth--from an
accident so easily to be avoided with some care, is the more to
be lamented. You and Albert lose in him a friend whose moderation,
correct judgment, great knowledge of everything connected with the
country, can never be found again. Europe had in him a benevolent and
a truly wise statesman....

Give my best thanks to Albert for his kind letter. I mean to send a
messenger probably on Sunday or Monday to write to him. I pity him
about the great Exhibition. I fear he will be much plagued, and I was
glad to see that the matter is to be treated in Parliament. Alas! in
all human affairs one is sure to meet with violent passions, and Peel
knew that so well; great care even for the most useful objects is
necessary.

I will write to you a word to-morrow. God grant that it may be
satisfactory.[28] Ever, my beloved, dear Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

    [Footnote 28: The Princess Charlotte of Belgium was seriously
    ill.]




_Queen Victoria to the King of Prussia._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _6th July 1850._

SIRE, MY MOST HONOURED BROTHER,--I have to express to you my thanks
for the pleasure which the visit of your dear brother has given us,
who, as I hope, will remit these lines to you in perfect health. That
things go so well with you, and that the healing of your wound has
made undisturbed progress, has been to us a true removal of anxiety.
You will no doubt have learnt that I too have been again the object
of an attempt, if possible still more cowardly. The criminal is, _as
usual_, this time too, insane, or will pretend to be so; still the
deed remains.

All our feelings are, in the meanwhile, preoccupied by the sorrow,
in which your Majesty and all Europe will share, at the death of Sir
Robert Peel. That is one of the hardest blows of Fate which could
have fallen on us and on the country. You knew the great man, and
understood how to appreciate his merit. His value is now becoming
clear even to his opponents; all Parties are united in mourning.

The only satisfactory event of recent times is the news of
your conclusion of peace with Denmark. Accept my most cordial
congratulations on that account.

Requesting you to remember me cordially to the dear Queen, and
referring you for detailed news to the dear Prince, also recommending
to your gracious remembrance Albert, who does not wish to trouble you,
on his part, with a letter, I remain, in unchangeable friendship, dear
Brother, your Majesty's faithful Sister,

VICTORIA R.




[Pageheading: DEATH OF THE DUKE OF CAMBRIDGE]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _9th July 1850._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--We live in the midst of sorrow and death! My poor
good Uncle Cambridge breathed his last, without a struggle, at a few
minutes before ten last night. I still saw him yesterday morning at
one, but he _did not see me_, and to-day I saw him lifeless and cold.
The poor Duchess and the poor children are very touching in their
grief, and poor Augusta,[29] who arrived just _five hours too late_,
is quite heartbroken. The end was most peaceful; there was no
disease; only a gastric fever, which came on four weeks ago, from
over-exertion, and cold, and which he neglected for the first week,
carried him off.

The good Prince of Prussia you will have been pleased to talk to and
see. Having lived with him for a fortnight on a very intimate footing,
we have been able to appreciate his _real_ worth fully; he is so
honest and frank, and so steady of purpose and courageous.

Poor dear Peel is to be buried to-day. The sorrow and grief at his
death are most touching, and the country mourns over him as over a
father. Every one seems to have lost a personal friend.

As I have much to write, you will forgive me ending here. You will
be glad to hear that poor Aunt Gloucester is wonderfully calm and
resigned. My poor dear Albert, who had been so fresh and well when we
came back, looks so pale and fagged again. He has felt, and feels, Sir
Robert's loss _dreadfully_. He feels he has lost a second father.

May God bless and protect you all, you dear ones! Ever your devoted
Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 29: See _ante_, vol. i. p. 437.]




_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _19th July 1850._

Before this draft to Lord Bloomfield about Greece is sent, it would be
well to consider whether Lord Palmerston is justified in calling
the Minister of the Interior of Greece "a notorious defaulter to the
amount of 200,000 drachms,"[30] and should he be so, whether it is
a proper thing for the Queen's Foreign Secretary to say in a public
despatch!

    [Footnote 30: The Convention of the 18th of April (see _ante_,
    p. 242, note 1) had decided that £8500 should be distributed
    among the claimants, and that Don Pacifico's special claim
    against Portugal should be referred to arbitration. Ultimately
    he was awarded only an insignificant sum.]




[Pageheading: THE FOREIGN OFFICE]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _28th July 1850._

The Queen will have much pleasure in seeing the Duke and Duchess of
Bedford here next Saturday, and we have invited them. She will be
quite ready to hear the Duke's opinions on the Foreign Office. Lord
John may be sure that she fully admits the great difficulties in the
way of the projected alteration, but she, on the other hand, feels
the duty she owes to the country and to herself, not to allow a man
in whom she can have no confidence, who has conducted himself in
_anything but_ a straightforward and proper manner to herself, to
remain in the Foreign Office, and thereby to expose herself to insults
from other nations, and the country to the constant risk of serious
and alarming complications. The Queen considers these reasons as
much graver than the other difficulties. Each time that we were in
a difficulty, the Government seemed to be determined to move Lord
Palmerston, and as soon as these difficulties were got over, those
which present themselves in the carrying out of this removal appeared
of so great a magnitude as to cause its relinquishment. There is no
chance of Lord Palmerston reforming himself in his sixty-seventh year,
and after having considered his last escape as a triumph.... The
Queen is personally convinced that Lord Palmerston at this moment is
secretly planning an armed Russian intervention in Schleswig, which
may produce a renewal of revolutions in Germany, and possibly a
general war.

The Queen only adduces this as an instance that there is no question
of delicacy and danger in which Lord Palmerston will not arbitrarily
and without reference to his colleagues or Sovereign engage this
country.




_Queen Victoria to the King of Denmark._

OSBORNE, _29 Juillet 1850._

SIRE ET MON BON FRÈRE,--La lettre dont votre Majesté a bien voulu
m'honorer m'a causé un bien vif plaisir comme témoignage que votre
Majesté a su apprécier les sentiments d'amitié pour vous et le désir
d'agir avec impartialité qui m'ont animée ainsi que mon Gouvernement
pendant tout le cours des longues négociations qui out précédé la
signature de la Paix avec l'Allemagne. Votre Majesté peut aisément
comprendre aussi combien je dois regretter le renouvellement de la
guerre avec le Schleswig qui ne pourra avoir d'autre résultat que
l'accroissement de l'animosité et l'affaiblissement des deux nobles
peuples sur lesquels vous régnez. Dieu veuille que cette dernière
lutte se termine pourtant dans une réconciliation solide, basée sur
la reconnaissance des droits et des obligations des deux côtés. Je me
trouve poussée à vous soumettre ici, Sire, une prière pour un Prince
qui s'est malheureusement trouvé en conflit avec votre Majesté, mais
pour lequel les liens de parenté me portent à plaider, le Duc de
Holstein-Augustenburg. Je suis persuadée que la magnanimité de votre
Majesté lui rendra ses biens particuliers, qu'elle a jugé nécessaire
de lui ôter pendant la guerre de 1848, ce que je reconnaîtrais bien
comme une preuve d'amitié de la part de votre Majesté envers moi.

En faisant des v[oe]ux, pour son bonbeur et en exprimant le désir du
Prince, mon Epoux, d'être mis aux pieds de votre Majesté, je suis,
Sire et mon bon Frère, de votre Majesté la bonne S[oe]ur,

VICTORIA R.




[Pageheading: DENMARK AND SCHLESWIG]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _31st July 1850._

The Queen must draw Lord John Russell's attention to the accompanying
draft[31] with regard to Schleswig, which is evidently intended to
lay the ground for future foreign armed intervention. This is to be
justified by considering the assistance which the Stadthalterschaft
of Holstein may be tempted to give to their Schleswig brethren "as an
invasion of Schleswig by a German force."

Lord John seems himself to have placed a "?" against that passage.
This is, after two years' negotiation and mediation, _begging the
question_ at issue. The whole war--Revolution, mediation, etc.,
etc.--rested upon the question whether Schleswig was part of Holstein
(though not of the German Confederation), or part of Denmark and not
of Holstein.

    [Footnote 31: In this draft, Lord Palmerston was remonstrating
    with the Prussian Government against the orders given by the
    Holstein Statthalters to their army to invade Schleswig, after
    the signature of the peace between Prussia and Denmark.]




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _31st July 1850._

The Queen has considered Lord Seymour's memorandum upon the Rangership
of the Parks in London, but cannot say that it has convinced her of
the expediency of its abolition. There is nothing in the management of
these parks by the Woods and Forests which does not equally apply to
all the others, as Greenwich, Hampton Court, Richmond, etc. There is
certainly a degree of inconvenience in the divided authority, but this
is amply compensated by the advantage to the Crown, in appearance
at least, to keep up an authority emanating personally from the
Sovereign, and unconnected with a Government Department which is
directly answerable to the House of Commons. The last debate upon Hyde
Park has, moreover, shown that it will not be safe not to remind the
public of the fact that the parks are Royal property. As the Ranger
has no power over money, the management will always remain with the
Office of Woods.




[Pageheading: SIR CHARLES NAPIER RESIGNS]


_The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria._

LONDON, _3rd August 1850._

Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble duty to your
Majesty. He regrets to be under the necessity of submitting to your
Majesty the enclosed letter from General Sir Charles Napier,
G.C.B., in which he tenders his resignation of the office of
Commander-in-Chief of your Majesty's Forces in the East Indies.[32]

Upon the receipt of this paper Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington
considered it to be his duty to peruse all the papers submitted by
Sir Charles Napier; to survey the transaction which had occasioned
the censure of the Governor-General in Council complained of by Sir
Charles Napier; to require from the India House all the information
which could throw light upon the conduct complained of, as well as
upon the motives alleged for it; the reasons given on account of which
it was stated to be necessary.

He has stated in a minute, a memorandum of which he submits the copy
to your Majesty, his views and opinions upon the whole subject, and
the result which he submits to your Majesty is that he considers it
his duty humbly to submit to your Majesty that your Majesty should be
graciously pleased to accept the resignation of General Sir Charles
Napier thus tendered.

Before he should submit this recommendation to your Majesty in
relation to an office of such high reputation in so high and important
a station, Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington considered it his duty
to submit his views to your Majesty's servants, who have expressed
their concurrence in his opinion.

It is probable that the President of the Board of Control will lay
before your Majesty the papers transmitted to the Secret Committee of
the Court of Directors, by the Governor-General in Council, which
are adverted to in the paper drawn up by the Duke, and of which the
substance alone is stated.

All of which is humbly submitted to your Majesty by your Majesty's
most dutiful Subject and most devoted Servant,

WELLINGTON.


    [Footnote 32: This was in consequence of Sir Charles Napier's
    action in exercising powers belonging to the Supreme Council,
    on the occasion of a mutiny of a regiment of the Native Army.]




[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S CONDUCT OF AFFAIRS]

[Pageheading: A POSSIBLE RE-ARRANGEMENT]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

OSBORNE, _5th August 1850._

Lord John Russell having lately stated that Lord Clarendon, who
had always been most eager to see Lord Palmerston moved, had lately
expressed to him his opinion that it would be most dangerous and
impolitic to do so under present circumstances, we thought it right
to see Lord Clarendon here.... In conversation with me, Lord Clarendon
spoke in his old strain of Lord Palmerston, but very strongly also
of the danger of turning him out and making him the leader of the
Radicals, who were anxiously waiting for that, were much dissatisfied
with Lord John Russell, and free from control by the death of Sir
Robert Peel. I said that if everything was done with Lord Palmerston's
consent there would be no danger, to which Lord Clarendon assented,
but doubted that he would consent to giving up what was his hobby. He
added, nobody but Lord John could carry on the Foreign Affairs, but he
ought not to leave the House of Commons under present circumstances,
where he was now the only authority left.

We saw the Duke of Bedford yesterday, whom Lord John had wished us
to invite. He is very unhappy about the present state of affairs,
frightened about things going on as at present, when Lord John can
exercise no control over Lord Palmerston, and the Queen is exposed
year after year to the same annoyances and dangers arising from Lord
Palmerston's mode of conducting the affairs; but on the other hand,
equally frightened at turning him loose. The Duke was aware of all
that had passed between us and Lord John, and ready to do anything
_he_ could to bring matters to a satisfactory solution, but thought
his brother would not like to leave the House of Commons now. He had
very much changed his opinion on that head latterly, and the more so
as he thought something ought to be done next year with the franchise,
which he alone could carry through. On my questioning whether it was
impossible to persuade him to take the Foreign Office and stay in the
Lower House, with a first-rate under-secretary, at least for a time,
the Duke thought he might perhaps temporarily, as he felt he owed
to the Queen the solution of the difficulty, but expressed again his
fears of Lord Palmerston's opposition. I replied that if Lord John
would make up his mind to take the Foreign Office, and to stay in
the House of Commons, I saw no danger, as Lord John would be able to
maintain himself successfully, and Lord Palmerston would not like to
be in opposition to him, whilst he would become most formidable to
anybody who was to _gain_ only the leadership in the House; moreover,
Lord John, having done so much for Lord Palmerston, could expect and
demand a return of sacrifice, and a variety of posts might be offered
to him--the Presidency of the Council, the office of Home Secretary,
or Secretary for the Colonies, Chancellor of the Exchequer, etc.,
etc., which places I was sure any member of the Cabinet would vacate
for him. The Duke of Bedford added the Lieutenancy of Ireland, as Lord
Clarendon had told him he was ready to give it up for the purpose, but
only under _one_ condition, viz. that of not having to succeed to
Lord Palmerston at the Foreign Office. Observing our surprise at
this declaration, the Duke added that Lord Clarendon acted most
considerately, that he was ready to have no office at all, and would
support the Government independently in the House of Lords if this
were to facilitate arrangements. The Queen rejoined that a peerage was
of course also at Lord John's disposal for Lord Palmerston. We then
agreed that Lord Granville would be the best person to become Lord
John's Under-Secretary of State, a man highly popular, pleasing,
conciliatory, well versed in Foreign Affairs, and most industrious;
trained under Lord John, he could at any time leave him the office
altogether, if Lord John should find it too much for himself. Lord
Granville had a higher office now, that of Vice-President of the
Board of Trade and Paymaster-General, but would be sure to feel the
importance of taking a lower office under such circumstances and with
such contingencies likely to depend upon it. I have seen a great deal
of him latterly, as he is the only working man on the Commission for
the Exhibition of 1851, and have found him most able, good-natured,
and laborious. The Duke liked the proposal very much, and is going to
communicate all that passed between us to Lord John on Tuesday.

ALBERT.




[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S POSITION]

[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S JUSTIFICATION]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

OSBORNE, _8th August 1850._

Lord John Russell came down here yesterday in order to report to the
Queen what had passed between him and Lord Palmerston the day before,
on whom he had called in order to have an explanation on the Foreign
Affairs.

Lord John reminded him of former communications, but admitted that
circumstances were much changed by the recent debates in both Houses
of Parliament; still, it was necessary to come to an understanding of
the position. The _policy_ pursued with regard to the Foreign Affairs
had been right and such as had the approval of Lord John himself, the
Cabinet generally, and he believed the greater part of the country.
But the manner in which it had been executed had been unfortunate,
led to irritation and hostility; although peace had actually been
preserved, and England stood in a position requiring no territorial
aggrandisement or advantage of any kind, yet all Governments and
Powers, not only Russia and Austria, but also France and the liberal
states, had become decidedly hostile to us, and our intercourse was
not such as was desirable. Lord John could instance many cases in
which they had been unnecessarily slighted and provoked by Lord
Palmerston, like M. Drouyn de Lhuys in the Greek affair. Lord
Palmerston's conduct towards the Queen had been disrespectful and
wanting in due attention and deference to her, and had been much
complained of.

In consequence of all this Lord John had before proposed to Her
Majesty that the Foreign Affairs should be entrusted to Lord Minto,
he himself should go to the House of Lords, and Lord Palmerston
should have the lead in the House of Commons. The Queen had, however,
objected to this arrangement, [thinking] the lead in the Lower
House to be more properly given to Sir George Grey, who had as Home
Secretary conducted all internal business in the House. Now had come
Sir R. Peel's death, which made it impossible for Lord John to leave
the House of Commons without endangering the position of Government
and of the parties in the House.

Lord Palmerston was much pleased to hear of Lord John's intention to
stay in the House of Commons, said all was changed now; there had been
a great conspiracy against him, he had been accused in Parliament, put
on his trial and acquitted. The acquittal had produced the greatest
enthusiasm for him in the country, and he was now supported by a
strong party; he owned, however, that his success had been chiefly
owing to the handsome manner in which Lord John and his colleagues had
supported him in the debate. That he should incur the momentary enmity
of those states whose interests and plans he might have to cross was
quite natural; he had never intended any disrespect to the Queen, and
if he had been guilty of any he was quite unconscious of it and sorry
for it.

Lord John reminded him that although the Government had got a majority
in the House of Commons in the Foreign debate, it was not to be
forgotten that the fate of the Government had been staked upon it, and
that many people voted on that account who would not have supported
the Foreign policy; that it was remarkable that all those who had the
strongest reason to be anxious for the continuance of the Government,
but who could not avoid _speaking_, were obliged to speak and vote
against the Government. Sir R. Peel's speech was a most remarkable
instance of this.

Lord Palmerston saw in Sir Robert's speech nothing but a reluctant
effort to defend Lord Aberdeen, whom he was bound to defend. If he
(Lord Palmerston) were to leave the Foreign Office, there must be a
ground for it, such as his having to take the lead in the House of
Commons, which was evidently impossible with the conduct of Foreign
Department at the same time. (It had killed Mr Canning, and after
that failure nobody ought to attempt it.) But without such a ground it
would be loss of character to him, which he could not be expected
to submit to. There was not even the excuse of wishing to avoid a
difficulty with a foreign country, as all was smooth now. Those who
had wished to injure him had been beat, and now it would be
giving them a triumph after all. If the Queen or the Cabinet were
dissatisfied with his management of the Foreign Affairs, they had a
right to demand his resignation, and he would give it, but they could
not ask him to lower himself in public estimation. Lord John answered
that his resignation would lead to a further split of parties: there
were parties already enough in the House, and it was essential that at
least the Whig party should be kept together, to which Lord Palmerston
assented. He (Lord Palmerston) then repeated his complaints against
that plot which had been got up in this country against him, and
urged on by foreigners, complained particularly of Lord Clarendon, Mr
Greville of the Privy Council, Mr Reeve, ditto, and their attacks upon
him in the _Times_, and of Mr Delane, the Editor of the _Times_,
of Guizot, Princess Lieven, etc., etc., etc. However, they had been
convinced that they could not upset him, and Mr Reeve had declared to
him that he had been making open and honourable (?!!) war upon him;
now he would make a lasting peace. With Russia and France he (Lord
Palmerston) had just been signing the Danish Protocol, showing that
they were on the best terms together.

Lord John felt he could not press the matter further under these
circumstances, but he seemed much provoked at the result of his
conversation. We expressed our surprise that he had not made Lord
Palmerston any offer of any kind. Lord John replied he had not been
sure what he could have offered him....

ALBERT.




[Pageheading: DUTIES OF THE FOREIGN SECRETARY]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._[33]

OSBORNE, _12th August 1850._

With reference to the conversation about Lord Palmerston which the
Queen had with Lord John Russell the other day, and Lord Palmerston's
disavowal that he ever intended any disrespect to her by the various
neglects of which she has had so long and so often to complain, she
thinks it right, in order _to prevent any mistake_ for the _future_,
shortly to explain _what it is she expects from her Foreign
Secretary_. She requires: (1) That he will distinctly state what
he proposes in a given case, in order that the Queen may know as
distinctly to _what_ she has given her Royal sanction; (2) Having
_once given_ her sanction to a measure, that it be not arbitrarily
altered or modified by the Minister; such an act she must consider as
failing in sincerity towards the Crown, and justly to be visited by
the exercise of her Constitutional right of dismissing that Minister.
She expects to be kept informed of what passes between him and the
Foreign Ministers before important decisions are taken, based upon
that intercourse; to receive the Foreign Despatches in good time, and
to have the drafts for her approval sent to her in sufficient time to
make herself acquainted with their contents before they must be sent
off. The Queen thinks it best that Lord John Russell should show this
letter to Lord Palmerston.

    [Footnote 33: Compare the memorandum suggested by Baron
    Stockmar, _ante_, p. 238. This letter was, after much
    forbearance, written in the hope of bringing Lord Palmerston
    to a proper understanding of his relation to the Sovereign.
    Even when the catastrophe came, and its tenor had to be
    communicated by the Premier to Parliament, the Preamble was
    generously omitted; but in consequence of its description by
    Lord Palmerston, in a letter published by Mr Ashley, as an
    _angry_ memorandum, it was printed in full in _The Life of the
    Prince Consort_.]




_Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell._

FOREIGN OFFICE, _13th August 1850._

MY DEAR JOHN RUSSELL,--I have taken a copy of this memorandum of the
Queen and will not fail to attend to the directions which it contains.
With regard to the sending of despatches to the Queen, they have
sometimes been delayed longer than should have been the case, in
consequence of my having been prevented by great pressure of business,
and by the many interruptions of interviews, etc., to which I am
liable, from reading and sending them back into the Office so soon
as I could have wished. But I will give orders that the old practice
shall be reverted to, of making copies of all important despatches
as soon as they reach the Office, so that there may be no delay in
sending the despatches to the Queen; this practice was gradually left
off as the business of the Office increased, and if it shall require
an additional clerk or two you must be liberal and allow me that
assistance.--Yours sincerely,

PALMERSTON.




[Pageheading: DEATH OF LOUIS PHILIPPE]


_The Duc de Nemours to Queen Victoria._

CLAREMONT, _26 Août 1850._

MADAME MA CHÈRE COUSINE,--La main de Dieu vient de s'appesantir sur
nous. Le Roi notre Père n'est plus.[34] Après avoir reçu hier avec
calme et résignation les secours de la religion, il s'est éteint ce
matin à huit heures au milieu de nous tous. Vous le connaissiez ma
chère Cousine, vous savez tout ce que nous perdons, vous comprendrez
donc l'inexprimable douleur dans laquelle nous sommes plongés; vous la
partagerez même je le sais!

La Reine brisée, malgré son courage, ne trouve de soulagement que dans
une retraite absolue où ne voyant personne elle puisse laisser cours à
sa douleur.

Veuillez faire part à Albert de notre malheur et recevoir ici, ma
chère Cousine, l'hommage des sentiments de respect et d'attachement,
de votre bien affectionné Cousin,

LOUIS D'ORLÉANS.

    [Footnote 34: King Louis Philippe was in his seventy-seventh
    year when he died: his widow, Queen Marie Amélie, lived till
    1866, when she died at the age of eighty-four.]




_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _26th August 1850._

The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to give directions for a Court
mourning according to those which are usual for an abdicated King.
She likewise wishes that every assistance should be given, and every
attention shown to the afflicted Royal Family, who have been so
severely tried during the last two years, on the melancholy occasion
of the poor King of the French's death.

The Queen starts for Scotland to-morrow.






_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _30 August 1850._

... I have offered to the poor Queen of the French to remain at
Claremont and _d'en disposer_ as long as Heaven does not dispose of
myself. She, of course, dislikes the place, but will keep the family
with her at least for some time.




_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

TAYMOUTH CASTLE, _5th September 1850._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and was
happy to receive your Majesty's gracious letter, which reached him the
night before last.

The proofs of attachment to your Majesty, which are everywhere
exhibited, are the more gratifying as they are entirely spontaneous.

It is fit and becoming that your Majesty should inhabit the royal
Palace of Holyrood, and this circumstance gives great satisfaction
throughout Scotland.

Lord John Russell is glad to learn that the family of the late King of
the French will continue to reside in England.

The reflection naturally occurs, if Napoleon and Louis Philippe were
unable to consolidate a dynasty in France, who will ever be able to
do it? The prospect is a succession of fruitless attempts at civil
Government till a General assumes the command, and governs by military
force.




[Pageheading: THE POET LAUREATE]


_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

DUNKELD, _7th September 1850._

... Lord John Russell has had the honour of receiving at Taymouth a
letter from the Prince. He agrees that the office of Poet Laureate
ought to be filled up. There are three or four authors of nearly equal
merit, such as Henry Taylor, Sheridan Knowles, Professor Wilson, and
Mr Tennyson, who are qualified for the office.




_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

OSTEND, _7th October 1850._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I write a few words only to tell you how our
dear patient is.[35] Yesterday was a most perilous, truly dreadful
day; our dear angelic Louise was so fainting that Madame d'Hulst, who
was with her, felt the greatest alarm. She afterwards was better, and
her mother, Clém, Joinville, and Aumale having arrived, she saw them
with more composure than could have been expected. Still, she would
in fact wish to be left quiet and alone with me, and we try to manage
things as much as possible so that their visit does not tire her too
much.

Her courage and strength of mind are most heart-breaking when one
thinks of the danger in which she is, and her dear and angelic soul
seems even to shine more brightly at this moment of such great and
imminent danger. I am in a dreadful state when I am with her. She is
so contented, so cheerful, that the possibilities of danger appear
to me impossible; but the physicians are very much alarmed, without
thinking the state absolutely hopeless. That one should write such
things about a life so precious, and one in fact still so young, and
whose angelic soul is so strong! You will feel with me as you love
her so dearly. God bless you and preserve you from heart-breaking
sufferings like mine. Ever, my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

    [Footnote 35: The Queen of the Belgians died on the 11th of
    October, at the age of thirty-eight.]




[Pageheading: GENERAL HAYNAU]


_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

BROADLANDS, _8th October 1850._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
has had the honour to receive your Majesty's communication of the 4th
instant, expressing your Majesty's wish that an alteration should be
made in his answer to Baron Koller's[36] note of the 5th of September,
on the subject of the attack made upon General Haynau;[37] but
Viscount Palmerston begs to state that when Baron Koller was at this
place about ten days ago, he expressed so much annoyance at the delay
which had already taken place in regard to the answer to his note
of the 5th September, and he requested so earnestly that he might
immediately have the reply, that Viscount Palmerston could do
no otherwise than send him the answer at once, and Baron Koller
despatched it the next day to Vienna.

Viscount Palmerston had put the last paragraph into the answer,
because he could scarcely have reconciled it to his own feelings and
to his sense of public responsibility to have put his name to a
note which might be liable to be called for by Parliament, without
expressing in it, at least as his own personal opinion, a sense of the
want of propriety evinced by General Haynau in coming to England at
the present moment.[38]

The state of public feeling in this country about General Haynau and
his proceedings in Italy and Hungary was perfectly well known; and
his coming here so soon after those events, without necessity or
obligation to do so, was liable to be looked upon as a bravado, and as
a challenge to an expression of public opinion.

Baron Koller indeed told Viscount Palmerston that Prince Metternich
and Baron Neumann had at Brussels strongly dissuaded General Haynau
from coming on to England; and that he (Baron Koller) had after his
arrival earnestly entreated him to cut off those long moustachios
which rendered him so liable to be identified.

With regard to the transaction itself, there is no justifying a breach
of the law, nor an attack by a large number of people upon one or two
individuals who cannot resist such superior force; and though in the
present case, according to Baron Koller's account, the chief injury
sustained by General Haynau consisted in the tearing of his coat, the
loss of a cane, and some severe bruises on his left arm, and though
four or five policemen proved to be sufficient protection, yet a mob
who begin by insult lead each other on to outrage; and there is no
saying to what extremes they might have proceeded if they had not been
checked.

Such occurrences, however, have taken place before; and to go no
further back than the last summer, the attacks on Lord Talbot at
the Stafford meeting, and on Mr Bankes, Mr Sturt, and others at the
Dorchester meeting, when a man was killed, were still more violent
outrages, and originated simply in differences of political opinion;
whereas in this case the brewers' men were expressing their feeling at
what they considered inhuman conduct on the part of General Haynau.

The people of this country are remarkable for their hospitable
reception of foreigners, and for their forgetfulness of past
animosities. Napoleon Bonaparte, the greatest enemy that England
ever had, was treated while at Plymouth with respect, and with
commiseration while at St Helena. Marshal Soult, who had fought
in many battles against the English, was received with generous
acclamation when he came here as Special Ambassador. The King of the
French, Mons. Guizot, and Prince Metternich, though all of them great
antagonists of English policy and English interests, were treated in
this country with courtesy and kindness. But General Haynau was looked
upon as a great moral criminal; and the feeling in regard to him was
of the same nature as that which was manifested towards Tawell[39] and
the Mannings,[40] with this only difference, that General Haynau's bad
deeds were committed upon a far larger scale, and upon a far larger
number of victims. But Viscount Palmerston can assure your Majesty
that those feelings of just and honourable indignation have not been
confined to England, for he had good reason to know that General
Haynau's ferocious and unmanly treatment of the unfortunate
inhabitants of Brescia and of other towns and places in Italy, his
savage proclamations to the people of Pesth, and his barbarous acts in
Hungary excited almost as much disgust in Austria as in England, and
that the nickname of "General Hyæna" was given to him at Vienna long
before it was applied to him in London.

    [Footnote 36: The Austrian Ambassador.]

    [Footnote 37: General Haynau had earned in the Hungarian War
    an odious reputation as a flogger of women. When visiting the
    brewery of Barclay & Perkins, the draymen mobbed and
    assaulted him; he had to fly from them, and take refuge in a
    neighbouring house. Lord Palmerston had to send an official
    letter of apology to the Austrian Government, which, as
    originally despatched, without waiting for the Queen's
    approval, contained a paragraph offensive to Austria.]

    [Footnote 38: See Lord Palmerston's letter to Sir G. Grey,
    Ashley's _Life of Lord Palmerston_, vol. i. chap. vi.]

    [Footnote 39: Executed for the Salt Hill murder.]

    [Footnote 40: Marie Manning (an ex-lady's maid, whose career
    is said to have suggested Hortense in _Bleak House_ to
    Dickens) was executed with her husband, in 1849, for the
    murder of a guest. She wore black satin on the scaffold, a
    material which consequently became unpopular for some time.]




[Pageheading: THE DRAFT DESPATCHED]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _11th October 1850._

The Queen having written to Lord Palmerston in conformity with Lord
John Russell's suggestion respecting the draft to Baron Koller, now
encloses Lord Palmerston's answer, which she received at Edinburgh
yesterday evening. Lord John will see that Lord Palmerston has not
only _sent_ the draft, but passes over in silence her injunction to
have a corrected copy given to Baron Koller, and adds a vituperation
against General Haynau, which clearly shows that he is not sorry for
what has happened, and makes a merit of sympathising with the draymen
at the brewery and the Chartist Demonstrations....

The Queen encloses likewise a copy of her letter to Lord Palmerston,
and hopes Lord John will write to him.[41]

    [Footnote 41: Lord John insisted on the note being withdrawn,
    and another substituted with the offensive passage omitted.
    After threatening resignation, Lord Palmerston somewhat tamely
    consented.

    Lord John Russell wrote to the Prince Albert that he would be
    "somewhat amused, if not surprised, at the sudden and amicable
    termination of the dispute regarding the letter to Baron
    Koller. The same course may be adopted with advantage if a
    despatch is ever again sent which has been objected to, and
    to which the Queen's sanction has not been given." See the
    Queen's letter of the 19th of October.]




[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON CENSURED]


_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _12th October 1850._

The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter respecting the draft
to Baron Koller. She cannot suppose that Baron Koller addressed his
note to Lord Palmerston in order to receive in answer an expression of
his _own personal opinion_; and if Lord Palmerston could not reconcile
it to his own feelings to express the regret of the Queen's Government
at the brutal attack and wanton outrage committed by a ferocious mob
on a distinguished foreigner of past seventy years of age, who was
quietly visiting a private establishment in this metropolis, without
adding _his censure of the want of propriety_ evinced by General
Haynau in coming to England--he might have done so in a private
letter, where his personal feelings could not be mistaken for the
opinion of the Queen and her Government. She must repeat her request
that Lord Palmerston will rectify this.

The Queen can as little approve of the introduction of Lynch Law
in this country as of the _violent_ vituperations with which Lord
Palmerston accuses and condemns public men in other countries, acting
in most difficult circumstances and under heavy responsibility,
without having the means of obtaining correct information or of
sifting evidence.




_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _16th October 1850._

The Queen is glad to hear from Lord Palmerston that he has given no
countenance to the French and Russian proposal at the suggestion of
Denmark, that England, France, and Russia should, after having signed
the Protocol in favour of Denmark, now go further and send their
armies to aid her in her contest with Holstein.[42] The Queen does not
expect any good result from Lord Palmerston's counter proposal to urge
Prussia and Austria to compel the Holsteiners to lay down their arms.
The mediating power ought rather to make Denmark feel that it requires
more than a cessation of hostilities, a plan of reconciliation, and a
solution of the questions in dispute, before she can hope permanently
to establish peace. The mediating power itself, however, should strive
to arrive at some opinion on the matter in dispute, based, not on
_its own_ supposed interests, as the Protocol is, but on an anxious,
careful, and impartial investigation of the rights and pretensions of
the disputing parties; and if it finds it impossible to arrive at such
an opinion, to fix upon some impartial tribunal capable of doing
so, to which the dispute could be submitted for decision. Common
principles of morality would point out such a course, and what is
morally right only can be politically wise.

    [Footnote 42: A strenuous attempt was being made by the Danish
    Government to bring pressure to bear on Austria and Prussia,
    to put down the nationalist movement in the Duchies, either by
    active intervention, or by reassembling the Conference
    which had negotiated the Treaty of Berlin. Lord Palmerston
    discountenanced both alternatives, but wrote to the Queen
    that he and the representatives of France, Russia, and Denmark
    thought that Austria and Prussia should be urged to take all
    feasible steps to put an end to the hostilities.]




[Pageheading: DEATH OF QUEEN LOUISE]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _18th October 1850._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--_This_ was the day I _always_ and for so _many
years_ wrote to _her_, to _our adored Louise_, and I _now_ write to
_you_, to thank you for that _heart-breaking_, touching letter of the
16th, which you so _very kindly_ wrote to me. It is _so_ kind of you
to write to us. _What_ a day Tuesday must have been! _Welch einen
Gang!_ and _yesterday!_ My _grief_ was _so great_ again yesterday.
To _talk_ of her is my _greatest consolation!_Let us _all try_ to
imitate _her!_My poor dear Uncle, we wish so to be with you, to be of
_any use_ to you. You will allow us, in three or four weeks, to go
to you for two or three days, _quite quietly_ and alone, to Laeken
without _any_ one, without _any_ reception anywhere, to cry with you
and to talk with you of _Her_. It will be a great comfort to us--a
_silent tribute_ of _respect and love to her_--to be able to mingle
our tears with yours over _her_ tomb! And the affection of your
two devoted children will perhaps be _some slight balm_. My _first_
impulse was to _fly at once_ to you, but perhaps a few weeks' delay
will be better. It will be a _great_ and melancholy satisfaction to
us. _Daily_ will you feel more, my poor dear Uncle, the _poignancy_ of
_your dreadful_ loss; my _heart breaks_ in thinking of _you_ and the
poor dear children. _How_ beautiful it must be to see that _your whole
country_ weeps and mourns _with_ you! For this country and for your
children you must _try_ to bear up, and feel that in _so doing_ you
are doing _all_ SHE wished. If only _we_ could be of use to you! if
_I_ could do _anything_ for dear little Charlotte, whom our blessed
Louise talked of _so_ often to me.

May I _write_ to _you_ on _Fridays_ when I used to write to her, as
well as on Tuesdays? You need _not_ answer me, and whenever it bores
you to write to me, or you have no time, let one of the dear children
write to me.

May God bless and protect you ever, my beloved Uncle, is our anxious
prayer. Embrace the dear children in the name of one who has almost
the feelings of a mother for them. Ever your devoted Niece and loving
Child,

VICTORIA R.




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _19th October 1850._

The Queen is very glad of the result of the conflict with Lord
Palmerston, of which Lord John Russell apprised her by his letter of
yesterday's date. The correspondence, which the Queen now returns,
shows clearly that Lord Palmerston in this transaction, as in every
other, remained true to his principles of action.... But it shows
also that Lord John has the power of exercising that control over Lord
Palmerston, the careful exercise of which he owes to the Queen, his
colleagues, and the country, if he will take the necessary pains to
remain firm. The Queen does not believe in _resignation_ under almost
any circumstances.

The Queen is very anxious about the Holstein question, and sends a
copy of her last letter to Lord Palmerston on the subject.




_Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _21st October 1850._

SIR,--I have just received this note from Lord Palmerston.[43]

The French Ambassador, who has been here, confirms the news. We must
consider the whole affair on Wednesday, and I shall be glad to learn
what the Queen thinks can be done.

Mr Tennyson is a fit person to be Poet Laureate.

I have the honour to be, your Royal Highness's most obedient Servant,

J. RUSSELL.

    [Footnote 43: The note was in reference to the affairs of
    Hesse-Cassel, and to the rumours of a Conference to be held in
    Austria for the settlement of German affairs.]




[Pageheading: THE TRACTARIAN MOVEMENT]


_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

BISHOPTHORPE, _25th October 1850._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has
read with attention the letter of the Duchess of Norfolk.[44] He
has also read the Pope's Bull. It strikes him that the division into
twelve territorial dioceses of eight ecclesiastical vicariats is not
a matter to be alarmed at. The persons to be affected by this change
must be already Roman Catholics before it can touch them.

The matter to create rational alarm is, as your Majesty says, the
growth of Roman Catholic doctrines and practices within the bosom of
the Church. Dr Arnold said very truly, "I look upon a Roman Catholic
as an enemy in his uniform; I look upon a Tractarian as an enemy
disguised as a spy."

It would be very wrong to do as the Bishop of Oxford proposed, and
confer the patronage of the Crown on any of these Tractarians. But, on
the other hand, to treat them with severity would give the whole party
vigour and union.

The Dean of Bristol is of opinion that the Tractarians are falling to
pieces by dissension. It appears clear that Mr Denison and Mr Palmer
have broken off from Dr Pusey.

Sir George Grey will ask the Law Officers whether there is anything
illegal in Dr Wiseman's assuming the title of Archbishop of
Westminster. An English Cardinal is not a novelty.[45]

    [Footnote 44: Two important events in the history of the
    English Church had just occurred. The Bishop of Exeter had
    refused to institute Mr Gorham to a Crown living in his
    diocese, on the ground that his teaching on baptism was at
    variance with the formularies of the Church. This decision,
    though upheld in the Court of Arches, was reversed (though
    not unanimously) by the Privy Council. High Church feeling was
    much aroused by the judgment.

    In September, Pius IX. (now re-established in the Vatican)
    promulgated a papal brief, restoring the Roman Catholic
    hierarchy in England, and dividing it territorially into
    twelve sees, and in October Cardinal Wiseman, as Archbishop
    of Westminster, issued his Pastoral, claiming that Catholic
    England had been restored to its orbit in the ecclesiastical
    firmament. The Duchess of Norfolk, writing from Arundel, had
    criticised the proselytising action of certain Roman Catholic
    clergy. _See_ the Queen's reply, _post_, p. 277.]

    [Footnote 45: Lord John wrote on the 4th of November to
    Dr Maltby, Bishop of Durham, denouncing the assumption of
    spiritual superiority over England, in the documents issued
    from Rome. But what alarmed him more (he said) was the
    action of clergymen within the Church leading their flocks
    dangerously near the brink, and recommending for adoption
    the honour paid to saints, the claim of infallibility for the
    Church, the superstitious use of the sign of the cross, the
    muttering of the liturgy so as to disguise the language
    in which it was said, with the recommendation of auricular
    confession and the administration of Penance and absolution.

    Lord John was pictorially satirised in _Punch_ as the boy who
    chalked up "No popery" on the door and ran away.]




[Pageheading: UNREST IN EUROPE]


_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

ARDENNE, _10th November 1850._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I write already to-day that it may not miss
to-morrow's messenger. I came here yesterday by a mild sunshine, and
the valley of the Meuse was very pretty. I love my solitude here, and
though the house is small and not what it ought to have been, still I
always liked it. There seems in most countries danger of agitation
and convulsions arising. I don't know how it will end in Germany. In
France it is difficult that things should not break up some way or
other. I trust you may be spared religious agitation. These sorts of
things begin with one pretext, and sometimes continue with others. I
don't think Europe was ever in more danger, _il y a tant d'anarchie
dans les esprits_. I don't think that can be cured _à l'eau de rose_;
the human race is not naturally good, very much the contrary; it
requires a strong hand, and is, in fact, even pleased to be led in
that way; the memory of all the sort of Césars and Napoléons,
from whom they chiefly got blows, is much dearer to them than the
benefactors of mankind, whom they crucify when they can have their
own way. Give my best love to Albert; and I also am very anxious to
be recalled to the recollection of the children, who were so very
friendly at Ostende. How far we were then to guess what has since
happened.... My dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.




_Queen Victoria to the Countess of Gainsborough._[46]

_Thursday morning_ [_November ..._] _1850._

DEAREST FANNY,--This is a case of positive necessity, and as _none_
of the ladies are forthcoming I fear I must call upon you to attend
me _to-night_. You did so once _in state_ before, and as it is not
a _matter of pleasure_, but of duty, I am sure you will at once feel
that you can have no scruple.

Whenever the Mistress of the Robes does not attend, I _always_ have
three ladies, as they must take turns in standing behind me. Ever
yours affectionately,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 46: Frances, Countess of Gainsborough, daughter of
    the third Earl of Roden, a Lady of the Bedchamber, and known
    till 1841 as Lady Barham.]




[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND GERMANY]


_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _18th November 1850._

The Queen is exceedingly sorry to hear that Lord Westmorland[47] is
gone, as she was particularly anxious to have seen him before his
return to Berlin, and to have talked to him on the present critical
events in Germany; but she quite forgot the day of his departure. What
is the object of his seeing the President at Paris? and what are his
instructions with regard to Germany?[48]

Having _invariably encouraged Constitutional_ development in other
countries,... and having at the beginning of the great movement in
1847, which led to all the catastrophes of the following years, _sent_
a Cabinet Minister to Italy to _declare_ to all Italian states that
_England_ would _protect_ them from Austria if she should attempt
by threats and violence to debar them from the _attainment_ of their
_Constitutional_ development, _consistency_ would require that we
should _now_, when that great struggle is at its end and _despotism_
is to be _re-imposed_ by Austrian arms upon Germany, throw _our
weight_ into the scale of _Constitutional_ Prussia and Germany.... The
Queen is afraid, however, that all our Ministers abroad,--at Berlin,
Dresden, Munich, Stuttgart, Hanover, etc. (with the exception of Lord
Cowley at Frankfort)--are warm partisans of the _despotic_ league
against Prussia and a German Constitution and _for_ the maintenance
of the old Diet under Austrian and Russian influence. Ought not Lord
Palmerston to make his agents understand that their sentiments are at
variance with those of the English Government? and that they are doing
_serious mischief_ if they express them at Courts which have _already_
every inclination to follow their desperate course?

Lord Palmerston is of course aware that the old Diet once
reconstituted and recognised, one of the main laws of it is that "_no
organic change can be made_ without _unanimity_ of voices," which was
the cause of the nullity of that body from 1820 to 1848, and will
now enable Austria, should Prussia and her confederates recognise
the Diet, to condemn Germany to a further life of stagnation or new
revolution.

    [Footnote 47: Minister at Berlin.]

    [Footnote 48: Lord Palmerston may have had this letter of the
    Queen's in mind when he wrote on the 22nd of November to Lord
    Cowley: "Her (_i.e._ Prussia's) partisans try to make out
    that the contest between her and Austria is a struggle between
    constitutional and arbitrary Government, but it is no such
    thing." Ashley's _Life of Lord Palmerston_, vol. 1. chap. vi.]




[Pageheading: CONSTITUTIONALISM IN GERMANY]


_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

FOREIGN OFFICE, _18th November 1850._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty. With
respect to the maintenance of Constitutional Government in Germany,
Viscount Palmerston entirely subscribes to your Majesty's opinion,
that a regard for consistency, as well as a sense of right and
justice, ought to lead your Majesty's Government to give to the
Constitutional principle in Germany the same moral support which they
endeavoured to afford it in Italy, Spain, Portugal, and elsewhere; but
though he is conscious that he may be deceived and may think better
of the Austrian Government in this respect than it deserves, yet
he cannot persuade himself that rational and sound Constitutional
Government is at present in danger in Germany, or that the Austrian
Government, whatever may be their inclination and wishes, can think it
possible in the present day to re-establish despotic government in
a nation so enlightened, and so attached to free institutions as the
German people now is. The danger for Germany seems to lie rather in
the opposite direction, arising from the rash and weak precipitation
with which in 1848 and 1849 those Governments which before had refused
everything resolved in a moment of alarm to grant everything, and,
passing from one extreme to the other, threw universal suffrage among
people who had been, some wholly and others very much, unaccustomed
to the working of representative Government. The French have found
universal suffrage incompatible with good order even in a Republic;
what must it be for a Monarchy?

Viscount Palmerston would, moreover, beg to submit that the conflict
between Austria and Prussia can scarcely be said to have turned upon
principles of Government so much as upon a struggle for political
ascendency in Germany. At Berlin, at Dresden, and in Baden the
Prussian Government has very properly no doubt employed military
force to reestablish order; and in regard to the affairs of Hesse, the
ground taken by Prussia was not so much a constitutional as a military
one, and the objection which she made to the entrance of the troops
of the Diet was that those troops might become hostile, and that they
ought not, therefore, to occupy a central position in the line of
military defence of Prussia.

The remark which your Majesty makes as to unanimity being required for
certain purposes by the Diet regulations is no doubt very just, and
that circumstance certainly shows that the free Conference which
is about to be held is a better constructed body for planning a new
arrangement of a central organ.[49]

    [Footnote 49: War was staved off by the Conference; but the
    relative predominance of Prussia and Austria in Germany was
    left undecided for some years to come.]




[Pageheading: STATE OF THE CONTINENT]



_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _22nd November 1850._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Accept my best thanks for your kind letter of the
17th, and the dear little English one from dear little Charlotte,
which is so nicely written, and shows such an amiable disposition.
I send her to-day a little heart for the hair of our blessed Angel,
which I hope she will often wear. Our girls have all got one. I have
written to the dear child. You should have the dear children as much
with you as possible; I am _sure_ it would be so _good and useful_
for _you_ and _them_. Children ought to have great confidence in their
parents, in order for them to have any influence over them.

Yesterday Vicky was ten years old. It seems a dream. If she lives, in
eight years more she may be married! She is a very clever child, and I
must say very much improved.

The state of the Continent is deplorable; the folly of Austria and the
giving way of Prussia are lamentable. _Our_ influence on the Continent
is _null_.... Add to this, we are between two fires in _this_ country:
a furious Protestant feeling and an enraged Catholic feeling in
Ireland. I believe that Austria fans the flame at Rome, and that
the _whole movement_ on the Continent is _anti-Constitutional_,
_anti-Protestant_, _and anti-English_; and this is so complicated, and
we have (thanks to Lord Palmerston) contrived to quarrel _so happily_,
separately with each, that I do not know _how_ we are to stand against
it all!

I must now conclude. Trusting soon to hear from you again. Ever your
devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

My longing for dearest Louise seems only to increase as time goes on.




_Queen Victoria to the Duchess of Norfolk._

Windsor Castle, _22nd November 1850._

MY DEAR DUCHESS,--It is very remiss in me not to have sooner answered
your letter with the enclosure, but I received it at a moment of great
grief, and since then I have been much occupied.

I fully understand your anxiety relative to the proceedings of the
Roman Catholic Clergy, but I trust that there is no _real_ danger to
be apprehended from that quarter, the more so as I believe they see
that they have been misled and misinformed as to the feeling of this
country by some of the new converts to their religion. The real danger
to be apprehended, and what I am certain has led to these proceedings
on the part of the Pope, lies in _our own_ divisions, and in the
extraordinary conduct of the Puseyites. I trust that the eyes of many
may now be opened. One would, however, much regret to see any acts of
intolerance towards the many innocent people who I believe entirely
disapprove the injudicious conduct of their Clergy.

Hoping that you are all well, believe me, always, yours,
affectionately,

VICTORIA R.




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _29th November 1850._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have no dear letter to answer, but write to keep
to the dear day, rendered so peculiarly dear to me by the recollection
of our dearly beloved Louise.

We are well, but much troubled with numberless things. Our religious
troubles are great, and I must just say that Cardinal Wiseman
_himself_ admits that Austria not only approves the conduct of the
Pope but is urging _on_ the _Propaganda_. I _know this_ to be so.
Our great difficulty must be, and will be, to steer clear of both
parties--the violent Protestants and the Roman Catholics. We wish in
no way to infringe the rights of the Roman Catholics, while we must
protect and uphold our own religion.

We have seen General Radowitz,[50] with whom we have been much
interested; his accounts are very clear and very able, and I must say,
very fair and strictly constitutional. You know him, I suppose? Might
I again ask, dearest Uncle, if you would like to have a copy of Ross's
picture of our angel Louise or of Winterhalter's?

Lady Lyttelton, who is returned, is very anxious in her enquiries
after you.

I must now conclude, my dearest Uncle. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 50: General Radowitz, who had been Minister for
    Foreign Affairs in Prussia, had just arrived in England on a
    special mission from the King of Prussia.]




[Pageheading: STATE OF GERMANY]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _3rd December 1850._

MY BELOVED UNCLE,--Two of your dear letters are before me, of the
29th November and of yesterday. In the former you _give me a promise_,
which I consider _most_ valuable, and which I shall _remind_ you of if
you get desponding, viz. "I will to please you _labour on, and do all
the good I can_." It is so pleasing to feel that one _does_ good and
does one's duty. It sweetens so many bitter trials.

The state of Germany is indeed a very anxious one. It is a mistake
to think the _supremacy of Prussia_ is _what is wished for_. General
Radowitz himself says that what is necessary for Germany [is] that
she should take the lead, and should redeem the pledges given in '48.
Unless this be _done_ in a moderate and determined way, a _fearful
reaction_ will take place, which will _overturn Thrones_; to use
Radowitz's own words: "_und nicht vor dem Thron stehen bleiben_."
Prussia is the _only large_ and powerful _really German_ Power
there is, and therefore she must take the lead; but her constant
vacillation--one day doing one thing and another day another--has
caused her to be entirely distrusted. You are quite right in saying
things should be done _d'un commun accord_, and I think that the other
great Powers ought to be consulted. Unfortunately, _Lord Palmerston_
has contrived to make us _so hated_ by all parties abroad, that we
have lost our position and our influence, which, considering the
flourishing and satisfactory state of this country during all the
European convulsions, _ought_ to have been _immense_. This it is
which pains and grieves me so deeply, and which I have so plainly been
speaking to Lord John Russell about. What a noble position we _might_
have had, and how wantonly has it been thrown away!

Good Stockmar is well, and always of the _greatest_ comfort and use to
us. His judgment is so sound, so unbiassed, and so dispassionate. Ever
your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.




[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND ROME]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _8th December 1850._

The Queen received Lord John Russell's letter and the draft yesterday.
He must be a better judge of what the effect of Mr Sheil's[51]
presence in Rome may be than she can; but for her own part, she thinks
it entirely against her notions of what is _becoming_ to _ask_ the
_Pope_ for a _favour_ (for it is tantamount to that) at a moment when
his name is being vilified and abused in every possible manner in
this country. It strikes the Queen as an _undignified_ course for this
Government to pursue.

The Queen is glad to hear of what passed between the Archbishop and
Lord John.[52] She trusts that something may be done, as the desire
for it seems to be so great. On the other hand, the Queen deeply
regrets the great abuse of the Roman Catholic religion which takes
place at all these meetings, etc. She thinks it unchristian and
unwise, and trusts that it will soon cease....

    [Footnote 51: Minister at the Court of Tuscany.]

    [Footnote 52: The Government were preparing for the
    introduction of their Ecclesiastical Titles Bill.]




[Pageheading: LADY PEEL]



_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _10th December 1850._

MY BELOVED UNCLE,--My letter must, I fear, be a somewhat hurried and
short one, for my morning has been taken up in receiving in state
Addresses from the City and Universities about this _unfortunate_
"Papal Aggression" business, which is still keeping people in a
feverish state of wild excitement.[53] _One_ good effect it has had,
viz. that of directing people's serious attention to the very alarming
tendency of the _Tractarians_, which was doing _immense_ harm....

_Many, many thanks_ for your two dear and kind letters of the 6th
and of yesterday. All you _say_ about _Louise_, and about the
disappearance _for ever_ of _all_ that _she loved_ and was _proud of_,
is so true, so _dreadful_. One fancies (foolishly and wrongly, but
still one _does_) that the lost one has been hardly used in no longer
enjoying these earthly blessings, and one's grief seems to break
out afresh in bitter agony upon _small and comparatively trifling_
occasions. Poor Lady Peel (whom I saw for the first time yesterday at
Buckingham Palace, whither I had gone for an hour) expressed _this_
strongly. _Hers_ is indeed a _broken heart_; she is so _truly_ crushed
by the _agony_ of _her_ grief; it was _very_ touching to see and to
hear her. Poor thing! she _never_ can be happy again!

What you say about _me_ is far too kind. I am very _often_ sadly
dissatisfied with myself and with the little self-control I have.

Your long letter interested us much. I fear the German affairs are
very bad.... That everlasting "backwards and forwards," as you say,
of my poor friend the King of Prussia is _calamitous_; it causes
_all_ parties to distrust him, and gives _real_ strength only to the
Republicans. Since '48 that has been his conduct, and the _misfortune_
for Germany. A _steady_ course, _whatever_ it may be, is _always_ the
best.

What you say about poor Hélène[54] and France is true and sad. I
really wish you would caution Hélène as to her language; she is much
attached to you. I _pity_ her very much; her position is very trying,
and her religion renders it more difficult even.

I must now end my letter. I grieve to hear of your going _alone_ to
Ardenne; it is BAD for you to be alone, and your poor children also
ought not to be alone. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 53: These Addresses were presented at Windsor,
    Prince Albert and the Duke of Wellington representing the
    Universities of Cambridge and Oxford.]

    [Footnote 54: The Duchess of Orleans.]




[Pageheading: THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH]


_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

DOWNING STREET, _11th December 1850._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to state that the Cabinet to-day considered at great
length the question of the steps to be taken in respect to the Papal
Aggression.

The inclination of the majority was not to prosecute, but to bring
a Bill into Parliament to make the assumption of any titles of
archbishop, etc., of any place in the United Kingdom illegal, and to
make any gift of property conveyed under such title null and void.





[Pageheading: RITUALISM]


_Queen Victoria to the Duchess of Gloucester._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _12th December 1850._

MY DEAR AUNT,--Many thanks for your kind letter; you are quite right
not to distress the Duchess of Cambridge by mentioning to her what I
wrote to you about the Bishop of London.[55] I am glad that you
are pleased with my answers to the Addresses; I thought them very
proper.[56]

I would never have consented to say anything which breathed a spirit
of intolerance. Sincerely Protestant as I always have been and
always shall be, and indignant as I am at those who _call themselves
Protestants_, while they in fact _are_ quite the _contrary_, I much
regret the unchristian and intolerant spirit exhibited by many people
at the public meetings. I cannot bear to hear the violent abuse of the
Catholic religion, which is so painful and cruel towards the many good
and innocent Roman Catholics. However, we must hope and trust this
excitement will soon cease, and that the wholesome effect of it on our
own _Church_ will be the lasting result of it. Ever yours ...

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 55: The Bishop of London had taken the same view
    as Lord John Russell of the Papal action, though they had
    disagreed over the Gorham controversy.]

    [Footnote 56: See _ante_, p. 279.]




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _14th December 1850._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of yesterday. She
sanctions the introduction into Parliament of a Bill framed on the
principles agreed upon at yesterday's Cabinet, presuming that it will
extend to the whole United Kingdom. What is to be done, however,
with respect to the Colonies where the Roman Catholic bishoprics are
recognised by the Government under territorial titles? and what is
to be done with Dr Cullen, who has assumed the title of Archbishop
of Armagh, Primate of all Ireland, which is punishable under the
Emancipation Act? If this is left unnoticed, the Government will be
left with the "_lame_" argument in Parliament of which we conversed
here. Could the Government not be helped out of this difficulty by
the Primate himself prosecuting the obtruder? The Queen hopes that the
meeting of the archdeacons with Dr Lushington may do some good; she
cannot say that she is pleased with the Archbishop's answer to the
laity published in to-day's _Times_, which leaves them without a
remedy if the clergymen persist in Puseyite Rituals! The Queen will
return Lord Minto's letter with the next messenger.




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _22nd December 1850._

The Queen now returns Lord Seymour's letter respecting the New Forest,
and sanctions the proposed arrangement. Considering, however, that she
gives up the deer, and all patronage and authority over the Forest,
she wishes the shooting, as the only remaining Royalty, not to be
withdrawn from her authority also. It will be quite right to give
Deputations[57] to shoot over the various divisions and walks of the
Forest to gentlemen of the neighbourhood or others; but in order that
this may establish no right on their part, and may leave the Sovereign
a voice in the matter, she wishes that a list be prepared every
year of the persons recommended by the Office of Woods to receive
Deputations and submitted for her approval.

    [Footnote 57: A deputation, _i.e._, a deputed right to take
    game.]




INTRODUCTORY NOTE

TO CHAPTER XX


The Ministry were in difficulties at the very beginning of the session
(1851), being nearly defeated on a motion made in the interest of
the agricultural party; and though the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill was
allowed to be brought in, they were beaten in a thin House chiefly by
their own friends, on the question of the County Franchise. A crisis
ensued, and a coalition of Whigs and Peelites was attempted, but
proved impracticable. Lord Stanley having then failed to form a
Protectionist Ministry, the Whigs, much weakened, had to resume
office.

The Exhibition, which was opened in Hyde Park on the 1st of May, was a
complete success, a brilliant triumph indeed, for the Prince, over six
million people visiting it; it remained open till the Autumn, and the
building, some time after its removal, was re-erected at Sydenham, at
the Crystal Palace.

The Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, much modified, was proceeded with,
and, though opposed by the ablest Peelites and Radicals, became law,
though its effect, while in operation, was virtually _nil_. It was in
after-years repealed.

Kossuth, the champion of Hungarian independence, visited England in
October, and Lord Palmerston had to be peremptorily restrained
from receiving him publicly at the Foreign Office. A little later,
Kossuth's ultra-liberal sympathisers in London addressed the Foreign
Secretary in language violently denunciatory of the Emperors of
Austria and Russia, for which Lord Palmerston failed to rebuke them.
The cup was filled to the brim by his recognition of the President's
_coup d'état_ in France. Louis Napoleon, after arresting M. Thiers and
many others, proclaimed the dissolution of the Council of State and
the National Assembly, decreed a state of siege, and re-established
universal suffrage, with a Chief Magistrate elected for ten years,
and a Ministry depending on the executive alone. Palmerston thereupon,
though professing an intention of non-interference, conveyed to the
French Ambassador in London his full approbation of the proceeding,
and his conviction that the President could not have acted otherwise.
Even after this indiscreet action, the Premier found some difficulty
in bringing him to book; but before the end of the year he was
dismissed from office, with the offer, which he declined, of the
Irish Lord-Lieutenancy and a British Peerage. Greatly to the Queen's
satisfaction, Lord Granville became Foreign Secretary.

At the Cape, Sir Harry Smith was engaged in operations against the
Kaffirs, which were not brought to a successful termination till the
following year, when General Cathcart had superseded him.




CHAPTER XX

1851


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _25th January 1851._

The Queen approves of the elevation of Mr. Pemberton Leigh[1] to the
Peerage, which she considers a very useful measure, and not likely to
lead to any permanent increase of the Peerage, as he is not likely
to marry at his present age, and considering that he has only a life
interest in his large property.

With regard to the creation of Dr Lushington[2] as a Peer, without
remainder, the Queen has again thoroughly considered the question, and
is of opinion that the establishment of the principle of creation for
life--in cases where public advantage may be derived from the grant of
a Peerage, but where there may be no fortune to support the dignity in
the family--is most desirable. The mode in which the public will take
the introduction of it will however chiefly depend upon the merits of
the first case brought forward. Dr Lushington appears to the Queen
so unobjectionable in this respect that she cannot but approve of the
experiment being tried with him.

It would be well, however, that it should be done quietly; that it
should not be talked about beforehand or get into the papers, which so
frequently happens on occasions of this kind, and generally does harm.

    [Footnote 1: Member of Parliament for Rye 1881-1832, and Ripon
    1835-1843, afterwards a member of the Judicial Committee of
    the Privy Council: he became a Peer (Lord Kingsdown) in 1858,
    having declined a peerage on the present and other occasions.]

    [Footnote 2: Dr Lushington was judge of the Admiralty Court:
    he had been counsel for, and an executor of, Queen Caroline.
    He declined the offer now suggested, and the subsequent
    debates on the Wensleydale Peerage show that the proposed
    grant would have been ineffectual for its purpose.]




[Pageheading: DIPLOMATIC ARRANGEMENTS]


_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _31st January 1851._

The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter of the 29th, in which
he proposes a change in those diplomatic arrangements which she had
already sanctioned on his recommendation, and must remark that the
reasons which Lord Palmerston adduces in support of his present
proposition are in direct contradiction to those by which he supported
his former recommendation.[3]

The principle which the Queen would wish to see acted upon in her
diplomatic appointments in general, is, that the _good of the service_
should precede every other consideration, and that the selection of
an agent should depend more on his personal qualifications for the
particular post for which he is to be selected than on the mere
pleasure and convenience of the person to be employed, or of the
Minister recommending him.

According to Lord Palmerston's first proposal, Sir H. Seymour was to
have gone to St Petersburg, Lord Bloomfield to Berlin, and Sir Richard
Pakenham to Lisbon; now Lord Palmerston wishes to send Lord Cowley to
St Petersburg.

The Queen has the highest opinion of Lord Cowley's abilities, and
agrees with Lord Palmerston in thinking that Russia will, for some
time at least, exercise a predominating influence over all European
affairs. She would accordingly not object to see that Agent accredited
there in whom she herself places the greatest confidence. But
according to the same principle, she must insist that the posts
of Berlin and Frankfort, which in her opinion are of nearly equal
importance, should be filled by men capable of dealing with the
complicated and dangerous political questions now in agitation there,
and the just appreciation and judicious treatment of which are of
the highest importance to the peace of Europe, and therefore to the
welfare of England.

Before the Queen therefore decides upon Lord Palmerston's new
proposals, she wishes to know _whom_ he could recommend for the post
of Frankfort in the event of Lord Cowley leaving it, and thinks it
but right to premise that in giving her sanction to the proposals
Lord Palmerston may have to submit, she will be guided entirely by the
principle set forth above.

    [Footnote 3: Lord Palmerston had altered his mind as to
    certain proposed diplomatic changes, and suggested the
    appointment of Sir Hamilton Seymour to Berlin, Lord Bloomfield
    to Lisbon, Lord Cowley to Petersburg, Mr Jerningham, Sir Henry
    Ellis, or Sir Richard Pakenham to Frankfort.]




[Pageheading: DIPLOMATIC ARRANGEMENTS]


_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _12th January 1851._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
has the honour to state that Mr Disraeli brought forward his Motion
yesterday.[4] His speech was long and elaborate, but not that of a man
who was persuaded he was undertaking a good cause.

He proposed nothing specific, but said nothing offensive.

The doubts about the division increase. Mr Hayter reckoned yesterday
on a majority of three! Sir James Graham is of opinion Lord Stanley
will not undertake anything desperate. He will speak in favour of
Government to-morrow, when the division will probably take place.

    [Footnote 4: On agricultural distress; the Motion was lost by
    fourteen only in a large House.]




_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _15th February 1851._

The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter of yesterday, and
has to state in answer her decision in favour of the original plan of
appointments, viz. of Sir H. Seymour to Petersburg, Lord Bloomfield
to Berlin, and Sir R. Pakenham to Lisbon. The Queen quite agrees with
Lord Palmerston in the opinion that the post at Petersburg is more
important than that of Frankfort, and had Lord Palmerston been able
to propose a good successor to Lord Cowley she would have approved
his going to Petersburg; Sir R. Pakenham, however, would not take
Frankfort if offered to him, as it appears, and the two other persons
proposed would not do for it, in the Queen's opinion. It must not be
forgotten that at a place for action like Petersburg, the Minister
will chiefly have to look to his instructions from home, while at
a place of observation, as Lord Palmerston justly calls Frankfort,
everything depends upon the acuteness and impartiality of the
observer, and upon the confidence with which he may be able to inspire
those from whom alone accurate information can be obtained. Lord
Cowley possesses eminently these qualities, and Sir H. Seymour has
at all times shown himself equal to acting under most difficult
circumstances. The desire of the Emperor to see Lord Cowley at
Petersburg may possibly resolve itself in the desire of Baron Brunnow
to see him removed from Germany.... The Queen had always understood
that Sir H. Seymour would be very acceptable to the Emperor, and that
Count Nesselrode called him a diplomatist "de la bonne vieille roche."




[Pageheading: SIR JAMES GRAHAM]


_Memorandum by Queen Victoria._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE. _17th February 1851._

Lord John Russell came at half-past three. He had had a long
conversation with Sir James Graham, had stated to him that from the
tone of his speech (which Lord John explained to us yesterday was of
so very friendly a character and pointed directly to supporting the
Government)--its friendliness, and the manner in which he advocated
the union of those who opposed a return to Protection, that he
proposed to him to join the Government; that Sir G. Grey had offered
to resign his office in order that Sir J. Graham might have it. Before
I go farther I ought to say that Lord John yesterday explained the
importance of obtaining support like Sir J. Graham's in the Cabinet,
and that he thought of proposing the Board of Control to him, which
Sir J. Hobhouse was ready to give up--receiving a Peerage, and
retaining a seat in the Cabinet or the Admiralty, which Sir F. Baring
was equally ready to give up.

Well, Sir J. Graham said that before he answered he wished to show
Lord John a correspondence which had passed between him and Lord
Londonderry. In the course of conversation in the country, Sir James
had said to Lord Londonderry that parties never could go on as they
were, and that they must ultimately lapse into _two_; this, Lord
Londonderry reported to Mr Disraeli, who told it to Lord Stanley;
and Mr Disraeli wrote to Lord Londonderry, stating that if certain
advantages and reliefs were given to the landed interests, he
should not cling to Protection; in short, much what he said in his
speech--and that he was quite prepared to give up the lead in the
House of Commons to Sir J. Graham. Sir James answered that he never
meant anything by what he had said, and that he had no wish whatever
to join Lord Stanley; that if he had, he was so intimate with Lord
Stanley that he would have communicated direct with him.

Sir James said that as soon as he heard from Lord John, he thought
_what_ he wished to see him for, and that he had been thinking over
it, and had been talking to Lord Hardinge and Mr Cardwell. That he
did wish to support the Government, but that he thought he could be of
more use if he did not join the Government, and was able to give them
an independent support; that he had not attempted to lead Sir Robert
Peel's followers; that many who had followed Sir Robert would _not_
follow _him_; that he thought the Government in great danger; that
the Protectionists, Radicals, and Irish Members would try to take
an opportunity to overset them (the Government); that should the
Government be turned out, he would find no difficulty in joining them;
or should they go on, that by-and-by it might be easier to do so; but
that at this moment he should be injuring himself without doing
the Government any real service; besides which, there were so many
measures decided on which he was ignorant of, and should have to
support. Lord John told him that were he in the Cabinet, he would have
the means of stating and enforcing his opinions, and that at whatever
time he joined them, there would always be the same difficulty about
measures which had already been decided on. He (Sir James) is not
quite satisfied with the Papal Aggression Bill, which he thinks will
exasperate the Irish; he also adverted to the report of our having
protested against Austria bringing her Italian Provinces, etc., into
the German Confederation. Lord John told him that this had not been
done, but that we meant to ask for explanations.

In short, Lord John said it was evident that Sir James thought the
Government in great danger, and "did not wish to embark in a boat
which was going to sink." Still, he was friendly, and repeated that
it would be very easy when in opposition to unite, and then to come in
together.

VICTORIA R.




[Pageheading: DEFEAT OF THE GOVERNMENT]


_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _21st February 1851._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to report that on a motion of Mr Locke King's[5] yesterday
the Government was defeated by a hundred to fifty-two.

This is another circumstance which makes it probable the Ministry
cannot endure long. The Tories purposely stayed away.

    [Footnote 5: For equalising the County and the Borough
    franchise.]




[Pageheading: MINISTERIAL CRISIS]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _21st February 1851._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have only time just to write a few hasty lines to
you from Stockmar's room, where I came up to speak to Albert and him,
to tell you that we have got a Ministerial crisis; the Ministers
were in a great minority last night, and though it was not a question
_vital_ to the Government, Lord John feels the support he has received
so meagre, and the opposition of so many parties so great, that he
must _resign!_ This is very bad, because there is no chance of any
other good Government, poor Peel being no longer alive, and not one
man of talent except Lord Stanley in the Party;... but Lord John is
_right_ not to go on when he is so ill supported, and it will raise
him as a political man, and will strengthen his position for the
future.

Whether Lord Stanley (to whom I must send to-morrow _after_ the
Government have resigned) will be able to form a Government or not,
I cannot tell. Altogether, it is very vexatious, and will give
us trouble. It is the more provoking, as this country is so very
prosperous.

On Tuesday I hope to be able to say more....

With Albert's love, ever your truly devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.




[Pageheading: LORD LANSDOWNE CONSULTED]

[Pageheading: LORD STANLEY SUMMONED]

[Pageheading: FISCAL POLICY OUTLINED]

[Pageheading: PROTECTION]



_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _22nd February 1851._

Lord John Russell having been for a few minutes with the Queen,
in order to prepare her for the possibility of the Government's
resignation (yesterday, at two o'clock), went to Downing Street
to meet the Cabinet, and promised to return at four in order to
communicate the decision the Cabinet might have arrived at. On his
return he explained that after the vote at the beginning of the
Session on the Orders of the Day, which went directly against the
Government, after the small majority (only fourteen) which they had on
the motion of Mr Disraeli on the landed interest, and now the defeat
on the Franchise, it was clear that the Government did not possess
the confidence of the House of Commons. He complained of the
Protectionists staying away in a body on Mr King's motion, and he
(Lord John) himself being left without a supporter even amongst
his colleagues in the debate, but most of all of the conduct of the
Radicals; for when Mr King, hearing Lord John's promise to bring in
a measure next Session, wanted to withdraw his Motion, as he ought to
have done on such a declaration by the head of the Government, Mr Hume
insisted upon his going on, "else Lord John would withdraw his promise
again in a fortnight"; and when the result of the vote was made known
the shouting and triumph of the hundred was immense.

Lord John had declared to the Cabinet that he could not go on, that
the Income Tax would have to be voted the next day, and a defeat was
probable; it were much better therefore not to hesitate, and to resign
at once. The Cabinet agreed, although some Members thought with Lord
Palmerston that the occasion was hardly sufficient. Lord John begged
to be allowed till to-day, in order to see Lord Lansdowne, whom he
had sent for from the country, and to be able to tender then his
resignation; he would go down to the House to adjourn it, promising
explanations on Monday.

We agreed with Lord John that he owed to his station personally, and
as the Queen's Minister, not to put up with ignominious treatment,
praised his speech on the Suffrage, which is admirable, and regretted
that his colleagues had prevented him from bringing in a measure
this year. We talked of the difficulty of forming any Government, but
agreed that Lord Stanley and the Protection Party ought to be appealed
to; they longed for office, and would not rest quiet till they had had
it if for ever so short a time only.

We further went over the ground of a possible demand for a
Dissolution, which might bring on a general commotion in the country.
Lord John agreed in this, but thought the responsibility to be very
great for the Crown to refuse an appeal to the country to the new
Government; he thought a decision on that point ought to depend on the
peculiar circumstances of the case.

Lord Lansdowne, who had come from Bowood by the express train, arrived
at twelve o'clock, and came at once to meet Lord John Russell here at
the Palace.

In the audience which the Queen gave him he expressed his entire
concurrence with the decision the Cabinet had come to, as the
resignation could at any rate only have been delayed. It was clear
that the Cabinet had lost the confidence of the House of Commons; what
had happened the other night was only the last drop which made the
cup flow over, and that it was much more dignified not to let the
Government die a lingering and ignominious death; he [thought] that
Lord Stanley would have great difficulties, but would be able to form
a Government; at least the Protectionist Party gave out that they had
a Cabinet prepared.

We then saw Lord John Russell, who formally tendered his resignation,
and was very much moved on taking leave; he said that, considering
Lord Stanley's principles, it would not be possible for him to hold
out any hope of support to that Government, except on the estimates
for which he felt responsible, but he would at all times be ready
vigorously to defend the Crown, which was in need of every support in
these days.

At three o'clock came Lord Stanley, whom the Queen had summoned.

The Queen informed him of the resignation of the Government, in
consequence of the late vote, which had been the result of the
Protectionists staying away, of the small majority which the
Government had had upon Mr Disraeli's Motion, and of the many symptoms
of want of confidence exhibited towards the Government in the House
of Commons. The Queen had accepted their resignation, and had sent
for him as the head of that Party, which was now the most numerous in
Opposition, in order to ask him whether he could undertake to form a
Government.

Lord Stanley expressed great surprise. The impression had been that
the Government had not been in earnest in their opposition to Mr L.
King's Motion; in the minority had voted only twenty-seven members of
the Government side, the rest had been of his Party. He asked if the
whole Cabinet had resigned, or whether there had been dissension in
the Cabinet upon it? The Queen replied that the resignation had been
unanimously agreed upon in the Cabinet, and that Lord Lansdowne,
who had only come up from Bowood this morning, had given his entire
approval to it. Lord Stanley then asked whether anybody else had
been consulted or applied to, to which the Queen replied that she had
written to him a few minutes after Lord John's resignation, and had
communicated with no one else. Lord Stanley then said that he hoped
the Queen's acceptance had only been a conditional one; that he felt
very much honoured by the Queen's confidence; that he hoped he
might be able to tender advice which might contribute to the Queen's
comfort, and might relieve the present embarrassment.

In order to be able to do so he must enter most freely and openly into
his own position and that of his Party. It was quite true that they
formed the most numerous in Parliament after the supporters of what
he hoped he might still call the _present_ Government, but that there
were no men contained in it who combined great ability with experience
in public business. There was one certainly of great ability and
talent--Mr Disraeli--but who had never held office before, and perhaps
Mr Herries, who possessed great experience, but who did not command
great authority in the House of Commons; that he should have great
difficulties in presenting to the Queen a Government fit to be
accepted, unless he could join with some of the late Sir R. Peel's
followers; that he considered, for instance, the appointment of a good
person for Foreign Affairs indispensable, and there was scarcely any
one fit for it except Lord Palmerston and Lord Aberdeen. Lord Aberdeen
had told him that he had no peculiar views upon Free Trade, and that
he did not pretend to understand the question, but that he had felt it
his duty to stand by Sir R. Peel; this might now be different, but
it ought first to be ascertained whether a combination of those
who agreed in principle, and had only been kept asunder hitherto by
_personal_ considerations, could not be formed; that Sir James Graham
had in his last speech declared it as his opinion that the ranks of
those who agreed ought to be closed; when such a combination had taken
place, those of Sir R. Peel's followers who could not agree to
it might not be unwilling to join him (Lord Stanley). As to his
principles, he would frankly state that he thought that the landed
interest was much depressed by the low state of prices; that an import
duty on corn would be absolutely necessary, which, however, would be
low, and only a revenue duty; such a duty, he thought, the country
would be prepared for; and if they were allowed to state their honest
opinion, he felt sure the greatest part of the present Government
would be heartily glad of. He would require Duties upon sugar
for revenue, but he could not conceal that if the revenue after a
diminution in the direct taxation, which he would propose, should
considerably fall off, he might be driven to raise the Import duties
on other articles. He thought the present House of Commons could
hardly be expected to reverse its decision upon the financial and
commercial policy of the country, and that accordingly a Dissolution
of Parliament would become necessary. Such a Dissolution, however,
could not be undertaken at this moment for the sake of public
business. The Mutiny Bill had not been voted nor the Supplies, and it
would require more than eight weeks before the new Parliament could
be assembled, and consequently the Crown would be left without Army or
money. A Dissolution could accordingly not take place before Easter.
He felt, however, that if he were to take office now, he would between
this and Easter be exposed to such harassing attacks that he should
not be able to withstand them; moreover, it would subject the members
of his Government to two elections in two months. He hoped therefore
that the Queen would try to obtain a Government by a coalition of the
Whigs and Peelites, but that this failing, if the Queen should send
again for him, and it was clear no other Government could be formed,
he would feel it his duty as a loyal subject to risk everything,
except his principles and his honour, to carry on the Government; and
he hoped that in such a case the Queen would look leniently on the
composition of the Cabinet which he could offer, and that the country
would, from the consideration of the circumstances, give it a fair
trial. He begged, however, that he might not be called upon to take
office except as a _dernier ressort_, a _necessity_.

I interrupted him when he spoke of his financial measures, and begged
him further to explain, when it appeared that a duty of about six
shillings on corn was the least he could impose to bring up the price
to forty-five shillings, which Sir R. Peel had stated to the House of
Commons was in his opinion the lowest price wheat would fall to after
the abolition of the Corn Laws.

We expressed our doubts as to the country agreeing to such a measure,
and our apprehension of the violent spirit which would be roused in
the working classes by a Dissolution for that purpose, which Lord
Stanley, however, did not seem to apprehend; on the contrary, he
thought the distress of the farmers would lead to the destruction of
the landed interest, which was the only support to the Throne.

I told him that the Queen and certainly myself had been under a
delusion, and that I was sure the country was equally so, as to
his intention to return to Protection. Sometimes it was stated that
Protection would be adhered to, sometimes that it was given up,
and that it was _compensation_ to the landed interest which the
Protectionists looked to. His last speeches and the Motion of Mr
Disraeli led to that belief, but that it was of the highest importance
that the country should know exactly what was intended; the Queen
would then have an opportunity of judging how the nation looked upon
the proposal. I hoped therefore that the declaration of his opinions
which Lord Stanley had now laid before the Queen would be clearly
enunciated by him in Parliament when the Ministerial explanations
should take place, which would naturally follow this crisis.

Lord Stanley merely answered that he hoped that no explanations would
take place before a Government was formed. He said he should wish the
word "Protection" to be merged, to which I rejoined that though he
might wish this, I doubted whether the country would let him.

Before taking leave, he repeated over and over again his advice that
the Coalition Ministry should be tried.

ALBERT.




_Queen Victoria to Lord Stanley._

_22nd February 1851._

In order to be able to be perfectly accurate in stating Lord Stanley's
opinions, which the Queen feels some delicacy in doing, she would be
very thankful if he would write down for her what he just stated to
her--as his advice in the present difficulty. Of course she would not
let such a paper go out of her hands.




[Pageheading: SIR JAMES GRAHAM]

[Pageheading: FOREIGN POLICY]

[Pageheading: THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _23rd February 1851._

Sir James Graham, who had been out of Town, came at six o'clock,
having received my letter on his return. Lord John Russell had been
here before that time.

After having stated to him (Lord John) what had passed with Lord
Stanley, we told him that Sir James Graham was here; Lord John seemed
much surprised at Lord Stanley's refusal to form an Administration,
declared himself ready to do what he could towards the formation of a
new Government on an extended basis, but thought that Sir James Graham
and Lord Aberdeen should have the first offer.

I went accordingly over to my room, where Sir James was waiting. He
was entirely taken by surprise by the announcement of the resignation
of the Government, and begged to be able to state to me how he was
situated before he saw the Queen and Lord John.

I then communicated to him what had passed with Lord Stanley, upon
which we had a conversation of more than an hour, of which the chief
features were:

1. Apprehension on the part of Sir James Graham lest the attempt on
the part of Lord Stanley to re-impose Protective duties should produce
universal commotion in the country, which would be increased by the
Dissolution, without which Lord Stanley would not be able to proceed.

2. His disbelief that Lord Aberdeen would be able to join in any
Government abandoning Sir R. Peel's principles, as he had been
consulted before and after Sir James's late speech in which he
expressed his entire concurrence.

3. His own utter weakness, calling himself the weakest man in England,
who had lost his only friend in Sir R. Peel, and had for the last
fifteen years not exercised an independent judgment, but rested
entirely on his friend.

4. His disagreement with some of his late colleagues--the Duke of
Newcastle, Mr Gladstone, and Mr Sidney Herbert--in religious opinions.

5. His disagreement with Lord John's Government upon some most
important points.

He could not take office with Lord Palmerston as Foreign Secretary,
whose policy and mode of conducting business he disapproved, who
was now protesting against the admission of Austria into the German
Confederation; he disapproved the Papal Aggression Bill, finding it
militating against the line which he had taken as Secretary of State
with regard to the Roman Catholic Bishops in Ireland, and particularly
the Bequest Act, and considering that after Lord John's letter the
Bill would fall short of the high expectations formed in the minds of
the English public.

He disapproved of the abolition of the Irish Lord-Lieutenancy, and the
making a fourth Secretary of State had been considered by Sir
Robert Peel and himself as introducing into England all the Irish
malpractices, while Ireland was still kept wholly separate from
England.

Lord John had raised a new difficulty by his declaration upon Reform.
He had been thunderstruck when he read the announcement on the part
of the chief author of the Reform Bill, who had stood with him (Sir
J. Graham) hitherto upon _finality_, condemning his own work, and
promising at a year's distance important alterations, in which
interval great agitation would be got up, great expectations raised,
and the measure when brought forward would cause disappointment. Sir
Robert Peel had always been of opinion that it was most dangerous to
touch these questions, but if opened with the consent of the Crown, a
measure should at once be brought forward and passed.

After my having replied to these different objections, that the Queen
felt herself the importance of Lord Palmerston's removal, and would
make it herself a condition with Lord John that he should not be again
Foreign Secretary; that the protest to Austria had not gone, and that
upon studying the question Sir James would find that the entrance of
the whole Austrian Monarchy, while giving France a pretext for war and
infringing the Treaties of 1815, would not tend to the strength and
unity of Germany, which held to be the true English interest, but
quite the reverse; that I did not think the Papal Aggression Bill
touched the Bequest Act or militated against toleration; that the
Lieutenancy would perhaps be given up, and a measure on the Franchise
be considered by the _new_ Government and brought forward at once.
I thought it would be better to discuss the matters with Lord John
Russell in the Queen's presence, who accordingly joined us.

The discussion which now arose went pretty much over the same ground,
Lord John agreeing that Lord Palmerston ought to form no difficulty,
that the Papal Aggression Bill would be further modified, that the
Lieutenancy Bill might be given up, that he agreed to Sir James's
objection to the declaration about reform, but that he had intended to
bring forward a measure, if he had been able to get his colleagues to
agree to it, that he would be ready to propose a measure at once. This
Sir J. Graham thought important as a means of gaining at a General
Election, which he foresaw could not be long delayed, whoever formed a
Government.

In order to obtain some result from this long debate I summed up what
might be considered as agreed upon, viz. That there was _tabula rasa_,
and for the new Coalition a free choice of men and measures, to which
they assented, Lord John merely stating that he could not take office
without part of his friends, and could not sacrifice his _personal_
declarations. Dinnertime having approached, and Lord Aberdeen having
written that he would be with us after nine o'clock, we adjourned the
further discussion till then, when they would return.


Whilst the Queen dressed I had an interview with the Duke of
Wellington, who had come to dine here, in which I informed him of
the nature of our crisis. He expressed his regret and his dread of a
Protectionist Government with a Dissolution, which might lead to civil
commotion. He could not forgive, he said, the high Tory Party for
their having stayed away the other night on Mr Locke King's Motion,
and thus abandoned their own principles; he had no feeling for Lord
John Russell's Cabinet, measures, or principles, but he felt that
the Crown and the country were only safe in these days by having the
Liberals in office, else they would be driven to join the Radical
agitation against the institutions of the country.

After dinner we resumed our adjourned debate in my room, at a quarter
to ten, with Lord Aberdeen, and were soon joined by Lord John and Sir
James Graham. We went over the same ground with him. Lord Stanley's
letter was read and discussed. Lord Aberdeen declared his inability to
join in a Protectionist Ministry; he did not pretend to understand the
question of Free Trade, but it was a point of honour with him not to
abandon it, and now, since Sir R. Peel's death, a matter of piety.
He thought the danger of a Dissolution on a question of food by the
Crown, for the purpose of imposing a tax upon bread, of the utmost
danger for the safety of the country. He disapproved the Papal Bill,
the abolition of the Lieutenancy, he had no difficulty upon the
Franchise, for though he was called a _despot_, he felt a good deal of
the Radical in him sometimes.

Lord John put it to Lord Aberdeen, whether _he_ would not undertake to
form a Government, to which Lord Aberdeen gave no distinct reply.

As Sir James Graham raised nothing but difficulties, though professing
the greatest readiness to be of use, and as it was getting on towards
midnight, we broke up, with the Queen's injunction that _one_ of
the three gentlemen _must_ form a Government, to which Lord Aberdeen
laughingly replied: "I see your Majesty has come into[6] the Président
de la République." Lord John was to see Lord Lansdowne _to-day_ at
three o'clock, and would report progress to the Queen at five o'clock.
On one point we were agreed, viz. that the Government to be formed
must not be for the moment, but with a view to strength and stability.

ALBERT.

    [Footnote 6: _Sic._]




[Pageheading: COMPLICATIONS]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

_23d February 1851._

The Queen has seen Lord Aberdeen and Sir J. Graham, but is sorry to
say that her doing so was premature, as they had no opportunity of
seeing each other after they left Lord John Russell, and therefore had
not considered the Memorandum[7] which Lord John had handed to them.
Lord Aberdeen has in the interval seen Lord Stanley, and declared
to him that he must undeceive him as to the possibility of his ever
joining a Protection Government. What further resulted from the
conversation the Queen would prefer to state to Lord John verbally
to-morrow. Perhaps Lord John would come in the forenoon to-morrow, or
before he goes to the House; he will be so good as to let her know.

    [Footnote 7: With a view of uniting with the Peelites, Lord
    John drew up a Memorandum, printed in Walpole's _Lord John
    Russell_, vol. ii. chap, xxii., with the following points:

    A Cabinet of not more than eleven Members.

    The present commercial policy to be maintained.

    The financial measures of the year to be open to revision.

    The Ecclesiastical Titles Bill to be persevered in so far as
    the Preamble and the first clause, but the remaining clauses
    to be abandoned.

    A Reform Bill for the extension of the Franchise.

    A Commission of Enquiry into corrupt practices at elections in
    cities and boroughs.]




_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _23rd February 1851._
(_Sunday._)

Lord John Russell came at half-past five, much fatigued and depressed.
On the Queen's asking whether he could report any progress, he said
he thought he could; he had met Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham,
together with Sir George Grey (Lord Lansdowne being ill). That he
had informed them that he had received the Queen's commands to form a
Government (?) and handed to them a Memorandum which follows here and
which they had promised to take into consideration.

We asked him whether he had chalked out a Government. He said he
had not thought of it yet; he added, however, that _he_ could not
undertake the Foreign Affairs with the lead in the House of Commons
and Government (which the Queen had pressed upon him); Lord Palmerston
might be leader in the House of Lords; he would not like Lord Aberdeen
at the Foreign Office; Lord Clarendon and Lord Granville were equally
acceptable to him.

I suggested that it might be well if the Queen were to see Sir James
and Lord Aberdeen again, which he approved, but thought it better he
should not be present himself, and that the Queen might tell Sir James
that he might have any Office he liked; perhaps _he_ would take the
Foreign Affairs.

Lord John's relations and private friends evidently are distressed at
his resuming office; the Radicals were very much pleased with the idea
of Sir James Graham being in office.

ALBERT.




[Pageheading: LORD ABERDEEN SUMMONED]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

_24th February 1851._
_(Monday evening._)

Lord John came at three o'clock before making his statement to the
House of Commons. We communicated to him what had passed with Sir
James Graham and Lord Aberdeen yesterday evening. He thought his
Memorandum had been misunderstood: the nature of the Reform Bill
was left open to discussion, and what he had said about filling the
Offices only meant that the Offices should not be divided according to
number, and each party left to fill up its share, as had been done in
former Coalition Ministries. He had seen Lord Palmerston, who was not
willing to give up the Foreign Office--spoke of retiring from business
at his age, of his success in conducting Foreign Affairs, and of its
being a self-condemnation if he accepted another Office. Lord John
told him that he did not agree in this view, that the Lord-Lieutenancy
of Ireland was to be maintained, and thought it best to leave it
there. He thought Lord Palmerston had given up the idea of leading
the House of Commons. We ascertained from him in conversation that he
could not agree to Lord Aberdeen taking the Foreign Office nor that he
could serve under Lord Aberdeen or Sir James Graham in case any one of
these were to form a Government.

At half-past six Lord John returned from the House of Commons, and
reported that two very important events had taken place: the one that
upon his making his statement to the House that the Government had
resigned, that Lord Stanley had been sent for, had declared _his
inability then to form a Government_ (words agreed upon between
Lord Lansdowne, Lord John, and Sir George Grey), and that he was now
charged with the formation of a Government, Mr. Disraeli got up, and
denied that Lord Stanley had declined forming a Government, which was
received with cheers from the Protectionists. Lord John had merely
answered that when Lord Stanley would make his explanations, what he
had stated would be found to be correct, relying entirely, not upon
what the Queen had communicated, but on Lord Stanley's own letter. The
second event was a letter from Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham,[8]
which put _an end_ to all _thoughts_ of a Coalition. It stated that
they could agree to no legislation whatever on the Papal Aggressions,
and ended with a hint that Sir James Graham was prepared to go farther
in reductions than Lord John was likely to consent to.

Lord John had at once answered that although he did not understand the
latter objection, the difference on the Papal Bill must put an end
to their negotiation. We much lamented the result, and after some
discussion agreed that the only thing to be done now was to send for
Lord Aberdeen. Lord Stanley could not pretend to be consulted before
every other means of forming a Government had been exhausted.

    [Footnote 8: Published in Walpole's _Lord John Russell_, vol.
    ii. chap. xxii.]




[Pageheading: LORD ABERDEEN DECLINES]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _24th February 1851._
(_Half-past ten_ P.M.)

The Queen returns these papers, as Lord John Russell wished. She has
just seen Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham, who, though ready to do
anything which could be of any use to the Queen and the country, have
stated it as their decided opinion that Lord Stanley should be asked
to form a Government. Under these circumstances the Queen intends to
send to Lord Stanley to-morrow. The Queen did ask Lord Aberdeen if he
could undertake to form a Government, but he said that he thought it
would not be successful, and that the Papal Aggression would be an
insurmountable difficulty for him and Sir James Graham.

The Queen rejoices to hear from them, and from Lord John and Lord
Lansdowne, the expression of cordiality of feeling, which it is so
essential for the Crown and the country that there should be.




[Pageheading: ABERDEEN AND GRAHAM]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _25 February 1851._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Through Van der Weyer, you will have heard what was
the state of the _long_ and anxious crisis yesterday evening.

Alas! the hope of forming a strong Coalition Government has
failed--_for the present_. I say for the present, as they are all so
entirely agreed on the Commercial Policy that another time they hope
there will be no difficulty, when they have _fought together_.
The _Papal Aggression_ has in fact been the only insurmountable
difficulty. We sent to Lord Aberdeen last night (both he and Sir James
Graham have been most kind to us), and asked if _he_ could not try
to form a Government; but with the greatest readiness to serve me, he
said he could not, on account of this self-same Papal Aggression. He
equally declares that he cannot join Lord Stanley. Accordingly this
morning I have seen Lord Stanley, and he means to try if he can form
any fit sort of Government, but he has _no_ men of talent, and his
difficulties are gigantic. I shall only know to-morrow _definitely_ if
he _can_ form an Administration. I am calm and courageous, having such
support and advice as my dearest Albert's; but it is an anxious time,
and the uncertainty and suspense very trying. More details you will
have later on. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.




[Pageheading: LORD STANLEY TO BE SUMMONED]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _26th February 1851._

Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham came yesterday evening at nine
o'clock; the Queen put it to them whether _they_ could form a
Government, to which they replied that they had turned it in their
heads a hundred times, that there was nothing they would not do to
show their readiness to serve the Queen, but that they did not see a
possibility of forming an Administration which could stand a day. They
were most likely at that moment the two most unpopular men in England,
having declared that nothing should be done in Parliament against the
Papal Aggression, which the whole country clamoured for; the Whigs
would be very angry with them for their having broken up the new
combination; they might find favour with the Radicals, but that was
a support upon which no reliance could be placed. There was a growing
opinion that Lord Stanley ought to have a chance of bringing forward
his measures; that it was perilous, but that it was an evil which must
be gone through; that this opinion had been strongly expressed by Lord
Lansdowne, whose moderation nobody could doubt; that it was shared by
the Duke of Newcastle, Mr Sidney Herbert, and others of Sir James's
friends whom he had had time to consult.

Upon the Queen's expression of her great apprehension as to the
consequence of such a step on the country, they said there would
no doubt spring up a most violent opposition, that there would be
attempts to stop the supplies and dissolve the Army, but that Lord
John Russell and Sir James Graham together would do their utmost to
preach moderation, and would refer the House of Commons to the Queen's
example, who had taken strictly the Constitutional course throughout
the crisis, whose opinions on Free Trade were well known (as far as
subjects could allow themselves to pretend to know their Sovereign's
_private_ opinions) from the hearty support she had given to Sir
Robert Peel's and Lord John's Governments. That upon the first
proposition of a Stanley Government the junction of Parties would
be completed, and there would be only _one_ strong opposition. After
having fought together, there would be no longer any difficulty about
forming a strong Government out of their joint ranks, whilst now it
was impossible not to see that every Minister displaced would feel
personally aggrieved, that then they stood on a footing of perfect
equality. Sir James had seen Lord John since he had tendered his
second resignation, and found him quite altered; whilst he was
embarrassed and _boutonné_ before, he was open and unreserved now, and
they could speak on terms of private friendship. Lord Aberdeen would
save his influence in the House of Lords, which he would probably have
lost if he had joined the Whigs in office; in future all this would be
different.

Lord John Russell's letter with the Memoranda came and interrupted us.
From these papers, and what Sir James and Lord Aberdeen said, it is
clear that all parties are relieved by the failure of their attempt
to form a Coalition Government, but determined to form a positive
junction, which will be most salutary to the country. The Queen will
therefore send for Lord Stanley.

We discussed further the means Lord Stanley would have to form an
Administration, for which the material was certainly sad. Disraeli's
last scene in the House of Commons would render the publication of
Lord Stanley's letter necessary. Mr Gladstone might possibly join him;
at least no pains would be spared to bring him in. Lord Palmerston
had often so much secret understanding with Disraeli that he might be
tempted with the bait of keeping the Foreign Office, particularly if
personally offended.

Whether the Queen should allow or refuse a Dissolution was debated;
the latter declared a most heavy responsibility for the Sovereign to
undertake, but a subject upon which the decision should only be taken
at the time, and on a due consideration of the circumstances.

ALBERT.




_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _25th February 1851._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to state that having seen the letter which Lord Stanley
addressed to your Majesty, and feeling himself precluded from entering
into any details, he announced to the House of Commons that Lord
Stanley had in reply to your Majesty's offer declared "he was not
_then_ prepared to form a Government."

Mr Disraeli disputed the accuracy of this statement.

Your Majesty's word cannot be called in question, but Lord John
Russell now feels it due to his own honour humbly to ask your Majesty
for a copy of Lord Stanley's letter. He does not propose to read the
letter to the House of Commons, but to refer to it in the statement he
is compelled to make.

Lord John Russell humbly requests that this representation may be
shown to Lord Stanley. He will feel what is due to the honour of a
public man.




[Pageheading: LORD STANLEY ARRIVES]

[Pageheading: MR DISRAELI]

[Pageheading: DISSOLUTION]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

_25th February 1851._
(_Tuesday._)

Lord Stanley obeyed the Queen's summons at eleven o'clock, and seemed
very much concerned when she informed him that Lord John Russell had
given up his task, as differences of opinion, particularly on the
Papal Bill, had prevented a junction between him, Lord Aberdeen, and
Sir James Graham; that an appeal to Lord Aberdeen had been equally
unsuccessful from the same cause, viz. their difficulty in dealing
with the Papal Question; that consequently the contingency had arisen
under which Lord Stanley had promised to undertake the formation of a
Government.

Lord Stanley said his difficulties were immense, and he could not
venture to approach them unless he was sure of every support on the
part of the Crown; that he would have arrayed against him a formidable
opposition of all the talent in the country.

The Queen assured him that he should have every Constitutional support
on her part, of which Lord Stanley repeated he had felt sure, although
the total change must be very trying to the Queen.

On his question, whether there was any hope of Lord Aberdeen joining
him and taking the Foreign Office, we had to tell him that he must
quite discard that idea. He replied, with a sigh, that he would still
try and see him; he had thought of the Duke of Wellington taking the
Foreign Office _ad interim_, but felt that he could hardly propose
that, considering the Duke's age and infirmity; he would make an
attempt to see Lord Canning with the Queen's permission, and
that failing, could only think of Sir Stratford Canning, now at
Constantinople, which the Queen approved.

He still hoped he might get Mr Gladstone to take the lead in the House
of Commons, without which assistance he must not conceal that it was
almost impossible for him to go on. Mr Gladstone was on his way
home from Paris, and he had written to him to see him as soon as he
arrived; till then he could not promise that he would succeed to
form an Administration, and he only undertook it for the good of his
country, but was afraid of ruining his reputation.

To this I rejoined that who tried to do the best by his country need
never be afraid for his reputation.

The Queen showed Lord Stanley Lord John Russell's letter respecting Mr
Disraeli's denial of the truth of Lord John's statement in the House
of Commons yesterday.

Lord Stanley said it had been a very unfortunate misunderstanding,
that he had been sorry Lord John and Lord Lansdowne should have felt
it necessary to say that "he had not _then_ been prepared to form a
Government," as the knowledge of this fact, as long as there was a
chance of his being called back, could not but act injuriously to him
and dispirit those with whom he acted. He would explain all this on
Friday in the House of Lords, and had no objection to sending Lord
John a copy of his letter.

We now came to _Measures_. Lord Stanley hopes to obviate the Papal
Question by a Parliamentary declaration and the appointment in both
Houses of a Committee to enquire into the position of the Roman
Catholic Church in this country; he would diminish the Income Tax by a
million, and exempt temporary incomes; he would allow compounding for
the Window Tax and levy a moderate duty on corn, which he called a
Countervailing Duty, and tried to defend as good political economy, on
the authority of Mr M'Culloch's last edition of "Ricardo." (I had some
discussion with him, however, on that point.)

Returning to the offices to be filled, Lord Stanley said he should
have to propose Mr Disraeli as one of the Secretaries of State. The
Queen interrupted him by saying that she had not a very good opinion
of Mr Disraeli on account of his conduct to poor Sir R. Peel, and what
had just happened did not tend to diminish that feeling; but that she
felt so much Lord Stanley's difficulties, that she would not aggravate
them by passing a sentence of exclusion on him. She must, however,
make Lord Stanley responsible for his conduct, and should she have
cause to be displeased with him when in office, she would remind Lord
Stanley of what now passed. Lord Stanley promised to be responsible,
and excused his friend for his former bitterness by his desire to
establish his reputation for cleverness and sharpness; nobody had
gained so much by Parliamentary schooling, and he had of late quite
changed his tone.

Mr Herries would make a good Chancellor of the Exchequer.

As to Ireland, he had thought of having a more ostensible
Lord-Lieutenant, whilst the business should be done by the Secretary
for Ireland. He asked the Queen whether the Duke of Cambridge might
be offered that post, which she took _ad referendum_. The Duke of
Northumberland, though not of his Party, he should like to offer the
Admiralty to.

At the conclusion of the interview he broached the important question
of Dissolution, and said that a Dissolution would anyhow become
necessary; that, if it was thought that the Queen would withhold
from him the privilege of dissolving, he would not have the slightest
chance in the House of Commons; he would be opposed and beat, and then
his adversaries would come in and dissolve. He avowed that it could
not be said that the Queen had refused him the power of dissolving,
but he required some assurance.

On the Queen's objecting to giving him a contingent positive promise,
but declaring her readiness fairly to discuss the question when the
emergency arose, he contented himself with the permission to deny,
if necessary, that she would _not_ consent to it, putting entire
confidence in the Queen's intention to deal fairly by him.

I tried to convince Lord Stanley, and I hope not without effect, of
the advantage, both to the Queen and Lord Stanley himself, that they
should not be hampered by a positive engagement on that point, which
might become very inconvenient if circumstances arose which made a
Dissolution dangerous to the country.

ALBERT.




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _25th February 1851._

The Queen has seen Lord Stanley, who will let Lord John Russell have a
copy of the letter. He wishes it not to be known or considered that
he has formally undertaken to form a Government till to-morrow, on
account of the House of Lords meeting to-day. He feels the difficulty
of his position, and is not sure yet that he will be able to complete
a Ministry. To-morrow he will give the Queen a positive answer.




_Queen Victoria to Lord Stanley._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _25th February 1851._

The Queen has just received Lord Stanley's letter. She had forgotten
the Levée, and was just going to write to him to inform him that she
wished to see him at eleven o'clock to-morrow.

The Queen cannot but regret that Lord Stanley should think Lord John
Russell's explanation led to a wrong inference; for Lord Stanley
will himself recollect that he stated his objections to her much more
strongly in his first interview than he did in writing, and as Lord
Stanley so strongly advised the Queen to try if no other arrangement
could first be come to, she hardly knows how this could otherwise have
been expressed than by the words used by Lord Lansdowne and Lord John
Russell.




_Memorandum by Queen Victoria._

_26th February 1851._
(_Wednesday._)

Lord Stanley came again at eleven. The first part of the audience,
which was not long, was occupied by Lord Stanley's trying to explain
away Mr Disraeli's contradiction of Lord John Russell, though he
termed it "very unfortunate," by saying that he wished Lord John had
_not mentioned_ that _he_ (Lord Stanley) "was not _then_ prepared"
to form a Government, for that, though true in fact, he had _not_
absolutely _refused_, but had only advised me to _try_ and make other
arrangements first. I said I thought the distinction "a very nice
one," which he admitted. What passed between us on the subject the
correspondence between Albert and Lord John will best explain.

Lord Stanley then told us that he had seen the Duke of Northumberland,
who wished for time to consider; that he was to see Lord Canning again
to-day, but had no hopes of his accepting; and that he found so many
people out of Town that he must ask for _forty-eight_ hours more
before he could give me a positive answer, viz. till Friday. He added
he "must not conceal" from me that he was "not very sanguine" of
success; almost all depended on Mr Gladstone, who was expected
to arrive to-day; but that it might _now_ be said (in answer to a
question of Albert's "whether in these days of nice distinctions one
_might_ say that he had _undertaken_ to form a Government"), that he
had _attempted_ to _undertake_ to _form a Government_.

VICTORIA R.




[Pageheading: LORD STANLEY RESIGNS]


_Lord Stanley to Queen Victoria._

ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _27th February 1851._
(_Four o'clock_ P.M.)

Lord Stanley, with his humble duty, awaits your Majesty's commands at
what hour he may be honoured with an audience, to explain the
grounds on which, with the deepest regret, he feels himself under the
necessity of resigning the important trust with which your Majesty has
honoured him.




_Queen Victoria to Sir James Graham._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _27th February 1851._

The Queen sanctions Sir James Graham's making any statement to the
House of Commons which he thinks necessary, to explain the part which
he and Lord Aberdeen took in the late Ministerial negotiations, and
indeed hopes that these explanations will be as full as possible
on all parts, in order that the country may fully appreciate the
difficulties of the crisis.




[Pageheading: LORD STANLEY'S REASONS]

[Pageheading: THE PAPAL BILL]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _27th February 1851._

Lord Stanley arrived at half-past five o'clock. We were struck by the
change of his countenance, which had lost all the expression of care
and anxiety which had marked it at the previous interviews.

He assured the Queen that he had been labouring incessantly since he
had seen her last, but that he was sorry to say without any success.

He had seen Mr Gladstone, who declined joining his Government
on account of his previous pledges in Parliament respecting the
Commercial Policy of Sir R. Peel, but evidently also on account of his
peculiar views with respect to the Papal Aggression, which he did not
seem disposed to look upon as in any way objectionable.

Lord Canning had given him some hope at one time, but finally declined
in order not to risk his credit for political consistency.

Mr H. Corry, whose opinions on Free Trade were by no means decided,
and who had only filled a very subordinate situation in Sir R. Peel's
Government, he had offered high office, but was refused, Mr Corry
expressing his fears that the Government had no chance of standing
against the opposition it would have to meet in the House of Commons.

The Duke of Northumberland was the only person not properly belonging
to the Protection Party who had accepted office (First Lord of the
Admiralty). At one time Lord Ellenborough had accepted, but having
been sent on a mission to Mr Goulburn in order to see whether he
could convert him, he came home himself converted, and withdrew his
acceptance again.

In this situation Lord Stanley called his friends together, and after
some discussion concurred in their opinion that it was not possible
for them to form such an Administration as ought to be offered to the
Queen. Lord Stanley then qualified this expression again, and said
that though he could have offered a very respectable Government if
he had had a majority in the House of Commons, or the means of
strengthening himself by an immediate Dissolution, he could not form
such a one which could have withstood an adverse majority and such a
formidable array of talent in the Opposition. He therefore returned
the trust which had been committed to him into the Queen's hands,
expressing at the same time his deep sense of gratitude for the
kindness with which she had treated him, the support and confidence
she had given him, sorry only that it should have led to no result.
He thought, however, that the prolongation of the crisis had not
inconvenienced the public service, as Her Majesty's _present_
Government were constitutionally enabled to carry on all necessary
business.

The Queen rejoined that she was very sorry that this attempt had also
failed, that she had tried every possible combination, and still was
without a Government. Lord Stanley answered as if he considered
it natural that Lord John Russell's Government should now quietly
proceed; but on the Queen's observation, that it was now necessary
that all Parties should join in the support of some measures at least,
and particularly the Papal Bill, he stated what he was prepared to
support, and would have been prepared to propose had he taken office,
viz. a fuller recital in the preamble of the Bill and no penal clause
in the body of it. (The present Bill looked pettish and undignified,
as if framed in anger as a return for the insult, and not a correction
of the state of the law.) He thought the Law very complex and obscure,
and never found it acted upon. He would have proposed therefore that
Committees of both Houses should enquire into the whole subject; the
state of the Convents; whether subjects were detained against their
will; whether people were forced to bequeath their property to the
Church on the deathbed, etc., etc.; he knew that the Roman Catholic
laity felt severely the oppression which the Priests exercised over
them, and would be willing to give evidence.

Lord Stanley asked whether it could be of use if he were to state all
this in his explanation to-day, which the Queen strongly affirmed. I
added that I hoped he would explain what he was prepared to do on all
the subjects in dispute--the Commercial and Financial Policy as well.
He promised to do so, and entered into his views on the Income Tax,
which he called a War Tax, which had been imposed for temporary
purposes only in 1842, and ought to be taken off again when
practicable in order to keep faith with the public; but if, as often
as there was a surplus, this was immediately absorbed by remission of
other burdens, this object could never be fulfilled. He would
propose that by degrees, as surpluses arose, the Income Tax should be
decreased, and so on to its final repeal.

I disputed with him for some time on the advantages of an Income Tax,
but without coming to any result.

On his enquiry whether there was anything else the Queen might wish
him to state--perhaps the rumour that he had been refused the power of
dissolving--we agreed that he should say the question had never been
seriously entertained, but that the Queen had been ready to give him
the same support and advantages which any other Government might have
enjoyed.[9]

ALBERT.

    [Footnote 9: The Prince thereupon, at the Queen's request,
    communicated with Lord John Russell, and after recounting
    to him the various successive failures to form a Government,
    wrote that the Queen must "pause before she again entrusts the
    commission of forming an Administration to anybody, till
    she has been able to see the result of to-morrow evening's
    Debate." He added, "Do you see any Constitutional objection to
    this course?"]




[Pageheading: THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON]


_The Prince Albert to the Duke of Wellington._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _28th February 1851._

MY DEAR DUKE,--Lord Stanley has likewise resigned his task, not being
able to gain over any of Sir R. Peel's friends, and being incapable of
forming a Government out of his Party alone.

So Lord John Russell has declared his inability to carry on the
Government. Lord Stanley has then declared his inability to form one
until every other combination should have failed. We have tried
all possible combinations between Whigs and Peelites, and have not
succeeded, and now Lord Stanley throws up the game a second time!
The Queen would be happy to consult you and hear your advice in this
dilemma. Possibly to-night's Debate may define the position of Parties
more clearly, and give a clue to what may be best to be done under the
circumstances. Ever yours, etc.

ALBERT.




_Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert._

CHESHAM PLACE, _28th February 1851._

SIR,--The former Cabinet meet at eleven, at Lansdowne House.

It appears to me that the Queen might with advantage see Lord
Lansdowne. He was in office with Mr Fox and Lord Grenville in 1806; he
has been distinguished and respected in political life ever since; he
is now desirous of retiring, and has therefore no personal object to
gain. If the Queen approves, Lord Lansdowne might wait on Her Majesty
soon after twelve o'clock. I have the honour to be, Sir, your Royal
Highness's very dutiful Servant,

J. RUSSELL.




[Pageheading: LORD LANSDOWNE]


_Queen Victoria to Lord Lansdowne._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _28th February 1851._

It would be a great satisfaction to the Queen to hear Lord Lansdowne's
advice in the present critical state of affairs, and she would be glad
if he could come to her at twelve this morning. The Queen has sent
to the Duke of Wellington in order to hear his opinion also; but he
cannot be here before to-night, being at Strathfieldsaye.




_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

FRIDAY, _28th February 1851._

Lord Lansdowne, who arrived at twelve o'clock, was asked by the Queen
what advice he could offer her in the present complication. His answer
was: "I wish indeed I had any good advice to offer to your Majesty."
He expressed his delight at the Queen having sent for the Duke of
Wellington. We talked generally of the state of affairs; he agreed in
a remark of mine, that I thought the Queen should be entirely
guided in her choice of the person to construct a Government, by the
consideration which Party would now appear to be the strongest in the
House of Commons. On my asking, however, whether he knew if, on the
failure of Lord Stanley to form a Government, part of his followers
would now give up Protection as past hope, and be prepared in future
to support the Peelite section of the Conservative Party, Lord
Lansdowne said he had heard nothing on the subject, nor could he give
us more information on the chance of the Radicals and Irish members
now being more willing to support Lord John Russell in future. He
liked Lord Stanley's plan of dealing with the Papal Question, of
which the Queen communicated to him the outlines, was afraid of Sir
J. Graham's excessive leaning towards economy, shook his head at
Lord John Russell's letter to the Bishop of Durham[10] which had been
instrumental in bringing on the present crisis, and confessed that he
had been amongst those in the Cabinet who had prevented the bringing
forward of a measure of reform in the present Session. He offered to
do whatever might be most conducive to the Queen's comfort--stay out
of office, or come into office--as might be thought the most useful.

ALBERT.

    [Footnote 10: See _ante_, p. 273 note 1.]




[Pageheading: FURTHER DIFFICULTIES]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st March 1851._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I did not write to you yesterday, thinking I could
perhaps give you some more positive news to-day, but I _cannot_. I am
still without a Government, and I am still trying to hear and pause
before I actually call to Lord John to undertake to form, or rather
more to continue, the Government. We have passed an anxious, exciting
week, and the difficulties are very peculiar; there are so many
conflicting circumstances which render coalition between those
who agree in almost everything, and in particular on _Free Trade_,
impossible, but the "Papal Question" is the real and almost
insuperable difficulty.

Lord Lansdowne is waiting to see me, and I must go, and with many
thanks for your two kind letters, ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.




[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _2nd March 1851._
(_Sunday._)

Lord Lansdowne, who arrived after church, had seen Lord John
Russell and discussed with him the Memorandum which we left with him
yesterday. He had since drawn up a Memorandum himself which embodied
his views, and which he had not yet communicated to any one. He was
very apprehensive lest to begin a new Government with an open question
would produce the greatest prejudice against it in the public; he was
still inclined therefore to recommend the continuance of the present
Government avowedly for the purpose of passing the Papal Bill, after
which the Coalition might take place, which, however, should be agreed
upon and settled at this time. As the Duke of Wellington has not yet
sent his promised Memorandum, and Lord Lansdowne was anxious to hear
his opinion, the Queen commissioned him to appoint Lord John Russell
to come at three o'clock, and to go himself to the Duke of Wellington.

Lord John Russell, who arrived at the appointed time, and had not seen
Lord Lansdowne's Memorandum yet, read it over, and expressed great
misgivings about the execution of the proposal. He said he saw in
fact, like Sir J. Graham, nothing but difficulties. He had ascertained
that his Party by no means liked the idea of a fusion, and had been
much relieved when the attempt to form a Coalition Ministry had
failed. He was afraid that in the interval between their resuming
office and giving it up again every possible surmise would be current
who were the Ministers to be displaced, and every possible intrigue
would spring up for and against particular members of the Cabinet. He
would prefer not to make any arrangements for the Coalition now, but
merely to engage to resign again after having carried the Papal
Bill, when the Queen could try the Coalition, and that failing, could
entrust Lord Aberdeen and Sir J. Graham with the carrying on of the
Government, whose chief difficulty would then be removed. I objected
to this--that his Party might feel justly aggrieved if after their
having carried him through the difficulty of the Papal Measure, he
were to throw them over and resign, and asked him whether his Cabinet
would not repent in the meantime and wish to stay in.

He answered that it would be entirely in his and Lord Lansdowne's
hands to carry out the proposed arrangements.

We asked him whether it would strengthen his hands if, instead of his
only _accepting_ the task of continuing the Government till the Papal
Measure had been passed, the Queen were to make it a _condition_
in _giving_ him the Commission, that it should terminate then. He
replied, "Certainly." He begged, however, to be understood not to have
given a decided opinion that the plan of "the open Question" proposed
in our Memorandum was not preferable, although he saw great objections
to that also, particularly as Sir J. Graham had reserved the statement
of his principal objections to the Papal Bill for the second reading.
He promised to draw up a Memorandum, which he would bring to-morrow
at twelve o'clock, after having consulted some of his colleagues,
and begged that it might not be considered that he had accepted the
Government till then.

One of the difficulties which we likewise discussed was the position
of the financial measures which required almost immediate attention,
and still ought to be left open for the consideration of the future
Government.

We agreed that the pressing on the Papal Measure was the chief point,
and that it ought to be altered to meet the objections (as far as they
are reasonable) of its opponents, strengthening the declaratory part,
however, to please Lord Stanley; and the Queen promised to call upon
Lord Stanley to give this so modified Bill the support of himself and
his Party, which we thought she could in fairness claim after all that
had happened.

The Queen reiterated her objections to Lord Palmerston, and received
the renewed promise that her wishes should be attended to.

ALBERT.




[Pageheading: A COALITION IMPOSSIBLE]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _3rd March 1851._

Lord John Russell arrived at the hour appointed (twelve o'clock), and
was sorry to inform the Queen that all hope of a Coalition must be
given up. He had found that his Party was very much averse to it. On
proposing to his former colleagues the plan of keeping Office now,
and vacating it after the Aggression Bill had passed, many of them,
amongst which were Lord Grey, Sir Charles Wood, Sir Francis Baring,
declared they would not be _warming-pans_ (an expression used at the
time of the Grey-Grenville Coalition), and would resign at once. The
Duke of Wellington, whose opinion the Queen had asked, had recommended
the return of the old Cabinet to power. He (Lord John) could therefore
only advise that course, although he was conscious that it would be a
very weak Government, and one not likely to last any length of time.

He then read the Memorandum which he had drawn up and which follows
here.[11]

The Queen now asked whether Lord John proposed a modification of
his own Cabinet, to which Lord John replied, None, except perhaps
an exchange of Office between Sir C. Wood and Sir F. Baring, if Sir
Charles were to refuse bringing in a different budget from the one he
had already propounded; he was for maintaining the Income Tax, whilst
Sir Francis was for repealing it by degrees. The Queen then reminded
Lord John of her objections to Lord Palmerston, and his promise
that Lord Palmerston should not again be thrust upon her as Foreign
Secretary. Lord John admitted to the promise, but said he could not
think for a moment of resuming office and either expel Lord Palmerston
or quarrel with him. He (Lord John) was in fact the weakness and Lord
Palmerston the strength of the Government from his popularity with the
Radicals.... He said he was very anxious that he and Lord Lansdowne
should bear the responsibility of removing Lord Palmerston from the
Foreign Office and not the Queen; her refusal now could only go to the
country as a personal objection on her part, and the country would be
left without a Government in consequence. On the Queen's reiterating
that she wanted to keep Lord John and get rid of Lord Palmerston, and
that it was too painful to her to be put into the situation of having
actually to _wish_ the fall of her own Government, Lord John promised
to move Lord Palmerston in the Easter recess, or to resign then
himself if he should meet with difficulties; in the meantime he must
apprise Lord Palmerston of this intention, which he could explain to
him as a wish to make a general modification of his Government. He
would offer him the Lieutenancy of Ireland or the Presidency or lead
in the House of Lords, which Lord Lansdowne would be ready to resign.
He might at that period perhaps get some of the Radicals into office
or some Peelites. The Queen finally entrusted Lord John with the
Government on these conditions.

ALBERT.

    [Footnote 11: _See_ next page.]




[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S ADVICE]

[Pageheading: ECCLESIASTICAL TITLES BILL]


_Memorandum by Lord John Russell._

_3rd March 1851._

Her Majesty having tried in vain the formation of a Government--first,
by Lord Stanley; second, by Lord John Russell, Lord Aberdeen, and
Sir James Graham; third, by Lord Aberdeen; fourth, by Lord Stanley
a second time--had recourse to the advice and opinion of the Duke of
Wellington. The Duke, admitting the great qualifications for office
of the adherents of the late Sir Robert Peel, yet advises the Queen to
restore her former Ministers to office.

But supposing Her Majesty to follow that advice, a further question
naturally arises: the late Government having fallen from want of
Parliamentary support, can they upon their return be in any way
strengthened, and be enabled to carry on the public business with more
power and efficiency?

This might be done in three ways: first, by a Coalition sooner or
later with the Peel Party; secondly, by admitting to office some of
their own Radical supporters; thirdly, by seeking aid from the Party
which has followed Lord Stanley.

The first of these courses appears the most natural. The present
Ministers are agreed with the adherents of Sir Robert Peel on Free
Trade, and on the policy which has regulated our finances of late
years. The difference between them is of a temporary nature. But it
may be doubted whether any strength would be gained by an immediate
junction with that Party.

If such junction took place now, the Ministers coming in must oppose
their colleagues on the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill--an unseemly
spectacle, a source of weakness, and probably the beginning of strife,
which would not end with the Bill in question.

If, on the other hand, the junction were delayed till the
Ecclesiastical Titles Bill is disposed of, the existing Ministry would
be divided into two portions, one of which would have only a temporary
tenure of office. Rumours, cabals, and intrigues would have ample room
to spread their mischief in such a state of things.

But finally the Whig Party in the House of Commons would not be
cordial supporters of the junction; jealousy and discontent would soon
break up the Ministry.

Secondly, by admitting to office some of their Radical supporters.
This course must lead to concessions on measures as well as men, and
those concessions would provoke hostility in other quarters. The great
question of the defence of the country is besides one of too great
importance to be made a matter of compromise.

Third, by seeking aid from the Party which has followed Lord Stanley.
This cannot be done by means of official connection; but something
might be effected by adopting measures calculated to convince the
Landed Interest that their sufferings were not disregarded.

Upon the whole, if the late Ministers are invited by your Majesty to
resume office, the easiest course would be to proceed at once with
the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. That question disposed of, it would
be seen whether the Ministry had sufficient strength to go on; if
they had, they might, as occasion arose, seek assistance from other
quarters, looking to those with whom there is the greatest agreement
of opinion.

Should the Ministry, on the other hand, not receive Parliamentary
support sufficient to enable them to carry on the Government, the
Queen would be in a position to form a new Government free from the
obstacles which have lately been fatal.




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _4th March 1851._

... The Queen was in hopes to have heard from Lord John Russell this
morning relative to what passed in the House of Commons last night.
She wishes likewise to hear what takes place at the meeting of Lord
John's supporters to-day. The Queen must ask Lord John to keep her
constantly informed of what is going on, and of the temper of parties
in and out of Parliament; for no one _can_ deny that the present state
of affairs is most critical; and after all that has happened it
is absolutely necessary that the Queen should not be in a state of
uncertainty, not to say of ignorance, as to what is passing. She can
else not form a just opinion of the position of affairs.




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _4th March 1851._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Pray receive my warmest thanks for two kind letters
of the 28th, and my excuses for the terribly incoherent scrawl of last
Saturday. The _dénouement_ of ten days of the greatest anxiety and
excitement I cannot call satisfactory, for it holds out only the
prospect of another crisis in a very short time, and the so much
wished-for union of Parties has been again frustrated. I have been
speaking _very strongly_ about Lord Palmerston to Lord John, and he
has _promised_ that if the Government should still be in at Easter,
then to make a change.... Lord Stanley can never succeed _until_ he
gives up Protection, which he would do, if the country decides against
him;[12] he has failed solely from the _impossibility_ of finding
_one_ single man capable to take the important Offices. He said last
night to Lord John Russell, "I am _l'homme impossible_; they cannot
come to me again." Still it would be very desirable that there
should be a strong Conservative Party; nothing but the abandonment of
Protection can bring this to pass, and Lord Stanley cannot abandon
it with honour till _after_ the _next Election_. This is the state
of Parties, which is greatly _erschwert_ by the Papal Question, which
divides the Liberals and Conservatives. In short, there _never_ was
_such_ a _complicated_ and difficult state of affairs. Ever your
devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

Stockmar has been an immense comfort to us in our trials, and I hope
you will tell him so.

    [Footnote 12: The Queen's judgment was amply confirmed by the
    events of 1852. See _post_, p. 404. note 1.]




[Pageheading: THE NATIONAL GALLERY]


_Memorandum by the Queen._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _5th March 1851._

The Queen would give every facility to the selection of a good site
for a new National Gallery, and would therefore not object to its
being built on to Kensington Palace or anywhere in Kensington Gardens;
but does not see why it should exactly be placed upon the site of the
present Palace, if not for the purpose of taking from the Crown the
last available set of apartments. She is not disposed to trust in the
disposition of Parliament or the public to give her an equivalent
for these apartments from time to time when emergencies arise. The
surrender of Kensington Palace will most likely not be thanked for at
the moment, and any new demand in consequence of such surrender would
be met with lavish abuse. As to economy in the construction, it will
most likely be best consulted by building on a spot perfectly free and
unencumbered.




_Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert._

CHESHAM PLACE, _14th March 1851._

SIR,--I cannot undertake to make any change in the Foreign Office. Our
Party is hardly reunited, and any break into sections, following one
man or the other, would be fatal to us. I need not say that the Queen
would suffer if it were attributed to her desire, and that as I have
no difference of opinion on Foreign Policy, that could not fail to be
the case.

Upon the whole, the situation of affairs is most perplexing. A
Dissolution I fear would not improve it.

I can only say that my Office is at all times at the Queen's disposal.

I have the honour to be, Sir, your Royal Highness's most dutiful
Servant,

J. RUSSELL.




_Queen Victoria to Sir George Grey._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _30th March 1851._

The Queen approves of the draft of a letter to the Archbishop of
Canterbury. With respect to the Archbishop's letter and the address,
the Queen will receive it in the Closet. It seems strange to propose
as a remedy for the present evils in the Church, and for its evident
great disunion, _600_ more churches to be built! There ought clearly
to be some security given to those who are to encourage such a scheme
against the extension of those evils.




[Pageheading: THE GREAT EXHIBITION]


_Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _19th April 1851._

SIR,--Lord Granville came here yesterday to speak to me upon the order
for opening the Exhibition at one o'clock on the 1st of May. He is
anxious to have the order changed, and the season-ticket bearers
admitted at eleven o'clock.

I did not give him any positive opinion on the subject. But the
account he gave me of the route which the Queen will follow in going
to the Exhibition takes away the main objection which I felt to the
admission of visitors before one o'clock. It appears there cannot well
be any interruption to Her Majesty's progress to and from the Crystal
Palace on the 1st of May.

I conclude that Her Majesty will not go in the State Coach, but in the
same manner that Her Majesty goes in state to the theatres....

I feel assured there will be no undue and inconvenient pressure of the
crowd in the part of the building in which Her Majesty may be. Colonel
Wemyss and Colonel Bouverie might easily be in attendance to request
the visitors not to crowd where the Queen is. At the same time, I am
ready to abide by the existing order, if Her Majesty wishes it to be
enforced.

I have the honour to submit two private letters sent by Lord
Palmerston. I have the honour to be, Sir, your Royal Highness's most
dutiful Servant,

J. RUSSELL.




[Pageheading: THE OPENING CEREMONY]


_The Duchess of Gloucester to Queen Victoria._

GLOUCESTER HOUSE, _2nd May 1851._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--It is impossible to tell you how warmly I do
participate in all you must have felt yesterday, as well as dear
Albert, at everything having gone off so beautifully. After so much
anxiety and the trouble he has had, the joy _must_ be the greater.[13]

The sight from my window was the gayest and the most gratifying to
witness, and to me who loves you so dearly as _I do_, made it the more
delightful. The good humour of all around, the fineness of the
day, the manner you were received in both going and coming from the
Exhibition, was quite perfect. Therefore what must it have been in the
inside of the building!

Mary and George came away in perfect _enchantment_, and every soul I
have seen describes it as the fairest sight that ever was seen and the
best-conducted _fête!_Why, G. Bathurst told me it far surpassed the
_Coronation_ as to magnificence, and we all agreed in rejoicing that
the _Foreigners should_ have witnessed the affection of the _People_
to _you_ and _your Family_, and how the _English people_ do _love_ and
respect the _Crown_. As to Mary, she was in _perfect enchantment_, and
full of how pretty your dear little Victoria looked, and how nicely
she was dressed, and so grateful to your Mother for all her kindness
to her. I should have written to you last night, but I thought I would
not plague you with a letter until to-day, as I think you must have
been tired last night with the _excitement_ of the day. I shall ever
lament the having missed such a sight, but I comfort myself in feeling
sure I could not have followed you (as I ought) when you walked round.
Therefore I was _better_ out of the way. We drank your health at
dinner and _congratulation_ on the _complete success_ of _Albert's
plans_ and _arrangements_, and also dear little Arthur's health. Many
thanks for kind note received last night. Love to Albert. Yours,

MARY.

    [Footnote 13: The Great Exhibition in Hyde Park was opened
    with brilliant ceremony on the 1st of May.]




[Pageheading: THE GREAT EXHIBITION]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _3rd May 1851._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--... I wish you _could_ have witnessed the _1st May
1851_, the _greatest_ day in our history, the _most beautiful_ and
_imposing_ and _touching_ spectacle ever seen, and the triumph of my
beloved Albert. Truly it was astonishing, a fairy scene. Many cried,
and all felt touched and impressed with devotional feelings. It was
the _happiest_, _proudest_ day in my life, and I can think of
nothing else. Albert's dearest name is immortalised with this _great_
conception, _his_ own, and my _own_ dear country _showed_ she was
_worthy_ of it. The triumph is _immense_, for up to the _last hour_
the difficulties, the opposition, and the ill-natured attempts
to annoy and frighten, of a certain set of fashionables and
Protectionists, were immense; but Albert's temper, patience, firmness,
and energy surmounted all, and the feeling is universal. _You_ will
be astounded at this great work when you see it!--the beauty of the
building and the vastness of it all. I can never thank God enough.
I feel _so_ happy, so proud. Our dear guests were much pleased and
impressed. You are right to like the dear Princess, for she is a
noble-minded, warm-hearted, distinguished person, much attached to
you, and who revered dearest Louise. Oh! _how_ I thought of _her_ on
that great day, how kindly she would have rejoiced in our success! Now
good-bye, dearest Uncle. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.




_Queen Victoria to the Emperor of Austria._[14]

PALAIS DE BUCKINGHAM, _5 Mai 1851._

SIRE ET MON BON FRÈRE,--C'est avec un vif empressement que je viens
remercier votre Majesté Impériale des superbes objets de l'industrie
et des arts de votre Empire, que vous avez eu l'extrême bonté de
m'envoyer et qui me seront bien précieux à plus d'un titre d'abord
comme venant de votre Majesté, et puis à cause de leur grande beauté
et comme un souvenir à une époque où il a plu au Tout-Puissant de
permettre une réunion pacifique de tous les peuples du monde et de
leurs produits.

La cérémonie de l'inauguration de l'Exposition a fait une profonde
impression sur mon c[oe]ur et je regrette d'avoir été le seul
Souverain qui ait pu jouir de cette scène à la fois imposante
et parlant au c[oe]ur. Nous avons déjà fait plusieurs visites au
département Autrichien et le Prince et moi avons eu occasion d'admirer
beaucoup les produits qui nous sont venus de vos États. Puisse
leur exposition contribuer à la prospérité du commerce de l'Empire
Autrichien.

Agréez l'expression de ma sincère amitié, qui j'espère pourra un jour
être cimentée par la connaissance personnelle de votre Majesté,
et croyez-moi toujours, Sire, de votre Majesté Impériale, la bonne
S[oe]ur,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 14: Francis Joseph, who became Emperor in December
    1848.]




[Pageheading: DEATH OF MR SHEIL]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _2nd June 1851._

The Queen will see the Judge Advocate on Saturday at three.

The place of the late Mr Mill is already filled up.

Mr Sheil's death is very sudden, and must be a great shock to his
family....

We go to Windsor this afternoon to stay till Friday. We hope that Lord
John Russell's little girl is going on quite well.

The Queen has had good accounts from the dear Princess of Prussia from
Coblentz. Her letter is full of England, her great happiness here,
and her great sorrow at having left it. The Princes have expressed
the same, so this dangerous journey has gone off without _one_ single
unpleasant circumstance, which is very gratifying.

The Prince and Prince Frederic are gone to Berlin, where the statue of
Frederic the Great was to be inaugurated yesterday.




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _18th June 1851._

The Queen returns the papers signed. We are both much pleased at what
Lord John Russell says about the Prince's speech yesterday.[15] It was
on so ticklish a subject that one could not feel sure beforehand
how it might be taken; at the same time the Queen felt sure that the
Prince would say the right thing, from her entire confidence in his
great tact and judgment.

The Queen, at the risk of not appearing sufficiently modest (and yet,
why should a wife ever be modest about her husband's merits?), must
say that she thinks Lord John Russell will admit now that the Prince
is possessed of very extraordinary powers of mind and heart. She feels
so proud at being his wife that she cannot refrain from herself paying
a tribute to his noble character.

    [Footnote 15: The Prince presided at the meeting commemorative
    of the one hundred and fifty years' existence of the Society
    for the Propagation of the Gospel. His speech was warmly
    praised by the Premier.]




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _10th July 1851._

The Queen hastens to tell Lord John Russell how amiably everything
went off last [night], and how enthusiastically we were received by an
almost _fearful_ mass of people in the streets;[16] the greatest order
prevailed, and the greatest and most gratifying enthusiasm.

Not being aware whether Sir George Grey is equal to any business, the
Queen writes to Lord John to direct that a proper letter be written
without delay to the Lord Mayor, expressing not only the Queen's and
Prince's thanks for the splendid entertainment at the Guildhall, but
also our high gratification at the hearty, kind, and enthusiastic
reception we met with during our progress through the City, both
going and returning. Our only anxiety is lest any accident should have
occurred from the great pressure of the dense crowds.

The Queen would likewise wish to know what distinction should be
conferred in honour of the occasion on the Lord Mayor.

    [Footnote 16: A ball in commemoration of the Exhibition took
    place at the Guildhall on the 9th of July.]




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _15th July 1851._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter. She has no
objection on this particular occasion to knight the two Sheriffs, this
year being so memorable a one.

But the Queen would wish it clearly to be _understood_ that they have
no right or claim to be knighted whenever the Queen goes into the
City.

On the occasion of the opening of the Royal Exchange the Sheriffs were
not knighted....

We regret to hear of Lord John's continued indisposition.




[Pageheading: THE DANISH SUCCESSION]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _25th August 1851._

The Queen wishes to draw Lord John Russell's attention to the enclosed
draft, which she does not think can go in its present shape. We argued
in innumerable despatches that the _choice of the successor_ to the
Danish Crown was entirely an internal question for Denmark, in which
foreign Powers could not interfere. Here, however, it is laid down
that the German Diet has no right to treat the succession in Holstein
(a German State) as an _internal_ question, as it ought to be decided
on--not according to the _German law of succession_, but according to
the interests of Europe. Nor is it true, as stated in the despatch,
that the Duke of Augustenburg has _no_ claim to the Danish Crown. His
mother was the daughter of Christian VII. and of Queen Matilda.




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN IN SCOTLAND]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BALMORAL CASTLE, _16th September 1851._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Accept my best thanks for your kind and dear letter
of the 8th. It is a good thing for Leo to begin to follow in your
footsteps, but (if I may speak out plainly), I think that anything
like _fonctions_ and _représentation_ is agreeable and _not_ difficult
to Leo. It is the common contact with his fellow-creatures, the being
put on a par with him, the being brought to feel that he is as much
_one_ of them as any other, in spite of his birth, which I think of
such great importance for him, and I therefore hope you will send him
to _Bonn_.

My letter is terribly _décousu_, for it has been twice interrupted.
I was out the whole day with Albert, in the forest in a perfectly
tropical heat. Since we went to Allt-na-Giuthasach, our little bothy
near Loch Muich on the 12th, the heat of the sun has been daily
increasing, and has reached a pitch which makes it almost sickening to
be out in it, though it is beautiful to behold. The sky these last two
evenings has been like an Italian one, and for the last few days--at
least the last four--without the slightest particle of cloud, and the
sun blazing. With this, not a breath of air. The mountains look quite
crimson and lilac, and everything glows with the setting sun.
The evenings are quite a _relief_. Really one cannot undertake
expeditions, the heat is so great. We thought of you, and wished you
could be here; you would fancy yourself in Italy.

Albert got a splendid stag to-day. I must hastily conclude, hoping
to hear from you that you _will come_. Our moonlights have been
magnificent also. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BALMORAL CASTLE, _22nd September 1851._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I write to you on purpose on this large paper in
order that you may see and admire it. Landseer did it also on purpose,
and I think it is even finer than the other. It is so truly the
character of the noble animal.

That abuse of the poor Orleans family in our papers is abominable,
and Lord John is equally shocked at it, but won't interfere. Don't you
think Joinville should not have left it open for him to accept it, for
it is _impossible_ for _him_ to be _President_ of the French Republic?
Still, I feel convinced that he and they _all_ do what they think best
for _France_.

I must conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.




[Pageheading: CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCHS]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

SHIEL OF ALLT-NA-GIUTHASACH, _30th September 1851._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I write to you from our little bothy in the hills,
which is quite a wilderness--where we arrived yesterday evening after
a long hill expedition to the Lake of Loch Nagar, which is one of the
wildest spots imaginable. It was very cold. To-day it pours so that I
hardly know if we shall be able to get out, or home even. We are
not _snowed_, but _rained up_. Our little Shiel is very snug and
comfortable, and we have got a little piano in it. Lady Douro is with
us.

Many thanks for your kind letter of the 22nd. Our warm, fine weather
left us on the 25th, and we have had storm and snow in the mountains
ever since then.

The position of Princes is no doubt difficult in these times, but
it would be much less so if they would behave honourably and
straightforwardly, giving the people gradually those privileges which
would satisfy all the reasonable and well-intentioned, and would
weaken the power of the Red Republicans; instead of that, _reaction_
and a return to all the tyranny and oppression is the cry and the
principle--and all papers and books are being seized and prohibited,
as in the days of Metternich!...

Vicky was kicked off her pony--a quiet beast--but not the least hurt;
this is more than three weeks ago. Alfred (whom you will recollect
I told you was so terribly heedless and entirely indifferent to all
punishment, etc.) tumbled downstairs last week. He was not seriously
hurt at all, and quite well the next morning, only with a terribly
black, green, and yellow face and very much swelled. He might have
been killed; he is always bent upon self-destruction, and one hardly
knows what to do, for he don't mind being hurt or scolded or punished;
and the very next morning he tried to go down the stairs leaning over
the banisters just as he had done when he fell.

Alas! this will be my last letter but one from the dear Highlands. We
start on the 7th, visiting Liverpool and Manchester on our way back,
and expect to be at Windsor on the 11th.

I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.




[Pageheading: THE HIGHLANDS]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BALMORAL CASTLE, _6th October 1851._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Only two words can I write to you, as we are to
start to-morrow morning. My heart is _bien gros_ at going from here.

I love my peaceful, wild Highlands, the glorious scenery, the
dear good people who are much attached to us, and who feel their
_Einsamkeit_ sadly, very much. One of our Gillies, a young Highlander
who generally went out with me, said, in answer to my observation that
they must be very dull here when we left: "It's just like death come
all at once." In addition to my sorrow at leaving this dear place,
I am in great sorrow at the loss of a dear and faithful, excellent
friend, whom you will sincerely lament--our good Lord Liverpool. He
was well and in the highest spirits with us only six weeks ago, and in
three days he was carried away. I cannot tell you _how_ it has upset
me; I have known him so long, and he was such an intimate friend of
ours. We received the news yesterday.

Many thanks for your kind letter of the 29th. I am glad all went off
so well, but it must have been dreadful to miss dearest Louise.
This time reminds me so much of all our sorrow last year on her dear
account.

VICTORIA R.




_Queen Victoria to Lord Palmerston._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _13th October 1851._

The Queen returns Lord Howden's letter, and thinks that the best
answer to the Queen of Spain's request will be that the Statutes
do not allow the Garter to be bestowed upon a lady; that the Queen
herself possesses no order of knighthood from any country.[17]

With reference to the claim for the King arising out of the Prince
having received the Fleece, it may be well to say that the offer
of the Fleece had in the first instance been declined for fear of
establishing a ground for the necessity of giving the Garter in
return, and was at its second offer accepted by the Prince, together
with the first orders of almost every country, on the understanding
that no return would be expected. It would have been impossible to
give the Garter to every Sovereign, and very difficult to make a
selection. The Queen of Spain ought to be made aware of the fact that
among the reigning Sovereigns, the Emperors of Austria and Brazil,
and the Kings of Sweden, Denmark, Bavaria, Holland, Sardinia, Naples,
Greece, etc., etc., have not got the Garter, although many of them
have expressed a wish for it, and that amongst the Kings Consort, the
King of Portugal, the Queen's first cousin, has not received it yet,
although the Queen has long been anxious to give it to him.

Anything short of these explanations might offend, or leave the claim
open to be repeated from time to time.

    [Footnote 17: The Queen of Spain had expressed a desire
    through Lord Howden to receive the Order of the Garter.]




[Pageheading: EXTENSION OF THE FRANCHISE]


_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

DOWNING STREET, _14th October 1851._

Lord Carlisle, Lord Minto, and Sir Charles Wood are appointed a
Committee to consider of the extension of the Suffrage. They meet
to-morrow. Lord John Russell expects to see Mr Peel to-morrow. It is
proposed that Parliament should meet on the 3rd or 5th of February....




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _14th October 1851._

The Queen does not consider the Committee appointed to consider the
extension of the Franchise a very strong one. Will Lord Carlisle be up
to the peculiar business?




[Pageheading: KOSSUTH IN ENGLAND]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._[18]

WINDSOR CASTLE, _29th October 1851._

The Queen concludes Lord John Russell has read the accounts of
Kossuth's arrival in to-day's papers.

She wishes Lord John could still try to prevent Lord Palmerston from
receiving him. The effect it will have abroad will do us immense harm.
At all events, Lord John should take care to have it understood that
the Government have not sanctioned it, and that it is a private act of
Lord Palmerston's.

The Queen will else have again to submit to insults and affronts,
which are the result of Lord Palmerston's conduct.

    [Footnote 18: Substance of the note to Lord John Russell,
    written down from recollection.]




_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _24th October 1851._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
is sorry to say he can interfere no further with respect to Lord
Palmerston's reception of Kossuth.

With respect to the manner of the reception, however, he will write to
Lord Palmerston to desire him to take care that nothing is said which
goes beyond the strict expression of thanks for the efforts made
by the British Government to procure first the safety, and next the
liberty, of Kossuth.

As for the reception, it is to be considered that Kossuth is
considered the representative of English institutions against
despotism.

If this were so the public feeling would be laudable.




_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _31st October 1851._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has the
honour to submit to your Majesty a correspondence[19] which has taken
place between Lord Palmerston and himself.

After Lord Palmerston's answer, Lord John Russell can have but little
hope that Lord Palmerston will not see M. Kossuth. Lord John Russell
cannot separate the private from the public man in this instance; the
reception of Kossuth, if it takes place, will be a reception by
your Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. Whether that
reception is to take place in Downing Street or Carlton Terrace does
not appear to him material.

Lord John Russell would, as a last resource, humbly advise your
Majesty to command Lord Palmerston not to receive M. Kossuth.

It appears to him that your Majesty owes this mark of respect to
your Majesty's ally, and generally to all States at peace with this
country.

Lord John Russell has no other copy of this letter to Lord Palmerston.

    [Footnote 19: Lord Palmerston wished to receive Kossuth at the
    Foreign Office. In the correspondence here referred to, which
    will be found in Russell's _Life_, the Premier "positively
    requested" Lord Palmerston to decline to receive Kossuth. The
    rejoinder, written while the messenger waited, was: "There are
    limits to all things. I do not choose to be dictated to as to
    who I may or may not receive in my own house.... I shall use
    my own discretion.... You will, of course, use yours as to the
    composition of your Government."]




[Pageheading: KOSSUTH AND PALMERSTON]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _31st October 1851._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter, and returns the
enclosures. She likewise sends him her letter to Lord Palmerston,
which she begs him to send on, merely changing the label. She
must tell Lord John, however, that although _he_ may go on with a
_colleague_, even after having received an answer like the one Lord
Palmerston has returned to the many entreaties not to compromise the
Government by his personal act, the Queen cannot expose herself to
having her positive commands disobeyed by one of her public servants,
and that should Lord Palmerston persist in his intention he cannot
continue as her Minister. She refrains from any expression upon Lord
Palmerston's conduct in this matter, as Lord John is well aware of her
feelings.




_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._[20]

WINDSOR CASTLE, _31st October 1851._

The Queen mentioned to Lord Palmerston when he was last here at
Windsor Castle that she thought it would not be advisable that he
should receive M. Kossuth upon his arrival in England, as being wholly
unnecessary, and likely to be misconstrued abroad. Since M. Kossuth's
arrival in this country, and his violent denunciations of two
Sovereigns with whom we are at peace, the Queen thinks that she owes
it as a mark of respect to her Allies, and generally to all States at
peace with this country, not to allow that a person endeavouring to
excite a political agitation in this country against her Allies should
be received by her Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. Whether
such a reception should take place at his official or private
residence can make no difference as to the public nature of the act.
The Queen must therefore demand that the reception of M. Kossuth by
Lord Palmerston should not take place.

    [Footnote 20: Draft sent to Lord John Russell.]




_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _31st October 1851._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Since
writing to your Majesty this morning it has occurred to him that it
will be best that your Majesty should not give any commands to Lord
Palmerston on his sole advice.

With this view he has summoned the Cabinet for Monday, and he humbly
proposes that your Majesty should await their advice.




[Pageheading: PALMERSTON AND THE QUEEN]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _31st October 1851._

The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letter. She thinks it
natural that Lord John should wish to bring a matter which may cause
a rupture in the Government before the Cabinet, but thinks his having
summoned the Cabinet only for Monday will leave Lord Palmerston at
liberty in the intermediate time to have his reception of Kossuth, and
then rest on his _fait accompli_. Unless, therefore, Lord John
Russell can bind him over to good conduct, all the mischief which
is apprehended from this step of his will result; and he will have,
moreover, the triumph of having carried his point, and having set the
Prime Minister at defiance....




_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _1st November 1851._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he is
deeply sensible of your Majesty's kindness and indulgence. He feels
that he is at times overwhelmed by the importance and variety of the
questions of which the principal weight lies upon him.

He now lays before your Majesty a copy of the letter he has written
to Lord Palmerston.[21] With a grateful sense of your Majesty's
confidence, he is now of opinion that the Cabinet should decide, and
that no part of the burden should be placed upon your Majesty.

He therefore returns the letter to Lord Palmerston.

He summoned the Cabinet for Monday, as so many members of it are at a
distance. He does not think Lord Palmerston will come to town before
Monday.

    [Footnote 21: The letter is printed in Lord Palmerston's
    _Life_. The Premier stated that the question, being one of
    grave public importance, must be decided by argument, not
    passion, and would be considered by the Cabinet on the
    following Monday. _See_ Walpole's _Russell_, chap. xxii.]




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _1st November 1851._

The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell's letter of this day,
and returns the copy of his to Lord Palmerston. She feels that she has
the right and the duty to demand that one of her Ministers should not
by his private acts, compromise her and the country, and therefore
omitted in her letter to Lord Palmerston all reference to Lord John
Russell's opinion; but she of course much prefers that she should
be protected from the wilful indiscretions of Lord Palmerston by the
attention of the Cabinet being drawn to his proceedings without her
personal intervention.[22]

    [Footnote 22: The Cabinet met, and having listened to the
    statement of the Premier, which is printed in his _Life_,
    unanimously supported him. Lord Palmerston accordingly gave
    way for the time being. Lord John informed the Queen of the
    result.]




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _3rd November 1851._

The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letter. She is very
glad to hear that this matter has been amicably arranged, and she
trusts that Lord Palmerston will act according to his promises.




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _11th November 1851._

The Queen sends this draft to Lord John Russell, as she thinks the
tone in which it is written so very ironical, and not altogether
becoming for a public despatch from the English Secretary for Foreign
Affairs, to be given to the Minister of another State. The substance
is quite right, and a dignified explanation of the absurdity of the
conduct of the Parma officials would very likely produce its effect,
but some expressions in this draft could only tend to irritate, and
therefore prevent that readiness to comply with our demand, which is
to be produced.[23]

    [Footnote 23: Before ten days had elapsed, Lord Palmerston had
    resumed his high-handed methods.]




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _20th November 1851._

The Queen must write to-day to Lord John Russell on a subject which
causes her much anxiety. Her feelings have again been deeply wounded
by the official conduct of her Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
since the arrival of M. Kossuth in this country. The Queen feels the
best interests of her people, the honour and dignity of her Crown, her
public and personal obligations towards those Sovereigns with whom
she _professes_ to be on terms of peace and amity, most unjustifiably
exposed. The Queen has unfortunately very often had to call upon Lord
John to check his colleague in the dangerous and unbecoming course
which at various times he has so wilfully persevered in pursuing. But
Lord John Russell, although agreeing on most of these occasions with
the view taken by the Queen, has invariably met her remonstrances with
the plea that to push his interference with Lord Palmerston
beyond what he had done would lead to a rupture with him, and thus
necessarily to a breaking up of the Cabinet. The Queen, considering
a change of her Government under present political circumstances
dangerous to the true interests of the nation, had only to choose
between two evils, without possessing sufficient confidence in her own
judgment to decide which in its political consequences would turn out
the least. But if in such a contingency the Queen chooses rather not
to insist upon what is due to her, she thinks it indispensable at the
same time to express to her Cabinet that she does so on their account,
leaving it to them to reconcile the injuries done to her with that
sound policy and conduct which the maintenance of peace and the
welfare of the country require. These remarks seem to be especially
called for after the report of the official interview between Lord
Palmerston and the deputation from Finsbury,[24] and the Queen
requests Lord John Russell to bring them under the notice of the
Cabinet.

    [Footnote 24: After Kossuth's departure, addresses of thanks
    to Lord Palmerston, for his courteous attentions to Kossuth,
    were voted by ultra-Radical meetings in Finsbury and
    Islington, and he allowed a deputation to present the
    addresses to him at the Foreign Office, the Emperors of
    Austria and Russia being stigmatised therein as "odious and
    detestable assassins" and "merciless tyrants and despots."
    Palmerston, who expressed himself as "extremely flattered and
    highly gratified" by the references to himself, did not in
    terms reprehend the language used of the two Sovereigns, and
    added, in a phrase immortalised by Leech's cartoon, that
    "a good deal of judicious bottle-holding was obliged to be
    brought into play."]




[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S FOREIGN POLICY]


_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _21st November 1851._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He had the
honour of receiving last night your Majesty's communication respecting
Lord Palmerston.

Lord John Russell presumes that it is the substance of this
communication which your Majesty wishes to be laid before the Cabinet.

But before doing so he cannot refrain from mentioning some
circumstances which appear to him to weigh materially in the
consideration of Lord Palmerston's conduct.

In many instances Lord Palmerston has yielded to the remonstrances of
Lord John Russell, supported as they have been by your Majesty.

He did so on the question of furnishing guns to the Sicilians.

He did so in respect to the letter to Baron Koller on the affair of
Count Haynau.

He gave way likewise in this last instance, when, after assuring Lord
Dudley Stuart that he would see Kossuth whenever he chose to call
upon him, he consented to intimate privately to Lord Dudley that he
requested him not to call.

This last concession must have been mortifying to Lord Palmerston,
and he has consoled himself in a manner not very dignified by giving
importance to the inflated addresses from some meetings in the suburbs
of London.

But it appears to Lord John Russell that every Minister must have
a certain latitude allowed him which he may use, perhaps with
indiscretion, perhaps with bad taste, but with no consequence of
sufficient importance to deserve notice.

Lord John Russell must, however, call your Majesty's attention to an
article in the _Morning Post_, which denies the accuracy of the report
of Lord Palmerston's answer to what is there called "the froth and
folly of an address to Downing Street."

Lord John Russell, in admitting that he has more than once represented
to your Majesty that the expulsion of Lord Palmerston would break up
the Government, begs to explain that he has always done so upon one of
two grounds:

First, if Lord Palmerston should be called upon by your Majesty to
resign on account of a line of Foreign Policy of which his colleagues
had approved, and for which they were, with him, responsible.

Second, in case no difference of opinion had arisen, and the
transaction should bear the character of an intrigue, to get rid of an
inconvenient colleague.

It must be remembered that Lord Palmerston was recommended to the late
King by Lord Grey as Foreign Secretary, and remained in that Office
from 1830 to 1834; that he was afterwards replaced in the same Office
by Lord Melbourne, and remained from 1835 to 1841.

He has thus represented the Foreign Policy of the Whig Party fifteen
years, and has been approved not only by them but by a large portion
of the country. In the advice which Lord John Russell has humbly
tendered to your Majesty, he has always had in view the importance
of maintaining the popular confidence which your Majesty's name
everywhere inspires. Somewhat of the good opinion of the Emperor of
Russia and other foreign Sovereigns may be lost, but the good will and
affection of the people of England are retained, a great security in
these times.

Lord John Russell has made out a note of his address to the Cabinet
for your Majesty's information. He prays to have it returned.




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _21st November 1851._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter and returns the note
on his former communication to the Cabinet. If Lord John felt on the
3rd of November that "above all, it behoves us to be particularly
cautious and not to afford just ground of complaint to any Party,
and that we cannot be too vigilant or weigh our proceedings too
scrupulously"--the Queen cannot suppose that Lord John considers the
official reception by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
of addresses, in which allied Sovereigns are called Despots and
Assassins, as within that "latitude" which he claims for every
minister, "which he may use perhaps with indiscretion, perhaps with
bad taste, but with no consequence of sufficient importance to deserve
notice."

The Queen leaves it to Lord John Russell whether he will lay her
letter, or only the substance of it, before the Cabinet;[25] but she
hopes that they will make that careful enquiry into the justice of
her complaint which she was sorry to miss altogether in Lord John
Russell's answer. It is no question with the Queen whether she pleases
the Emperor of Austria or not, but whether she gives him a just ground
of complaint or not. And if she does so, she can never believe that
this will add to her popularity with her own people. Lord John's
letter must accordingly have disappointed her as containing a mere
attempt at a defence of Lord Palmerston. Lord John sees one cause of
excuse in Lord Palmerston's natural desire to console himself for the
mortification of having had to decline seeing M. Kossuth; the Queen
has _every reason to believe_ that he has seen him after all.

    [Footnote 25: On the 4th of December the matter came before
    the Cabinet. No formal resolution was adopted, but regret was
    expressed at Palmerston's want of caution in not ascertaining
    in advance the tenor of the addresses, and in admitting
    unreliable reporters.]




[Pageheading: DEATH OF KING OF HANOVER]


_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _21st November 1851._

The Queen has just received Lord Palmerston's letter with the
Memorandum relative to the mourning of her Uncle, the late King of
Hanover,[26] and she has to say in reply that she thinks the mourning
ought not to be for a Foreign Sovereign but for a Prince of the Blood
Royal, which was the nearest relation in which he stood to the Throne.

    [Footnote 26: King Ernest died on the 18th of November, aged
    eighty, and was succeeded by his son, King George V., who
    reigned till 1866, and died in 1878.]




_Queen Victoria to the King of Hanover._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _21st November 1851._

MY DEAR GEORGE,--Your kind letter of the 18th, announcing to me the
melancholy news of the death of your Father, was given to me yesterday
by Mr Somerset, and I hasten to express to you in both our names our
sincere and heartfelt condolence, and beg you to do so in our names to
our dear Cousin Mary.[27]

It must be a consolation to you that the end of the King was peaceful
and so free from pain and suffering. Most truly do I enter into your
feelings as to the responsible position into which you are now placed,
and my best wishes for your welfare and happiness as well as that of
Hanover will ever accompany you. I am happy to hear from Mr Somerset
that you were well, as well as your dear Mary and dear children.

Albert desires me to say everything kind from him to you as well as
to our cousins, and with every possible good wish for your health and
prosperity, believe me always, my dear George, your very affectionate
Cousin,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 27: Princess Mary of Saxe-Altenburg (1818-1907),
    wife of King George V. of Hanover.]




_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

CARLTON GARDENS, _22nd November 1851._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty and has
taken the proper steps according to your Majesty's commands, about
the mourning for the late King of Hanover; and he would wish to
know whether it is your Majesty's desire that he should have
letters prepared for your Majesty's signature, announcing to Foreign
Sovereigns the decease of the late King.




_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _22nd November 1851._

The Queen has just received Lord Palmerston's letter.

The Queen does not think it necessary for her to announce the King of
Hanover's death to other Sovereigns, as there is a head of that branch
of her Family who would have to do so. She declared the present King's
marriage in Council, but she does not think that she announced it.
This Lord Palmerston would perhaps be able to ascertain at the Office.




[Pageheading: THE REFORM QUESTION]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _3rd December 1851._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of the 30th ult.,
and has carefully considered his Memorandum on the report of
the Committee of the Cabinet; she now returns Sir Charles Wood's
Memorandum.

Considering the question of Reform under its two bearings--on the
Franchise and on the Suffrage--the Queen thinks the proposal of merely
adding neighbouring towns to the small boroughs an improvement on the
original plan, which contemplated the taking away of members from some
boroughs, and giving them to others. Thus the animosity may be hoped
to be avoided which an attack upon vested interests could not
have failed to have produced. Much will depend, however, upon the
completeness, fairness, and impartiality with which the selection of
the towns will be made which are to be admitted into the electoral
district of others. Sir Charles Wood's Memorandum being only a sketch,
the Queen hopes to see a more complete list, stating the principle
also upon which the selection is made.

With regard to the Suffrage, the proposals of the Committee appear
to the Queen to be framed with a due regard to the importance of not
giving an undue proportion of weight to the Democracy. In the
Queen's opinion, the chief question to consider will be whether the
strengthening of the Democratic principle will upset the balance of
Constitution, and further weaken the Executive, which is by no means
too strong at present. The Queen is well aware of the difficulty of
forming a correct estimate beforehand of the moral effect which such
extensive changes may produce, but thinks that they cannot even be
guessed at before the numerical results are accurately ascertained;
she hopes therefore that the statistics will be soon in a state to be
laid before her.

The Queen regrets that the idea of reviving the Guilds had to be
abandoned, but can quite understand the difficulty which would have
been added to the measure by its being clogged with such an additional
innovation.




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _2nd December 1851._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Accept my best thanks for your kind letter of the
28th. I am truly grieved to hear that you have got so bad a cold;
nothing is more trying and annoying than those heavy colds, which
render _all_ occupation irksome and trying in the highest degree. I
hope that it will soon be past.

It is a great pity that you do not venture to come to us, as I am sure
you might do it easily. I do not think that there will be any outburst
yet awhile in France....

I am rather unhappy about dear Uncle Mensdorff, who, I hear, has
arrived at Vienna with gout in his head. I hope, however, soon to hear
of his being much better....




[Pageheading: THE COUP D'ÉTAT]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _4th December 1851._

DEAREST UNCLE,--I must write a line to ask what you say to the
_wonderful_ proceedings at Paris, which really seem like a _story_ in
a book or a play! What is to be the result of it all?[28]

I feel ashamed to have written _so positively_ a few hours before that
nothing would happen.

We are anxiously waiting for to-day's news--though I should hope that
the Troops were to be depended upon, and _order_ for the present would
prevail. I hope that none of the Orleans Family will move a limb or
say a word, but remain perfectly passive.

I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 28: On the 2nd of December, Louis Napoleon seized
    the Government of France, arrested his chief opponents, put
    an end to the National Assembly and Council of State, and
    declared Paris in a state of siege.]




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _4th December 1851._

The Queen has learnt with surprise and concern the events which have
taken place at Paris.[29] She thinks it is of great importance that
Lord Normanby should be instructed to remain entirely passive, and to
take no part whatever in what is passing. Any word from him might be
misconstrued at such a moment.

    [Footnote 29: On the 3rd the tidings of the _coup d'état_
    reached London. Count Walewski announced it to Lord
    Palmerston, who expressed his approval of it, and wrote to
    Lord Normanby the letter printed in his _Life_, disavowing
    surprise that the President had struck the blow when he did,
    "for it is now well known here that the Duchess of Orleans was
    preparing to be called to Paris this week with her younger son
    to commence a new period of Orleans dynasty."]




_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

DOWNING STREET, _4th December 1851._
(6 P.M.)

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Your
Majesty's directions respecting the state of affairs in Paris shall
be followed. Lord Normanby[30] has asked whether he should suspend his
diplomatic functions; but the Cabinet were unanimously of opinion that
he should not do so.

The result is very uncertain; at present the power is likely to rest
in the Army, to whose memory of victories and defeats the President
has so strongly appealed.

    [Footnote 30: Lord Normanby, having applied for instructions
    as to his future conduct, was desired to make no change in his
    relations with the French Government, and to abstain from even
    the appearance of interference in her internal affairs. Having
    made a communication to this effect to M. Turgot, the latter
    replied that M. Walewski had notified to him that Lord
    Palmerston had already expressed to him his "entire
    approbation of the act of the President," and his "conviction
    that he could not have acted otherwise."]




[Pageheading: LOUIS NAPOLEON]


_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _5th December 1851._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--Receive my best thanks for your dear gracious
letter of the 2nd, the date of the battle of Austerlitz, and the _coup
d'état_ at Paris. What do you say to it?

As yet one cannot form an opinion, but I am inclined to think that
Louis Bonaparte will succeed. The country is tired and wish quiet, and
if they get it by this _coup d'état_ they will have no objection, and
let _le Gouvernement Parlementaire et Constitutionnel_ go to sleep for
a while.

I suspect that the great Continental powers will see a military
Government at Paris with pleasure; they go rather far in their hatred
of everything Parliamentary. The President takes a little of Napoleon
already. I understand that he expressed himself displeased, as if I
had too much supported the Orleans Family. I render perfect justice to
the President, that hitherto he has not plagued us; but we have
also abstained from all interference. I think that Hélène has been
imprudent; besides, it is difficult for the poor Family to avoid to
speak on these subjects or to express themselves with mildness.

If something like an Empire establishes itself, perhaps we shall for
a time have much to suffer, as the _gloire française_ invariably looks
to the old frontiers. My hope is that they will necessarily have much
to do at home, for a time, as parties will run high.... Your devoted
Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _6th December 1851._

The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell's letter of yesterday.
She is glad to hear that the Cabinet occupy themselves assiduously
with the Reform Question, but hopes that they will not come to a final
decision without having first ascertained how the proposed plan will
operate when practically applied to the present state of the Franchise
and Suffrage. The Queen is very anxious to arrive at a definite
opinion on this subject herself.

The Queen sees from the Manchester Speeches that the _Ballot_ is to be
made the stalking-horse of the Radicals.




[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON'S LETTERS]


_The Marchioness of Normanby to Colonel Phipps._

PARIS, _7th December 1851._

MY DEAR CHARLES,--I have an opportunity of writing to you _not_
through the Foreign Office, which I shall take advantage of, as at
present the Post is not to be trusted, and I am afraid I do not think
the Office is either.

Palmerston has taken lately to writing in the most extraordinary
manner to Normanby.[31] I think he wants to fix a quarrel with him,
which you may be sure Normanby will avoid at present, as it would have
the worst possible effect; but I do not understand it at all, and I
wish you could in any way explain what it means. Palmerston seems very
angry because Normanby does not unqualifyingly approve of this step
here, and the results; the whole thing is so completely a _coup
d'état_, and all the proceedings are so contrary to and devoid of law
and justice and security, that even the most violent Tory would be
staggered by them. (For instance, to-day _all_ the English papers,
even Normanby's, are stopped and prohibited; they will of course
allow Normanby's to come, but it is to be under an envelope), and yet
Palmerston, who quarrels with all Europe about a political adventurer
like Kossuth, because he was defending the liberties and constitution
of his country, now tries to quarrel with Normanby, and really writes
in the most impertinent manner, because Normanby's despatches are not
sufficiently in praise of Louis Napoleon and his _coup d'état_. There
must be some _dessous des cartes_ that we are not aware of. Normanby
has always said, having been undertaken, the only thing now is to hope
and pray it may be successful; but that is another thing to approving
the way it was begun, or the way it has been carried out. The
bloodshed has been dreadful and indiscriminate, no quarter was shown,
and when an insurgent took refuge in a house, the soldiers killed
every one in the house, whether engaged in the _émeute_ or not....
It is very doubtful whether Normanby will be able to go on with
[Palmerston] if this sort of thing continues, for he talks of "I hear
this" and "I am told that," with reference to Normanby's conduct here,
which no man in his position can stand, as, if Palmerston takes the
_on-dits_ of others, and not Normanby's own accounts, there is an end
of confidence; but I must say his last letter appears to me a sort of
exuberance of anger, which spends itself on many subjects rather than
the one which first caused it, and therefore I suspect he has received
some rap on the knuckles at home, which he resents here, or on the
first person who is not of the same opinion as himself; but it is a
curious anomaly that he should quarrel with Normanby in support of
arbitrary and absolute Government. All is quiet here now, and will, I
hope, continue so till the Elections, when I suppose we may have some
more _émeutes_....

They have been told at the Clubs that they may meet, but they are
not to talk politics. In short, I do not suppose that despotism ever
reached such a pitch.... You may suppose what the French feel; it
serves them all quite right, but that does not prevent one's feeling
indignant at it. And this is what Palmerston is now supporting without
restriction. We are entirely without any other news from England
from any one. Would you not send me or Normanby a letter through
Rothschild? I am rather anxious to know whether this is a general
feeling in England; it could not be, if they know all that had
happened here. Mind, I can quite understand the policy of keeping well
with Louis Napoleon, and Normanby is so, and has never expressed to
any one a hostile opinion except in his despatches and private letters
to Palmerston.... I shall send this by a private hand, not to run the
risk of its being read. Ever yours affectionately,

M. NORMANBY.

    [Footnote 31: On the 6th, Lord Palmerston wrote to Lord
    Normanby the strange letter printed by Mr Evelyn Ashley in the
    _Life_, censuring Lord Normanby's supposed hostility to
    the French President; Lord Normanby in reply defended his
    attitude, and asked for an explicit statement as to the
    Foreign Secretary's approval or otherwise of the conduct and
    policy of the President.]




[Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN FRANCE]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _9th December 1851._

DEAREST UNCLE,--Your kind letter of the 5th reached me on Sunday
morning. Much blood has been shed since you wrote....

What you say about arbitrary and military Government in France is very
true, and I daresay will do for a time; but I do not know _how_ Louis
Napoleon is to proceed, or how he will get over the anger and enmity
of those he imprisoned. Still, I see that the Legitimists have all
given in their adhesion. Every one in France and elsewhere _must wish_
order, and many therefore rally round the President.

A most extraordinary report was mentioned to me yesterday, which,
however, I never could believe, and which is besides _physically
impossible_, from the illness of the one and the absence of the other,
viz. that Joinville and Aumale had gone or were going to Lille to put
themselves at the head of the troops,[32] which would be a terrible
and a very unwise thing. It would be very awkward for _you_ too.

I must now conclude, hoping soon to hear from you. You should urge the
poor Orleans family to be very prudent in what they say about passing
events, as I believe Louis Napoleon is very _sore_ on the subject, and
matters might get still worse. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 32: Mr Borthwick, of the _Morning Post_, had so
    stated to Lord Palmerston on the authority of General de
    Rumigny; seven years later Palmerston wrote the Memorandum on
    the subject printed in his _Life_.]




[Pageheading: PALMERSTON AND NORMANBY]

[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON'S INSTRUCTIONS]

[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON'S APPROVAL]


_The Marchioness of Normanby to Colonel Phipps._[33]

PARIS, _9th December 1851._

MY DEAREST CHARLES,--I had written a long letter to the Queen, and
upon second thoughts I have burnt it, because events have now become
so serious between Normanby and Palmerston that I do not think that I
should be the person to inform Her Majesty of it, in case anything was
to be said upon the subject in Parliament. And yet as the affront has
been given in Palmerston's private letters, I feel sure she does not
know it. You have all probably seen Normanby's public despatches, in
which, though as an Englishman he deprecates and deplores the means
employed and the pledges broken--in short, the unconstitutional
illegality of the whole _coup d'état_--yet he always says, seeing now
no other refuge from Rouge ascendency, he hopes it may succeed. One
would have supposed, from the whole tenor of his policy, from his
Radical tendencies, and all that he has been doing lately, that
Palmerston would have been the last person to approve of this _coup
d'état_. Not a bit! He turns upon Normanby in the most flippant
manner; almost accuses him of a concealed knowledge of an Orleanist
plot--never whispered here, nor I believe, even imagined by the
Government of Paris, who would have been too glad to seize upon it
as an excuse; says he compromises the relations of the country by his
evident disapproval of Louis Napoleon--in short, it is a letter that
Morny might have written, and that it is quite impossible for Normanby
to bear. The curious thing is that it is a letter or rather letters
that would completely ruin Palmerston with _his_ Party. He treats all
the acts of the wholesale cruelties of the troops as a joke--in short,
it is the letter of a man half mad, I think, for to quarrel with
Normanby on this subject is cutting his own throat.... He has written
also to Lord John. Louis Napoleon knows perfectly well that Normanby
cannot approve the means he has taken; he talks to him confidentially,
and treats him as an honest, upright man, and he never showed him
more attention, or friendship even than last night when we were at the
Elysée, though Normanby said not one word in approval....

There is another question upon which Normanby has a right to complain,
which is, that two days before Palmerston sent his instructions here,
he expressed to Walewski his complete approval of the step taken by
Louis Napoleon, which was transmitted by Walewski in a despatch to
Turgot, and read by him to many members of the Corps Diplomatique a
day before Normanby heard a word from Palmerston. You will perhaps
think that there is not enough in all this to authorise the grave step
Normanby has taken, but the whole tone of his letters shows such a
want of confidence, is so impertinent--talk of "we hear this," and "we
are told that,"--bringing a sort of anonymous gossip against a man of
Normanby's character and standing, that respect for himself obliges
Normanby to take it up seriously.... In the meantime our Press in
England is, as usual, _too_ violent against Louis Napoleon. _We_
have no friends or true allies left, thanks to the policy of Lord
Palmerston; as soon as the peace of the country is restored the Army
_must_ be employed; it is the course of a Military Government; as
much as an absolute Government is destroyed by the people, and the
democracy again, when fallen into anarchy, is followed by Military
Government. Louis Napoleon must maintain his position by acts: they
will find out that Belgium should belong to France, or Alsace, or
Antwerp, or something or other that England will not be able to allow,
and then how are we prepared for the consequences?...

The more I think of Palmerston's letters, the less I can understand
them; every sentence is in direct contradiction to his acts and words.
He ridicules the idea of the Constitution; turns to scorn the idea of
anything being due to the Members of the Assembly; laughs and jokes at
the Club being fired into, though the English people in it were
within an ace of being murdered by the soldiers; says that Normanby
is pathetic over a broken looking-glass,[34] forgetting that the same
bullet grazed the hand of an Englishman, "_a Roman citizen!_" who was
between the window and the glass--in short, as I said before, he is
quite incomprehensible, except, as I cannot help thinking, he read the
private letter Normanby wrote to the Duke of Bedford upon the Kossuth
business, wishing to take his advice a little upon a grave question,
but which did not actually interfere with his position here. This
would account for his extreme irritation....

All at present is quiet in Paris. There are Socialist risings in many
parts of the country, but all these will do the President good, and
strengthen his hands, for even the people who have been treated
with indignity will pardon him if their châteaux are saved from an
infuriated and brutal peasantry. The President told Normanby last
night that the accounts of the cruelties and attacks in parts of
the country were very serious, but he hoped they would soon be put
down....

M. NORMANBY.[35]

    [Footnote 33: Submitted to the Queen by Colonel Phipps.]

    [Footnote 34: The tone of Lord Palmerston's private letters
    to Lord Normanby at this time is best illustrated by the
    following extract:--

    "Your despatches since the event of Tuesday have been all
    hostile to Louis Napoleon, with very little information as to
    events. One of them consisted of a dissertation about
    Kossuth, which would have made a good article in the _Times_
    a fortnight ago: and another dwells chiefly on a looking-glass
    broken in a Club-house; and you are pathetic about a piece
    of broken plaster brought down from a ceiling by musket-shots
    during the street fights. Now we know that the Diplomatic
    Agents of Austria and Russia called on the President
    immediately after his measure on Tuesday morning, and
    have been profuse in their expressions of approval of his
    conduct."]

    [Footnote 35: Lady Normanby wrote later:--

    "I told you yesterday the President had no faith in him
    (Palmerston). The Treaty signed with Buenos Ayres, the Greek
    business, and the reception of Kossuth had long destroyed his
    confidence in Palmerston, and I believe he hates him and sees
    through his present adulations...."]




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _13th December 1851._

The Queen sends the enclosed despatch from Lord Normanby to Lord John
Russell, from which it appears that the French Government _pretend to
have received_ the entire approval of the late _coup d'état_ by the
British Government, as conveyed by Lord Palmerston to Count Walewski.
The Queen cannot believe in the truth of the assertion, as such
an approval given by Lord Palmerston would have been in complete
_contradiction_ to the line of strict neutrality and passiveness which
the Queen had expressed her desire to see followed with regard to the
late convulsion at Paris, and which was approved by the Cabinet, as
stated in Lord John Russell's letter of the 6th inst. Does Lord
John know anything about the alleged approval, which, if true, would
_again_ expose the honesty and dignity of the Queen's Government in
the eyes of the world?[36]

    [Footnote 36: On the 15th, Lord Normanby wrote to Lord
    Palmerston that he must now assume M. Walewski's report to be
    correct, and observed that if the Foreign Secretary held one
    language in Downing Street and prescribed another course
    to the British Ambassador, the latter must be awkwardly
    circumstanced. Lord Palmerston (in a letter not shown to
    the Queen or the Cabinet) replied that he had said nothing
    inconsistent with his instructions to Lord Normanby, that the
    President's action was for the French nation to judge of,
    but that in his view that action made for the maintenance of
    social order in France.]




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _13th December 1851._

MY BELOVED UNCLE,--These lines are to express my _very warmest_ wishes
for _many, many happy_ returns of your dear birthday, and for _every_
earthly blessing you _can_ desire. How I wish you could spend it
_here_, or we with you! I venture to send you some trifles which
will recall the Exhibition in which you took so much interest. The
continuation of the work I send you, I shall forward as it comes out.

As I wrote so lately, and shall do so on Tuesday, I will not touch on
politics--with one exception--that I think it of high importance that
the Orleans should clear themselves of _all_ suspicion of a _plot_,
which _some people_, I am sure, wish to make it _appear_ they _are_
involved in; and that public contradiction should be given to the
foolish report, _much_ credited _here_, that Joinville has gone
to Lille, or to some part of France, to head the Troops. Ever your
devoted Niece and Child,

VICTORIA R.

How you will _again_ miss your departed Angel!




[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON'S EXPLANATION]


_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

WOBURN ABBEY, _18th December 1851._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He
received from Lord Palmerston yesterday an explanation of his
declaration of opinion to Mr Walewski, which Lord John Russell regrets
to state was quite unsatisfactory.

He thought himself compelled to write to Lord Palmerston in the most
decisive terms.

Lord Palmerston requested that his letter might be returned to be
copied.

The whole correspondence shall be submitted to your Majesty.

Your Majesty will find in the box a despatch of Lord Normanby of the
15th, and an answer of Lord Palmerston of the 16th,[37] which has been
sent without your Majesty's sanction, or the knowledge of Lord John
Russell.

    [Footnote 37: The letters are given in full in Ashley's
    _Life of Lord Palmerston_, vol. i. chap. vii., were Lord
    Palmerston's explanation of the 16th, in answer to the
    Premier's letter of the 14th, will also be found.]




_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _19th December 1851._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--Receive my warmest and best thanks for your
truly kind and gracious recollection of my old birthday, and your
amiable presents.

Our angelic Louise had quite _un culte_ for that day, and two have
already passed since the best and noblest of hearts beats no longer
amongst us. When one sees the haste and ardour of earthly pursuits,
and how all this is often disposed of, and when one sees that even the
greatest success always ends with the grave, one is tempted to
wonder that the human race should follow so restlessly bubbles
often disappearing just when reached, and always being a source of
never-ending anxiety. France gives, these sixty years, the proof of
the truth of what I say, always believing itself at the highest point
of perfection and changing it a few weeks afterwards.

A military Government in France, if it really gets established, must
become dangerous for Europe. I hope that at least at its beginning it
will have enough to do in France, and that we may get time to prepare.
England will do well not to fall asleep, but to keep up its old energy
and courage.... Your truly devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.




[Pageheading: DISMISSAL OF LORD PALMERSTON]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _19th December 1851._

The Queen has received several communications from Lord John Russell,
but has not answered them, as she expected daily to hear of Lord
Palmerston's answer. As Lord John Russell in his letter of yesterday's
date promises to send her his correspondence with Lord Palmerston,
she refrains from expressing a decided opinion until she has had an
opportunity of perusing it; but Lord John will readily conceive what
must be her feelings in seeing matters go from bad to worse with
respect to Lord Palmerston's conduct!




[Pageheading: LORD GRANVILLE]


_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

WOBURN ABBEY, _19th December 1851._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to submit to your Majesty a correspondence with Viscount
Palmerston, which terminates with a letter of this day's date.

Lord John Russell has now to advise your Majesty that Lord Palmerston
should be informed that your Majesty is ready to accept the Seals of
Office, and to place them in other hands.

Lord John Russell has summoned a Cabinet for Monday.

They may be of opinion that they cannot continue a Government.

But that is not Lord John Russell's opinion; and should they agree
with him, he will proceed without delay to recommend a successor to
your Majesty.

The Earl Granville appears to him the person best calculated for
that post, but the Cabinet may be of opinion that more experience is
required.




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _20th December 1851._

The Queen found on her arrival here Lord John Russell's letter,
enclosing his correspondence with Lord Palmerston, which she has
perused with that care and attention which the importance and gravity
of the subject of it demanded. The Queen has now to express to Lord
John Russell her readiness to follow his advice, and her acceptance of
the resignation of Lord Palmerston. She will be prepared to see Lord
John after the Cabinet on Monday, as he proposes.




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _20th December 1851._

With respect to a successor to Lord Palmerston, the Queen must
state, that after the sad experience which she has just had of the
difficulties, annoyances, and dangers to which the Sovereign may be
exposed by the personal character and qualities of the Secretary for
Foreign Affairs, she must reserve to herself the unfettered right to
approve or disapprove the choice of a Minister for this Office.

Lord Granville, whom Lord John Russell designates as the person best
calculated for that post, would meet with her entire approval. The
possible opinion of the Cabinet that more experience was required does
not weigh much with the Queen. From her knowledge of Lord Granville's
character, she is inclined to see no such disadvantage in the
circumstance that he has not yet had practice in managing Foreign
Affairs, as he will be the more ready to lean upon the advice and
judgment of the Prime Minister where he may have diffidence in his
own, and thereby will add strength to the Cabinet by maintaining unity
in thought and action. The Queen hopes Lord John Russell will not omit
to let her have copies of his correspondence with Lord Palmerston, as
he has promised her.[38]

    [Footnote 38: On the same day the Prince wrote to the Premier
    that the Queen was much relieved. She had contemplated
    dismissing Lord Palmerston herself, but naturally shrank from
    using the power of the Crown, as her action would have been
    criticised without the possibility of making a public defence;
    in his view the Cabinet was rather strengthened than otherwise
    by Palmerston's departure, and public sympathy would not be
    with him. The rest of the letter is published in _The Life of
    the Prince Consort_.]





_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _21st December 1851._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of to-day. She is
not the least afraid of Lord Granville's not possessing sufficient
public confidence for him to undertake the Foreign Affairs. He is very
popular with the House of Lords, with the Free Traders, and the Peace
party, and all that the Continent knows of him is in his favour; he
had great success at Paris last summer, and his never having had
an opportunity of damaging his character by having been mixed up in
diplomatic intrigues is an immense advantage to him in obtaining the
confidence of those with whom he is to negotiate.




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _23rd December 1851._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have the greatest pleasure in announcing to you
a piece of news which I know will give you as much satisfaction and
relief as it does to us, and will do to the _whole_ of the world.
_Lord Palmerston_ is _no longer Foreign Secretary_--and Lord Granville
is already named his successor!! He had become of late really quite
reckless, and in spite of the serious admonition and caution he
received only on the 29th of November, and again at the beginning
of December, he _tells_ Walewski that _he entirely_ approves Louis
Napoleon's _coup d'état_, when he had written to Lord Normanby by my
and the Cabinet's desire that he (Lord Normanby) was to continue his
diplomatic intercourse with the French Government, but to _remain_
perfectly passive and give _no_ opinion. Walewski wrote Palmerston's
opinion (entirely contrary to what the Government had ordered) to M.
Turgot, and when Normanby came with his instructions, Turgot told him
what Palmerston had said. Upon this Lord John asked Palmerston to give
an explanation--which, after the delay of a week, he answered in such
an unsatisfactory way that Lord John wrote to him that _he could no
longer remain Foreign Secretary_, for that perpetual misunderstanding
and breaches of decorum were taking place which endangered the
country. Lord Palmerston answered instantly that he would give up the
Seals the moment his successor was named! Certain as we all felt that
he could not have continued long in his place, we were quite taken by
surprise when we learnt of the _dénouement_.... Lord Granville will, I
think, do extremely well, and his extreme honesty and trustworthiness
will make him _invaluable_ to us, and to the Government and to Europe.

I send some prints, etc., for the children for Christmas. Ever your
devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.




[Pageheading: MEETING OF THE CABINET]

[Pageheading: LORD CLARENDON]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _23rd December 1851._

Lord John Russell arrived here at six o'clock yesterday evening
immediately from the Cabinet, and reported that the Cabinet had,
without a dissenting voice, condemned Lord Palmerston's conduct, and
approved of the steps taken by Lord John Russell, which was a great
relief to him. Lord Lansdowne, to whom he had first written on the
subject, had frightened him by answering that it was not possible
to avoid the rupture with Lord Palmerston, but that he thought the
Government would after this not be able to go on. When, however, this
question was discussed in Cabinet, and Lord John had stated that
he thought the Office could be well filled, they all agreed in the
propriety of going on. The Members of the Cabinet were so unable to
understand Lord Palmerston's motives for his conduct during these last
months, that Mr. Fox Maule started an idea which once occurred to Lord
John himself (as he said), viz. that he must have had the design
to bring on a rupture! Lord Minto, who was absent from the Cabinet,
expressed himself in a letter to Lord John very strongly about Lord
Palmerston's _reckless conduct_, which would yet undo the country.

Lord John, after having received the concurrence of the Cabinet on the
question of Lord Palmerston's dismissal, stated that Lord Granville
was the person whom he would like best to see fill his office, and
he knew this to be the feeling of the Queen also. The Cabinet quite
agreed in Lord Granville's fitness, but Sir George Grey stated it as
his opinion that it ought first to be offered to Lord Clarendon, who
has always been pointed out by the public as the proper person to
succeed Lord Palmerston, and that, if he were passed over, the whole
matter would have the appearance of a Cabinet intrigue in favour of
one colleague against another. The whole of the Cabinet sided with
this opinion, and Lord John Russell now proposed to the Queen that an
offer should in the first instance be made to Lord Clarendon.

The Queen protested against the Cabinet's taking upon itself the
appointment of its own Members, which rested entirely with the
Prime Minister and the Sovereign, under whose approval the former
constructed his Government.... Lord John replied that he thought Lord
Clarendon would not accept the offer, and therefore there would be
little danger in satisfying the desires of the Cabinet. He had written
to Lord Clarendon a cautioning letter from Woburn, apprising him of
some serious crisis, of which he would soon hear, and speaking of his
former wish to exchange the Lord-Lieutenancy for some other Office.
Lord Clarendon at once perceived the drift of the hint, and wrote
to the Duke of Bedford what he said he did not wish to write to his
brother John, that, if it was that Palmerston was going, and _he_ were
thought of as a successor, nothing would be so disagreeable to him,
as the whole change would be put down as an intrigue of his, whom Lord
Palmerston had always accused of wishing to supplant him; that if,
however, the service of the country required it, he had the courage to
face all personal obloquy....

Lord John owned that Sir George Grey's chief desire was to see Lord
Clarendon removed from Ireland, having been there so long; the
Cabinet would wish to see the Duke of Newcastle join the Government
as Lord-Lieutenant, which he might be induced to do. The Queen having
mentioned Lord Clarendon as most fit to succeed Lord Lansdowne one
day as President of the Council and leader in the House of Lords, Lord
John said that Lord Clarendon had particularly begged not to have the
position offered him, for which he did not feel fit. Lord John would
like him as Ambassador at Paris, and thought Lord Clarendon would
like this himself; but it was difficult to know what to do with Lord
Normanby.

In the course of the conversation, Lord John congratulated the
Queen upon the change having been accomplished without her personal
intervention, which might have exposed her to the animosity of Lord
Palmerston's admirers, whilst she would have been precluded from
making any public defence. I reminded Lord John that, as such was the
disadvantage of the regal position, it behoved the Queen doubly to
watch, lest she be put into the same dilemma with a new Minister,
whose conduct she could not approve of. Lord Clarendon's appointment
would be doubly galling to Lord Palmerston, whom Lord John might not
wish to irritate further, a consideration which Lord John said he had
also pressed upon the Cabinet. Upon a remark from Lord John as to Lord
Granville's youth, the Queen replied: "Lord Canning, whom Lord Stanley
had intended to make his Foreign Secretary, was not older...."

The conference ended by Lord John's promise to write to Lord Clarendon
as the Queen had desired ... but that he did not wish to make the
offer to Lord Granville till he had Lord Clarendon's answer.
Lord Granville had been told not to attend the last Cabinet; Lord
Palmerston had naturally stayed away.

I went up to Town at half-past seven to the Westminster Play, and took
Lord John in my train to Richmond. We had some further conversation in
the carriage, in which I asked Lord John whether it was true that
Lord Palmerston had got us likewise into a quarrel with America by our
ships firing at Panama upon an American merchantman; he said neither
he nor Sir Francis Baring had received any news, but Sir Francis had
been quite relieved by Lord Palmerston's quitting, as he could not be
sure a moment that his Fleets were not brought into some scrape!

On my expressing my conviction that Lord Palmerston could not be very
formidable to the Government, Lord John said: "I hope it will not
come true what Lord Derby (then Lord Stanley) said after the last
Ministerial crisis, when Lord John quizzed him at not having been
able to get a Foreign Secretary--'Next time I shall have Lord
Palmerston.'!"

ALBERT.




[Pageheading: COUNT WALEWSKI]


_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

DOWNING STREET, _23rd December 1851._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has
just seen Count Walewski; he told him that he had an important piece
of intelligence to give him; that your Majesty had been pleased to
make a change in the Foreign Office, and to direct Lord Palmerston to
give up the Seals.

He wished to give this intelligence that he might accompany it with an
intimation that the policy towards France would continue to be of the
most friendly character, and that there was nothing the Government
more desired than to see a stable and settled Government in France;
that they had every wish for the stability of the present French
Government. Count Walewski said he had received various assurances of
opinion from Lord Palmerston, which he supposed were adopted by Lord
John Russell, and subsisted in force.

Lord John Russell said: "Not exactly; it is a principle of the English
Government not to interfere in any way with the internal affairs
of other countries; whether France chooses to be a Republic or a
Monarchy, provided it be not a Social Republic, we wish to express no
opinion; we are what we call in England a sheet of white paper in this
respect; all we desire is the happiness and welfare of France." Count
Walewski said it was of importance to the stability of the
President that he should have a large majority; he would then give a
Constitution.

Lord John Russell said each nation must suit itself in this respect;
we have perhaps been in error in thinking our Constitution could
be generally adopted; some nations it may suit, others may find it
unfitted for them.




[Pageheading: LORD GRANVILLE APPOINTED]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _23rd December 1851._

The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letters, and is much
rejoiced that this important affair has been finally so satisfactorily
settled.

The Queen returns Lord Clarendon's letter, which she thinks a very
good one.[39] The Queen hopes Count Walewski will have been satisfied,
which she thinks he ought to be. The Queen will receive Lord
Palmerston to deliver up the Seals, and Lord Granville to receive
them, on Friday at half-past two.

    [Footnote 39: Lord Clarendon, in answer to Lord John Russell,
    expressed great reluctance to undertake the charge of
    the Foreign Office, on the ground that Palmerston, always
    suspicions of him, would insist that he had deliberately
    undermined his position: while Lord Granville would be popular
    with the Court and country.]




_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

DOWNING STREET, _24th December 1851._

Lord John Russell submits a private note of Lord Palmerston,[40] which
only shows how unconscious he was of all that the rest of the world
perceived.

    [Footnote 40: In this letter, Lord Palmerston denied the
    "charge of violations of prudence and decorum," adding, "I
    have to observe that that charge is refuted by the offer
    which you made of the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland, because I
    apprehend that to be an office for the due performance of the
    duties of which prudence and decorum cannot well be dispensed
    with."]




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _25th December 1861._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letters, and she returns
the enclosures.

The articles in the _Times_ are very good; the other papers seem quite
puzzled, and unable to comprehend what has caused Lord Palmerston's
removal from office. Lord Palmerston's letter is very characteristic;
he certainly has the best of the argument, and great care ought to be
taken in bestowing any praise on him, as he always takes advantage of
it to turn against those who meant it merely to soothe him. The Queen
thought that there must be a Council for the swearing in of the new
Secretary of State.




[Pageheading: LORD GRANVILLE]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _27th December 1851._

Yesterday the Council was held, at which the change of Seals was to
take place. We waited for one hour and a half, but Lord Palmerston did
not appear; his Seals had been sent from the Foreign Office to Lord
John Russell!

Lord John told us he had written to Lord Palmerston, announcing
him the appointment of Lord Granville, and added that in his long
political life he had not passed a week which had been so painful to
him. Lord Palmerston's answer was couched in these terms: "Of course
you will believe that I feel that just indignation at the whole
proceeding which it must produce."

Lord Lansdowne seemed anxious particularly on account of the
clear symptoms appearing from the papers that both Radicals and
Protectionists are bidding for Lord Palmerston.

Lord Granville was very much overcome when he had his audience to
thank for his appointment, but seemed full of courage and good-will.
He said it would be as easy to him to avoid Lord Palmerston's faults
as difficult to imitate his good qualities, promised to endeavour to
establish a more decent usage between the Governments in their mutual
communications, by setting the good example himself, and insisting
upon the same on the part of the others; promised not to have anything
to do with the newspapers; to give evening parties, just as Lord
Palmerston had done, to which a good deal of his influence was to
be attributed. He said a Member of Parliament just returned from the
Continent had told him that an Englishman could hardly show himself
without becoming aware of the hatred they were held in; the only
chance one had to avoid being insulted was to say _Civis Romanus non
sum_.

Lord Granville had been Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs under Lord
Palmerston for three years from 1837-40, but, as he expressed himself,
rather the sandwich between his principal and the clerks. Lord
Palmerston had in these three years hardly once spoken to him upon any
of the subjects he had to treat.

ALBERT.




[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S ABSENCE EXPLAINED]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _27th December 1851._

The Queen forgot to remind Lord John Russell yesterday of his
correspondence with Lord Palmerston, which he promised to let her
have.

The Queen concludes from what Lord John said yesterday that
he intended sounding the Duke of Newcastle relative to the
Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland.

Has Lord John ascertained the cause of Lord Palmerston's absence
yesterday? If it was not accidental, she must say she thinks it most
disrespectful conduct towards his Sovereign.




_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _27th December 1851._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
submits a letter of Lord Palmerston, which explains his not going to
Windsor. It appears to have arisen from a mistake in the message
sent through Lord Stanley, and not from any want of respect to your
Majesty.




_Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell._

CARLTON GARDENS, _27th December 1851._

MY DEAR JOHN RUSSELL,--I am distressed beyond measure by the note
from you which I have this moment received on my arrival here from
Hampshire. I understood from Stanley that you had desired him to tell
me that if it was inconvenient for me to come up yesterday, I might
send the Seals to you at Windsor, and that my presence would be
dispensed with.[41] Thereupon I sent the Seals up by an early train
yesterday morning to Stanley, that he might send them down to you
as suggested by you, and I desired that they might be taken by a
messenger by the special train.

I shall be very much obliged to you if you will have the goodness to
explain this matter to the Queen, and I beg you to assure Her Majesty
how deeply grieved I am that what appears to have been a mistake on my
part should have led me to be apparently wanting in due respect to
Her Majesty, than which nothing could possibly be further from my
intention or thoughts. Yours sincerely,

PALMERSTON.

    [Footnote 41: There is a fuller account given of Lord
    Palmerston's version of the whole affair in a letter to his
    brother, printed in Ashley's _Life of Lord Palmerston_, vol.
    i. p. 315.]




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN ON FOREIGN POLICY]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _28th December 1851._

The Queen thinks the moment of the change in the person of Secretary
of State for Foreign Affairs to afford a fit opportunity to have the
principles upon which our Foreign Affairs have been conducted since
the beginning of 1848 reconsidered by Lord John Russell and his
Cabinet.

The Queen was fully aware that the storm raging at the time on the
Continent rendered it impossible for any statesman to foresee with
clearness and precision what development and direction its elements
would take, and she consequently quite agreed that the line of policy
to be followed, as the most conducive to the interests of England,
could then only be generally conceived and vaguely expressed.

But although the Queen is still convinced that the general principles
laid down by Lord John at that time for the conduct of our Foreign
Policy were in themselves right, she has in the progress of the last
three years become painfully convinced that the manner in which they
have been _practically applied_ has worked out very different results
from those which the correctness of the principles themselves had led
her to expect. For when the revolutionary movements on the Continent
had laid prostrate almost all its Governments, and England alone
displayed that order, vigour, and prosperity which it owes to a
stable, free, and good Government, the Queen, instead of earning the
natural good results of such a glorious position, viz. consideration,
goodwill, confidence, and influence abroad, obtained the very reverse,
and had the grief to see her Government and herself treated on many
occasions with neglect, aversion, distrust, and even contumely.

Frequently, when our Foreign Policy was called in question, it has
been said by Lord John and his colleagues that the principles on which
it was conducted were the right ones, and having been approved of
by them, received their support, and that it was only the _personal
manner_ of Lord Palmerston in conducting the affairs which could be
blamed in tracing the causes which led to the disastrous results the
Queen complains of.

The Queen is certainly not disposed to defend the personal manner in
which Lord Palmerston has conducted Foreign Affairs, but she cannot
admit that the errors he committed were merely _faults in form
and method_, that they were no more than acts of "inconsideration,
indiscretion, or bad taste." The Queen considers that she has also to
complain of what appeared to her deviations from the principles laid
down by the Cabinet for his conduct, nay, she sees distinctly in their
practical application a _personal and arbitrary perversion_ of the
very nature and essence of those principles. She has only to refer
here to Italy, Spain, Greece, Holstein, France, etc., etc., which
afford ample illustrations of this charge.

It was one thing for Lord Palmerston to have attempted such
substantial deviations; it will be another for the Cabinet to consider
whether they had not the power to check him in these attempts.

The Queen, however, considering times to have now changed, thinks that
there is no reason why we should any longer confine ourselves to the
mere assertion of abstract principles, such as "non-intervention in
the internal affairs of other countries," "moral support to liberal
institutions," "protection to British subjects," etc., etc. The moving
powers which were put in operation by the French Revolution of 1848,
and the events consequent on it, are no longer so obscure; they
have assumed distinct and tangible forms in almost all the countries
affected by them (in France, in Italy, Germany, etc.), and upon the
state of things now existing, and the experience gained, the Queen
would hope that our Foreign Policy may be _more specifically defined_,
and that it may be considered how the general principles are to be
practically adapted to our peculiar relations with each Continental
State.

The Queen wishes therefore that a regular programme embracing these
different relations should be submitted to her, and would suggest
whether it would not be the best mode if Lord John were to ask Lord
Granville to prepare such a paper and to lay it before her after
having revised it.

This would then serve as a safe guide for Lord Granville, and enable
the Queen as well as the Cabinet to see that the Policy, as in future
to be conducted, will be in conformity with the principles laid down
and approved.




_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _29th December 1851._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has
received your Majesty's communication of yesterday, and will transmit
it to Lord Granville.

It is to be observed, however, that the traditionary policy of this
country is not to bind the Crown and country by engagements, unless
upon special cause shown, arising out of the circumstances of the day.

For instance, the Treaty of Quadruple Alliance between England,
France, Spain, and Portugal was contrary to the general principle of
non-intervention; so was the interference in Portugal in 1847, but
were both justified by circumstances.

Thus it is very difficult to lay down any principles from which
deviations may not frequently be made.

The grand rule of doing to others as we wish that they should do unto
us is more applicable than any system of political science. The honour
of England does not consist in defending every English officer or
English subject, right or wrong, but in taking care that she does not
infringe the rules of justice, and that they are not infringed against
her.[42]

    [Footnote 42: A summary of Lord Granville's Memorandum in
    reply (which was couched in very general terms) will be found
    in Lord Fitzmaurice's _Life of Earl Granville_, vol. ii. p.
    49.]




[Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN FRANCE]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _30th December 1851._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Most warmly do I thank you for your kind and
affectionate and interesting letter of the 26th, which I received on
Sunday. All that you say about Lord Palmerston is but too true.... He
_brouilléd_ us and the country with every one; and his very first
act precipitated the unfortunate Spanish marriages which was _le
commencement de la fin_. It is too grievous to think how much misery
and mischief might have been avoided. However, now he has done with
the Foreign Office for ever, and "the veteran statesman," as the
newspapers, to our great amusement and I am sure to _his_ infinite
annoyance, call him, must rest upon his laurels.... I fear much lest
they should be imprudent at Claremont; the poor Queen hinted to Mamma
that she hoped you would not become a friend to the President; no
doubt you can have no sympathies for him, but _just because_ you
are related to the poor Orleanses, you feel that you must be doubly
cautious to do nothing which could provoke the enmity of Louis
Napoleon. I fear that poor Joinville _had_ some _mad_ idea of going to
France, which, fortunately, his illness prevented. It would have been
the height of folly. Their only safe policy is to remain entirely
passive _et de se faire oublier_, which was Nemours' expression to
me two years ago; nothing could be wiser or more prudent than he was
then--but I don't think they were wise since. _La Candidature_ of
Joinville was in every way unwise, and led Louis Napoleon to take so
desperate a course. Nemours told me also _last_ year that they were
not at all against a _fusion_, but that they could not _disposer de la
France_, unless called upon to do so by the nation. I wish you would
caution them to be very circumspect and silent--for all the mistakes
made by others is in _their_ favour; in fact, no good for them could
come till Paris is old enough to be his own master--unless indeed
they all returned under Henri V., but a Regency for Paris would be an
impossibility....

We spent a very happy Christmas, and now wish you a very happy New
Year--for many succeeding years. Also to the children, who I hope were
pleased with the prints, etc.

We have got young Prince Nicholas of Nassau here, a pretty, clever boy
of nineteen, with a good deal of knowledge, and a great wish to learn
and hear, which is a rare thing for the young Princes, of our day in
particular. I must stop now, as I fear I have already let my pen
run on for too long, and must beg to be excused for this voluminous
letter.

With Albert's love ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.




[Pageheading: THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _30th December 1851._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letters of yesterday. She
quite agrees with him and his colleagues in thinking it of importance
to strengthen the Government, and she is pleased with his proposal to
communicate with the Duke of Newcastle as to what assistance he and
his friends can give to the Government.

The Queen expects better results from such a negotiation, with an
ostensible head of a Party, than from attempts to detach single
individuals from it, which from a sense of honour they always felt
scruples in agreeing to.




[Pageheading: THE _TE DEUM_ IN PARIS]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _31st December 1851._

The Queen sees in the papers that there is to be a _Te Deum_ at Paris
on the 2nd for the success of the _coup d'état_, and that the Corps
Diplomatique is to be present. She hopes that Lord Normanby will be
told not to attend. Besides the impropriety of his taking part in such
a ceremony, his doing so would entirely destroy the position of Lord
John Russell opposite Lord Palmerston, who might with justice say that
he merely expressed his personal approval of the _coup d'état_ before,
but since, the Queen's Ambassador had been ordered publicly to thank
God for its success.




INTRODUCTORY NOTE

TO CHAPTER XXI


Early in 1852, the Whig Government, impaired in public credit by the
removal of Lord Palmerston, attempted once more a coalition with the
Peelites, office being offered to Sir James Graham; the overtures
failed, and soon, after the meeting of Parliament, the ex-Foreign
Secretary, whose version of the cause of his dismissal failed to
satisfy the House of Commons, succeeded in defeating the Government on
their Militia Bill, affairs in France having caused anxiety as to the
national defences. The Government Bill was for the creation of a local
Militia, Lord Palmerston preferring the consolidation of the regular
Militia. A Ministry was formed by Lord Derby (formerly Lord Stanley)
from the Protectionist Party, but no definite statement could be
elicited as to their intention, or the reverse, to re-impose a duty on
foreign corn. Mr Disraeli, who became Chancellor of the Exchequer, and
was the mainspring of the Government policy, showed great dexterity in
his management of the House of Commons without a majority, and carried
a Militia Bill in the teeth of Lord John Russell; but a plan of
partial redistribution failed. The elections held in the summer did
not materially improve the Ministerial position, and, on the meeting
of Parliament in the autumn, the Fiscal Question had to be squarely
faced. After much wrangling, Protection was finally abandoned, and the
Government saved for the moment, but on their House-tax proposals they
were defeated, after an impassioned debate, by a coalition of Whigs,
Peelites, and Radicals, from whom Lord Lansdowne and Lord Aberdeen
(and finally the latter alone) were called upon to construct a
strong representative Government. The Duke of Wellington had died in
September, and his funeral was the signal for an outburst of national
feeling. During the year the Houses of Parliament designed by Sir
Charles Barry, though not absolutely completed, were formally opened
by the Queen; the new House of Lords had already been in use.

In France, the first result of the _coup d'état_ was Louis Bonaparte's
election as President for ten years by an immense majority; late
in the year he assumed the Imperial title as Napoleon III., and the
Empire was formally recognised by the majority of the Powers; the
Emperor designed to add to his prestige by contracting a matrimonial
alliance with Princess Adelaide of Hohenlohe. In the East of Europe a
dispute had commenced between France and Russia about the Holy Places
in Palestine. Simultaneously with the death of the Duke of Wellington,
the era of European peace was destined to come to an end, and
Nicholas, encouraged by the advent to power of Aberdeen (whom he
had met in 1844, and with whom he had frankly discussed European
politics), was hoping for the consummation of his scheme for the
partition of Turkey.

To Great Britain the year was a memorable one, in consequence of the
granting of a Constitution to New Zealand.




CHAPTER XXI

1852


[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND DENMARK]


_Queen Victoria to the King of Denmark._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _4th January 1852._

SIR, MY BROTHER,--I received the letter which your Majesty addressed
to me on the 24th of August last, and in which, after referring to the
necessity for establishing some definite arrangement with regard
to the eventual succession to the Crown of Denmark, your Majesty is
pleased to acquaint me that, in your opinion, such an arrangement
might advantageously be made in favour of your Majesty's cousin, His
Highness the Prince Christian of Glücksburg,[1] and the issue of his
marriage with the Princess Louisa of Hesse, in favour of whom the
nearer claimants have renounced their rights and titles.

I trust I need not assure your Majesty of the sincere friendship which
I entertain for you, and of the deep interest which I feel in the
welfare of the Danish Monarchy. It was in accordance with those
sentiments that I accepted the office of mediator between your Majesty
and the States of the German Confederation, and it afforded me the
sincerest pleasure to have been thus instrumental in re-establishing
the relations of peace between your Majesty and those States.

With regard to the question of the eventual succession to both the
Danish and Ducal Crowns, I have to state to your Majesty that although
I declined to take any part in the settlement of that combination,
it will be a source of great satisfaction to me to learn that an
arrangement has been definitely determined upon equally satisfactory
to your Majesty and to the Germanic Confederation; and whenever it
shall have been notified to me that such an arrangement has been
arrived at, I shall then be ready, in accordance with what was stated
in the Protocol of the 2nd of August 1850, to consider, in concert
with my Allies, the expediency of giving the sanction of an European
acknowledgment to the arrangement which may thus have been made.

I avail myself with great pleasure of this opportunity to renew to
your Majesty the expression of the invariable attachment and high
esteem with which I am, Sir, my Brother, your Majesty's good Sister,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 1: Prince Christian of
    Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Glücksburg was named successor
    to Frederick VII., King of Denmark by a Treaty signed in
    London on the 8th of May 1852; and by the Danish law of
    succession (of the 31st of July 1853), he ascended the throne
    under the style of Christian IX., on the 15th of November,
    1863. He was the father of His Majesty Frederick VIII., the
    present King of Denmark, and of Her Majesty Queen Alexandra
    of England; King Christian died in 1906, Queen Louise having
    predeceased him in 1898.]




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _15th January 1852._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter last night, and
wishes now shortly to repeat what she desired through the Prince, Sir
Charles Wood to explain to Lord John.[2]

The Queen hopes that the Cabinet will fully consider what their object
is before the proposed negotiation with Sir James Graham be opened.

Is it to strengthen their _case_ in Parliament by proving that no
means have been left untried to strengthen the Government? or really
to effect a junction with the Peelites?

If the first is aimed at, the Cabinet will hardly reap any of the
desired advantages from the negotiation, for, shrewd as Sir James
Graham is, he will immediately see that the negotiation has been begun
without a desire that it should succeed, and this will soon become
generally known.

If the latter, the Queen must observe that there are two kinds of
junctions--one, _a fusion_ of Parties; the other, _the absorption_ of
one Party by the other. For a _fusion_, the Queen thinks the Peelites
to be quite ready; then, however, they must be treated as a political
Party, and no _exclusion_ should be pronounced against particular
members of it, nor should it be insisted upon that the new Government
and Party is still emphatically the _Whig_ party.

An _absorption_ of the most liberal talents amongst the Peelites into
the Whig Government, the Queen considers unlikely to succeed, and she
can fully understand that reasons of honour and public and private
engagement must make it difficult to members of a political Party to
go over to another in order to receive office.

Having stated thus much, the Queen gives Lord John full permission to
negotiate with Sir James Graham.

    [Footnote 2: Lord John Russell having vainly attempted to
    secure the co-operation of the Duke of Newcastle, announced
    the wish of the Cabinet to make overtures to Sir J. Graham.]




[Pageheading: LOUIS NAPOLEON]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _20th January 1852._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Your kind letter of the 16th I received on the
17th, with the newspaper, for which I return my best thanks. The
papers which Stockmar communicated to us are most interesting, and do
the writer the greatest credit. Watchful we certainly shall and must
be. We shall try and keep on the best of terms with the President, who
is extremely sensitive and susceptible, but for whom, I must say, I
have never had any _personal_ hostility; on the contrary, I thought
that during 1849 and 1850 we owed him all a good deal, as he certainly
raised the French Government _de la boue_. But I grieve over the
tyranny and oppression practised since the _coup d'état_, and it makes
everything very uncertain, for though I believe it in every way
his wish and his policy not to go to war, still, _il peut y être
entraîné_.

Your position is a peculiarly delicate one, but still, as I again
repeat, I think there is no reason to be alarmed; particularly, I
would _never_ show it.

The poor Nemours were here from Saturday till yesterday evening with
their dear nice boys, and I think it always does them good. They feel
again as if they were in their own position, and they are diverted
from the melancholy reality and the great sameness of their existence
at Claremont. I found him very quiet and really _not_ bitter, and
disposed to be very prudent,--but seriously alarmed at the possibility
of losing their property, which would be _too_ dreadful and monstrous.
I fear that the candidature and poor Hélène's imprudence in talking
are the cause of this cruel persecution. The poor Orleans have really
(and you should write them that) no _truer_ and more faithful friends
than we are--and it is for this reason that I urge and entreat them to
be entirely passive; for _their day_ will come, I feel convinced!

Now good-bye, my dearest, kindest Uncle. Ever your truly devoted
Niece,

VICTORIA R.




_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _27th January 1852._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of yesterday with
the draft of Bills, and likewise that of to-day enclosing a Memorandum
on the probable effects of the proposed Measure.[3] She has perused
these papers with great attention, but feels that any opinion upon
the future results of the Measure must rest on surmises; she has that
confidence, however, in Lord John's experience and judgment in these
matters, and so strong a conviction that he will have spared no pains
in forming as correct an opinion as may be formed on so problematical
a matter, that she is prepared to come to the decision of approving
the Measure on the strength of Lord John's opinion. She only hopes
that the future may bear it out, and that the character of the House
of Commons may not be impaired. Should this prove the case, the
extension of the privilege of voting for Members will strengthen
our Institutions. The Queen is glad that the clause abolishing the
necessity for every Member of the Government to vacate his seat upon
his appointment[4] should have been maintained. She hopes that the
schedules showing which towns are to be added to existing boroughs
will be drawn up with the greatest care and impartiality, and will
soon be submitted to her. The Queen would be glad if the plan once
proposed of giving to the Queen's University in Ireland the vacant
seat for Sudbury were still carried out, as she feels sure that not
only would it be a great thing for the University and the Colleges,
but a most useful and influential Irish Member would be gained for the
House.

The Queen takes it for granted that the Bill as approved by her will
be stood by in Parliament, and that Lord John will not allow himself
to be drawn on to further concessions to Democracy in the course of
the debate, and that the introduction of the ballot will be vigorously
opposed by the Government.

    [Footnote 3: The Ministerial Reform Bill.]

    [Footnote 4: The Act of Settlement excluded (as from the
    accession of the House of Hanover) the Ministers of State from
    the House of Commons; but the 6 Anne, c. 7, modified this, and
    made them re-eligible on appointment.]



[Pageheading: DRAFT OF THE SPEECH]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _1st February 1852._

The Queen has received the draft of the Speech. The passage referring
to the proposed Reform Measure varies so materially from the one
which was first submitted to her that she feels that she ought not to
sanction it without having received some explanation of the grounds
which have led the Cabinet to recommend it in its altered shape. The
Queen will not object to the mode of filling the Offices still vacant
which Lord John Russell proposes.




[Pageheading: WOMEN AND POLITICS]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _3rd February 1852._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--My warmest thanks for your kind little letter of
the 30th. Matters are very critical and all Van de Weyer has told
us _n'est pas rassurant_. With such an extraordinary man as Louis
Napoleon, one can never be for one instant safe. It makes me very
melancholy; I love peace and quiet--in fact, I _hate_ politics and
turmoil, and I grieve to think that a spark may plunge us into the
midst of war. Still I think _that_ may be avoided. Any attempt on
Belgium would be _casus belli for us_; _that_ you may rely upon.
Invasion I am not afraid of, but the spirit of the people here is very
great--they are full of defending themselves--and the spirit of the
olden times is in no way quenched.

In two hours' time Parliament will be opened, and to-night the
explanations between Lord John and Lord Palmerston will take place. I
am _very_ curious _how_ they will go off. The curiosity and anxiety to
hear it is very great.

I never saw Stockmar better, or more active and more sagacious, or
more kind. To me he is really like a father--only too partial, I
always think.

Albert grows daily fonder and fonder of politics and business, and
is so wonderfully _fit_ for both--such perspicacity and such
_courage_--and I grow daily to dislike them both more and more. We
women are not _made_ for governing--and if we are good women, we must
_dislike_ these masculine occupations; but there are times which
force one to take _interest_ in them _mal gré bon gré_, and _I_ do, of
course, _intensely_.

I must now conclude, to dress for the opening of Parliament
... Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.




_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _4th February 1852._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to report that the Address was agreed to last night without
a division.

The explanations between Lord Palmerston and himself were made. Lord
Palmerston made no case, and was not supported by any considerable
party in the House. His approbation of the President's conduct seemed
to confound the Liberal Party, and he did not attempt to excuse his
delay in answering Lord John Russell's letter of the 14th.[5]

The rest of the debate was desultory and heavy. Mr Disraeli made a
long speech for the sake of making a speech. Mr Roebuck was bitter
without much effect.

Generally speaking, the appearance of the House was favourable. Sir
James Graham says the next fortnight will clear up matters very much.

The tone of the House was decidedly pacific.

    [Footnote 5: See _ante_, p. 341.]




[Pageheading: THE NEW HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _4th February 1852._

We have learned with much satisfaction that everything went off so
well in the House of Commons last night. Lord John Russell's speech
is a most useful one, and he has given a most lucid definition of the
constitutional position of the Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary
opposite to the Crown. Lord Palmerston's speech is a very weak one,
and he in no way makes out a case for himself. This seems to [be] the
general impression.

The Houses of Lords and Commons being now almost completed, and the
Queen having entered the House of Lords by the Grand Entrance (which
is magnificent), the Queen thinks this will be the right moment
for bestowing on Mr Barry the knighthood, as a mark of the Queen's
approbation of his great work.




[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S DISCOMFITURE]


_The Marquis of Normanby to Colonel Phipps._[6]

ST GEORGE'S HOTEL, _5th February 1852._

MY DEAR CHARLES,--Yesterday morning I got a note from John Russell,
saying that all had gone off so well the night before, and Palmerston
had been so flat that he thought it better I should not revive the
subject in the other House, as he had said nothing about me which in
the least required that I should do so. I yielded, of course, to such
an appeal, though there are several points in his speech on which I
could have exposed inaccuracies. The fact is, John has never shown any
consideration for me in the whole of these affairs; but I do not
mean in any way to complain, and am very grateful to him for the very
successful way in which he executed his task on Tuesday. Nothing
can be more universal than the feeling of the utter discomfiture of
Palmerston.[7] I am convinced that what floored him at starting was
that letter of the Queen's,[8] because every one felt that such a
letter would never have been written unless every point in it
could have been proved like a bill of indictment; and then came the
question, how could any man, even feeling he deserved it, go on under
such a marked want of confidence?...[9]

Aberdeen, whom I saw at Granville's last night, told me that Cardwell
had said to him, that often as he had felt indignant at the arrogance
of "that man," he really pitied him, so complete was his overthrow.
Disraeli said that he had watched him during Johnny's speech, and
doubted whether the hanging of the head, etc., was merely acting; but
before he had spoken two sentences he saw he was a beaten fox. Many
said that the extreme flippancy and insolence of his manner was
more remarkable than ever, from their being evidently assumed with
difficulty. I have always thought Palmerston very much overrated as a
speaker; his great power arose from his not only knowing his subject
better than any one else, but being the only man who knew anything
about it, and using that exclusive knowledge unscrupulously for the
purposes of misrepresentation.

Thiers was at Lady Granville's last night, and was enchanted with the
spectacle of the Opening. He said that he had been endeavouring for
thirty years to support the cause of Constitutional Monarchy, as the
best Government in the world, and there he saw it in perfection, not
only in its intrinsic attributes, but in the universal respect and
adhesion with which it was received. He said, though he did not
understand a word of English, he could have cried at the Queen's voice
in reading the Speech. He is very "impressionable," and I am convinced
at the time he was quite sincere in his appreciation.

I am vexed at not having been able to say anything publicly about all
this, as I believe I could have dispelled many misrepresentations; but
it cannot be helped. I have endeavoured throughout not to be selfish,
and I may as well keep up that feeling to the last. Ever, etc.

NORMANBY.

I told John Russell last night I regretted that he had vouched for the
intentions of Louis Napoleon. He said he had not done that, but owned
that he had said more than he ought. "The fact is, I did not know what
to say next. I stopped as one sometimes does, so I said that; I had
better have said something else!" Candid and characteristic!

    [Footnote 6: Submitted to the Queen by Colonel Phipps.]

    [Footnote 7: It appears from a Memorandum made about this time
    by Prince Albert that when Lord Palmerston's retirement
    became known, the Radical constituency of Marylebone wished to
    present him with an Address of sympathy, and to invite him to
    stand at the next Election, promising him to bring him in.
    Sir Benjamin Hall (one of the Members) told them that they
    had better wait till the explanation in Parliament had taken
    place, for at present they knew nothing about the merits
    of the case. This the Committee which had been organised
    consented to do. After the Debate on the 4th of February, Sir
    Benjamin called upon the Chairman of the Committee to ask him
    whether they would still carry out their intention. "No," said
    the Chairman; "we have considered the matter: a man who does
    not answer the Queen's letters can receive no Address from
    us."]

    [Footnote 8: See _ante_, p. 264.]

    [Footnote 9: _Cf._ Greville's account in his Journal, 5th
    February 1852. _See_ also p. 368.]



_Queen Victoria to Earl Granville._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _10th February 1852._

The Queen returns the enclosed papers. She will not object to the
proposed step[10] should Lord Granville and Lord John Russell have
reason to expect that the Pope will receive Sir H. Bulwer; should he
refuse, it will be doubly awkward. The Queen finds it difficult to
give a decided opinion on the subject, as, first, she does not
know how far the reception of Sir Henry at Rome will overcome the
objections raised to his reception as Resident at Florence. Secondly,
as she has never been able to understand what is to be obtained by a
mission to Rome, a step liable to much misrepresentation here....

    [Footnote 10: The Tuscan Government declined to receive Sir H.
    Bulwer, and it was then proposed to send him to Rome instead.]




[Pageheading: THE PRINCE AND THE ARMY]


_Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert._

CHESHAM PLACE, _16th February 1852._

SIR,--I have seen the Duke of Wellington this morning, and have given
him the Depôt plan.

It may be useful if your Royal Highness will see him from time to
time in relation to the Army. On the one hand, your Royal Highness's
authority may overcome the indisposition to change which he naturally
entertains; and on the other, his vast experience may be of great use
to your Royal Highness in regard to the future. I have the honour to
be, Sir, your Royal Highness's most dutiful Servant,

JOHN RUSSELL.




[Pageheading: THE SLAVE TRADE]


_Sir Francis Baring to Queen Victoria._

ADMIRALTY, _15th February 1852._

Sir Francis Baring presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs
to state to your Majesty that despatches have this evening arrived
from Commander Bruce in command of the African Squadron. Commander
Bruce gives an account of an attack on Lagos[11] which was completely
successful. The town of Lagos was captured and in great part burnt.
The resistance appears to have been obstinate and directed with much
skill. Your Majesty's naval Service behaved with their accustomed
gallantry and coolness, but the loss amounted to fourteen killed and
sixty-four wounded. Sir Francis Baring will forward to your Majesty
copies of the despatches to-morrow, with his humble duty.

F. BARING.

    [Footnote 11: Notorious as a centre of the Slave Trade. The
    native king was deposed.]




_Queen Victoria to Sir Francis Baring._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _16th February 1852._

The Queen has received both Sir Francis Baring's letters of the 15th.
The news of the capture and destruction of the town of Lagos has given
us the _greatest_ satisfaction, as it will give a most serious blow to
the iniquitous traffic in slaves. The Rev. Mr Crowther, whom the Queen
saw about two months ago (and whom she believes Sir Francis Baring has
also seen), told us that the slave trade on that part of the African
coast would be at an end if Lagos, the stronghold of its greatest
supporters, was destroyed. The Queen must express to Sir Francis
Baring her sense of the services rendered by Commodore Bruce and the
Officers under him.




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _17th February 1852._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Your dear letter of the 13th reached me on Saturday
here, where we are since Friday afternoon. I am glad that you are
satisfied with Lord Granville's answer. The question shall certainly
be borne in mind, and you may rely on our doing whatever can be
effected to bring about the desired end. I think Louis Napoleon will
find his decrees very difficult to carry out. I am very glad to hear
that you quietly are preparing to strengthen yourself against the
possibility of any attack from France. This will, I think, put Louis
Napoleon on his good behaviour....

The extension of the Suffrage[12] was almost unavoidable, and it was
better to do it quietly, and not to wait till there was a cry for
it--to which one would have to yield. The deal there is to do, and the
importance of everything going on at home and abroad, is unexampled
in _my_ recollection and _very_ trying; Albert becomes really a
_terrible_ man of business; I think it takes a little off from the
gentleness of his character, and makes him so preoccupied. I grieve
over all this, as I _cannot_ enjoy these things, _much_ as I interest
myself in _general_ European politics; but I am every day more
convinced that _we women_, _if_ we _are_ to be _good_ women,
_feminine_ and _amiable_ and _domestic_, are _not fitted to reign_;
at least it is _contre gré_ that they drive themselves to the _work_
which it entails.

However, this cannot now be helped, and it is the duty of every one to
fulfil all that they are called upon to do, in whatever situation they
may be!

Mme. van de Weyer thinks your children so grown and improved, and
Charlotte as lovely as ever. With Albert's love, ever your devoted
Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 12: See _ante_, pp. 294, 324.]




[Pageheading: THE MILITIA BILL]


_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _20th February 1852._
(9.15 P.M.)

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to report that Lord Palmerston has just carried his Motion
for leaving out the word "Local" in the title of the Bill for the
Militia.[13]

Lord John Russell then declared that he could no longer take charge of
the Bill. Lord Palmerston said he was astonished at the Government for
giving up the Bill for so slight a cause.

Lord John Russell then said that he considered the vote as tantamount
to a resolution of want of confidence, which remark was loudly cheered
on the other side.

Sir Benjamin Hall said he wondered the Government did not resign, on
which Lord John again explained that when confidence was withdrawn,
the consequence was obvious.

    [Footnote 13: Events in France had revived anxiety as to the
    national defences, and the Government brought in a Bill for
    raising a local Militia. To this scheme the Duke of Wellington
    had been unfavourable, and Lord Palmerston, by a majority of
    eleven, carried an Amendment in favour of re-organising the
    "regular" instead of raising a "local" Militia.]




[Pageheading: THE MINISTRY DEFEATED]

[Pageheading: RESIGNATION OF THE MINISTRY]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _21st February 1852._

Lord John Russell came this morning at twelve o'clock to explain that
after the vote of yesterday[14] it was impossible for him to go on any
longer with the Government. He considered it a vote of censure, and an
entirely unprecedented case not to allow a Minister of the Crown even
to lay his measure on the Table of the House; that he had expected to
the last that the respectable part of the House would see all this,
but there seemed to have been a pre-arranged determination between
Lord Palmerston and the Protectionists to defeat the Government; that
the Peelites also had agreed to vote against them. Sir James Graham
and Mr Cardwell had stayed away, but Mr Gladstone and Mr S. Herbert
had voted against them, the latter even misrepresenting what Lord
John had said. No Government could stand against incessant motions of
censure upon every imaginable department of the Executive Government.
The Prime Minister would either have to take the management of all
the departments into his own hands, and to be prepared to defend every
item, for which he (Lord John) did not feel the moral and physical
power, or he must succumb on those different points which the
Opposition with divided labour could single out. Lord Palmerston's
conduct was the more reprehensible as he had asked him the day before
about his objections to the Bill, and had (he thought) satisfied him
that the four points upon which he had insisted were provided for in
the Bill.

    [Footnote 14: On the Militia Bill.]

He thought he could not (in answer to the Queen's enquiry) dissolve
Parliament, and that Lord Palmerston had no Party. But he supposed
Lord Derby was prepared to form a Protection Government. This
Government would pass the estimates and the Mutiny Bill, and would
then have to proceed to a Dissolution. Lord John had merely seen Lord
Lansdowne, who had approved of the course he meant to pursue, though
afraid of the imputation that the Government had run away from the
Caffre debate. He had summoned the Cabinet, and would report their
resolution. Speaking of Lord Palmerston, Lord John said he had heard
that Lord Palmerston had said that there was one thing between them
which he could not forgive, and that was his reading the Queen's
Minute to the House of Commons.

At a quarter past four Lord John came back from the Cabinet, and
formally tendered the resignations of himself and colleagues. The
Cabinet had been unanimous that there was no other course to pursue,
and that it would not be advisable to make use of the Queen's
permission to advise a Dissolution. Lord Granville had ascertained
through Dr Quin from Lord Lyndhurst that Lord Derby was prepared with
an Administration, having obtained Mr Thomas Baring's consent to act
as Leader of the House of Commons.

Sir Stratford Canning at Constantinople was supposed to be intended
for the Foreign Office. Lord Lyndhurst said, though the materials were
there, they were very bad ones, and it was a question whether they
would stand long. He himself would keep out of place.

We advised Lord John to keep his Party well under discipline in
Opposition, so that whilst there it did not commit errors which
would become new difficulties for the future Government. He seemed
disinclined for great exertions after the fatigues he had undergone
these last years. He said he thought he would not go on with the
Reform Bill out of office, as that was a measure which ought to be
carried by a Government. If he had again to propose it, he would very
likely alter it a little, reverting to his original plan of taking
away one Member of the two returned by small boroughs, and giving
their seats to some large towns, counties, and corporations like the
Universities, etc.

Lord John defers taking his formal leave till a new Administration is
formed.

ALBERT.




[Pageheading: LORD DERBY SUMMONED]


_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _21st February 1852._

The Queen would wish to see Lord Derby at half-past two to-morrow
should he be in Town; if not, on Monday at twelve o'clock.




_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _22nd February 1852._

... Lord Derby said that he could not command a majority in the House
of Lords, that he was in a decided minority in the House of Commons,
and thought that in the critical circumstances in which the country
was placed both at home and abroad, he ought not to ask for a
Dissolution. He must then try to strengthen himself particularly in
the House of Commons by any means he could. There was one person whom
he could not venture to propose for the Foreign Office on account
of what had lately passed, and what he might be allowed to call the
"well-known personal feelings of the Queen"; but Lord Palmerston was
one of the ablest debaters, and might well be offered the post of
Chancellor of the Exchequer.

The Queen ... would not, by refusing her consent, throw additional
difficulties in Lord Derby's way; she warned him, however, of the
dangerous qualities of [Lord Palmerston].

Lord Derby rejoined that he knew them, and thought them pernicious for
the conduct of the Foreign Affairs, but at the Exchequer they would
have less play; he himself would undertake to control him. His
greatest indiscretion--that in the Kossuth affair--must have been with
a view to form a Party; that if left excluded from office, he would
become more dangerous, and might in fact force himself back at the
head of a Party with a claim to the Foreign Office, whilst if he had
ever accepted another Office, his pretensions might be considered
as waived; he (Lord Derby) did not know in the least whether Lord
Palmerston would accept, but in case he did not, the offer would
propitiate him, and render the Government in the House of Commons
more possible, as it would have anyhow all the talent of the late
Government, Peelites and Radicals, to withstand.

To my question whether Lord Derby fancied he would remain Prime
Minister any length of time, when once Lord Palmerston had got the
lead of the House of Commons, he replied he was not afraid of him; he
felt sure he could control him, although he would not have been able
to admit him to the Foreign Office on account of the very strong
strictures he had passed upon his Foreign Policy at different
times--even if the Queen had allowed it.




_The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria._

ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _22nd February 1852._
(_Half-past eight._)

Lord Derby, with his humble duty, deems it incumbent upon him to
submit to your Majesty without delay that having had an interview this
evening with Lord Palmerston, the latter has, although in the most
friendly terms, declined accepting the Office, upon the ground of
difference of opinion, not on the principle, but on the expediency
of the imposition of any duty, under any circumstances, upon foreign
corn. This was a point which Lord Derby was willing to have left
undecided until the result of a General Election should be known.

Although this refusal may add materially to Lord Derby's difficulties,
he cannot regret that the offer has been made, as the proposal must
have tended to diminish any feelings of hostility which might have
been productive of future embarrassment to your Majesty's service, to
whatever hands it may be entrusted....

The above is humbly submitted by your Majesty's most dutiful Servant
and Subject,

DERBY.




[Pageheading: LORD DERBY'S CABINET]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _23rd February 1852._

Lord Derby reported progress at half-past two, and submitted a list of
the principal Officers of the Government which follows, and which the
Queen approved.

The Queen allowed Lord Lyndhurst (who has declined office--has been
Lord Chancellor three times, and now entered upon his eightieth year)
to be offered an Earldom--which he very much desired for the position
of his daughters, having no son.

After he had kissed hands upon his entering upon his office, Lord
Derby had a further conversation with me on Household appointments. I
told him he must now, as Prime Minister, consider himself to a certain
degree in the position of the Confessor; that formerly the Lord
Chancellor was Keeper of the King's Conscience, the office might be
considered to have descended on the Prime Minister. The Queen must
then be able to confer with him on personal matters, or I, on her
behalf, with the most entire confidence, and that she must be sure
that nothing was divulged which passed between them on these matters,
and he might repose the same confidence in us. As to the formation of
the Household, the Queen made two conditions, viz. that the persons to
compose her Court should not be on the verge of bankruptcy, and
that their moral character should bear investigation. On the Queen's
accession Lord Melbourne had been very careless in his appointments,
and great harm had resulted to the Court therefrom. Since her marriage
I had insisted upon a closer line being drawn, and though Lord
Melbourne had declared "that that damned morality would undo us all,"
we had found great advantage in it and were determined to adhere to
it....

ALBERT.




_Queen Victoria to the Duchess of Sutherland._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _23rd February 1852._

MY DEAREST DUCHESS,--I cannot say _how deeply_ grieved I am to
think that the event which has just occurred, and which Lord Derby's
acceptance of office has to-day confirmed, will entail your leaving,
for a time, my service. It has been _ever_ a real pleasure to me to
have you with me; my affection and esteem for you, my dearest Duchess,
are great, and we _both_ know what a kind and true friend we have in
you.

I think that I may rely on your returning to me on a future occasion
whenever that may be, and that I shall frequently have the pleasure of
seeing you, even when you are no longer attached to my person.

I shall hope to see you soon. The Levée remains fixed for Thursday,
and the transfer of the Officers of the new Government does not take
place till Friday.

With the Prince's kindest remembrance, and ours to the Duke and
Constance. Believe me always, yours affectionately,

VICTORIA R.




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _24th February 1852._

DEAREST UNCLE,--Great and not _very_ pleasant events have happened
since I wrote last to you. I know that Van de Weyer has informed you
of everything, of the really (till the last day) unexpected defeat,
and of Lord Derby's assumption of office, with a very sorry Cabinet. I
believe, however, that it is quite necessary they should have a trial,
and then have done with it. Provided the country remains quiet, and
they are prudent in their Foreign Policy, I shall take the trial as
patiently as I can....

Alas! your confidence in our excellent Lord Granville is no longer
of any avail, though I hope ere long he will be at the Foreign Office
again,[15] and I cannot say that his successor,[16] who has never been
in office (as indeed is the case with almost all the new Ministers),
inspires me with confidence. I see that Louis Napoleon has again
seized one of the adherents, or rathermore one of the men of business,
of the poor Orleans....

There are some terrible stories from Madrid of people having told the
poor Queen that the King had arranged this attack on her person, and
that she was anxious to abdicate.[17] If you should hear anything of
this kind, be kind enough to tell me of it. With Albert's love (he is
well fagged with business), ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 15: Lord Granville held the Foreign Secretaryship in
    1870-1874, and again in 1880-1885.]

    [Footnote 16: Lord Malmesbury.]

    [Footnote 17: The Queen was stabbed by a priest when returning
    from church.]




[Pageheading: LORD MALMESBURY]


_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _24th February 1852._

The Queen thinks that it would be of the highest importance that not
only Lord Malmesbury (as is always usual) should receive the necessary
information from Lord Granville, but that Lord Derby should see him
and hear from him the state of all the critical questions now pending
on Foreign Affairs. Lord Granville has made himself master in a very
short time of all the very intricate subjects with which his
Office has to deal, and she must here bear testimony to the extreme
discretion, good sense, and calmness with which he has conducted the
very responsible and difficult post of Foreign Secretary.




[Pageheading: NEW APPOINTMENTS]


_The Earl of Derby to the Prince Albert._

ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _25th February 1852._ (_5_ P.M.)

SIR,--I have delayed longer than I could have wished acknowledging the
letter which I had the honour to receive from your Royal Highness last
night, in hopes that by this time I should have been enabled to solve
the difficulties connected with the Household Appointments; but I
regret to say they are rather increased than otherwise. I will not
trouble your Royal Highness now with any details; but if I might be
honoured with an audience at any hour after the Levée to-morrow, I
shall perhaps be able to make a more satisfactory report, and at all
events to explain the state of affairs more fully.

In the meantime, it may save Her Majesty some trouble if I request
that your Royal Highness will have the goodness to lay before Her
Majesty the enclosed list of Appointments which, subject to Her
Majesty's approval, I have arranged in the course of this day. The
Admiralty List found its way most improperly into some of the morning
papers before I was even aware that the Duke of Northumberland had
finally obtained the assent of the Officers whom he had selected.

As it is possible that the Queen may not be acquainted with the name
of Colonel Dunne, I have the honour of enclosing a letter respecting
him which I have received from Lord Fitzroy Somerset, since I had
intimated to him my intention of submitting his name to Her Majesty,
and which is highly satisfactory.

I must beg your Royal Highness to offer to the Queen my most humble
and grateful acknowledgment of the kindness which Her Majesty has
evinced in endeavouring to facilitate the progress of the Household
arrangements.

I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Royal Highness's most obedient
Servant,

DERBY.




[Pageheading: LOUIS NAPOLEON]


_Memorandum by Queen Victoria._[18]

THURSDAY, _26th February 1852._

Lord Derby came to Albert at half-past three, and Albert called me in
at a little after four....

Lord Derby told us he meant to proceed as speedily as possible
with the defences of the country, and that his plan for the Militia
entirely coincided with Albert's plan (viz. he (Albert) wrote on the
subject to the Duke of Wellington, who _did not_ like it),[19] and
meant to try and avoid all the objections. On his observing that
no one had entirely understood the Government Bill, I said that the
Government had not even been allowed to bring it in, which was a most
unfair proceeding; upon which Lord Derby reiterated his professions
of this being no preconcerted plan of his Party's, but that it was
"symptomatic"; he, however, was obliged to own that it was rather hard
and not quite fair on the late Government.

I then explained to him the arrangement respecting the drafts from the
Foreign Office going first to him before they came to me, and wished
this should be continued, which he promised should be done, as well as
that all important Colonial despatches should be sent to me. Touched
upon the various critical questions on the Continent.... Lord Derby
said that all Louis Napoleon's views were contained in his book _Idées
Napoléoniennes_ written in '39, for that he was more a man of "_Idées
fixes_" than any one; and in this book he spoke of gaining territory
by _diplomacy_ and not by war. Lord Derby gave us a note from Louis
Napoleon to Lord Malmesbury, congratulating him on his appointment,
professing the most friendly and pacific intentions, and hoping the
Cowleys would (as they do) remain at Paris.

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 18: Extract from Her Majesty's _Journal_.]

    [Footnote 19: This Memorandum is given in chap. xlv. of the
    _Life of the Prince Consort_.]




[Pageheading: FAREWELL AUDIENCES]

[Pageheading: LORD DERBY'S PROGRAMME]

[Pageheading: LORD DERBY AND THE CHURCH]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _27th February 1852._

To-day the formal change of Government took place. The old Ministers
who had Seals to give up assembled at half-past eleven, and had their
Audiences in the following order:

_Sir George Grey_ was very much overcome; promised at our request to
do what he could to keep his friends moderate and united. Spoke well
of his successor, Mr Walpole, and assured the Queen that he left the
country in a most quiet and contented state.

_Lord Grey_ was sorry that the resignation had taken place before the
Caffre Debate, in which he had hoped to make a triumphant defence; he
was sure it must have come to this from the way in which Lord John had
managed matters. He had never had his measures thoroughly considered
when he brought them forward. He (Lord Grey) had had to remonstrate
very strongly about this Militia Bill, which had not even been laid,
printed, before the Cabinet, and had not been discussed at all;
he himself had objected to the greater part of it, and had always
expected to have an opportunity of making his opinion heard; instead
of spending Christmas at Woburn he ought to have digested his
measures; this was not fair to his colleagues, and he could never have
the same confidence in Lord John as before. We urged him to forget
what had passed and to do the best for the future; that it was
important the Party should be kept together and should unite if
possible with the Peelites, so that the Queen might hope to get a
strong Government. Lord Grey thought there was little chance of this.
The next Government could never be as moderate again as this had been;
this he had always dreaded, and was the reason why he lamented that
Lord John had failed in his negotiation with the Peelites this winter,
upon Lord Palmerston's dismissal; but the fact was Lord John had never
wished it to succeed, and it had been unfair that he had not stated
to them (the Peelites) that all his colleagues were ready to give up
their places.

_Lord Granville_ had seen Lord Malmesbury several times, who appeared
to him to take pains about informing himself on the state of Foreign
Affairs, but seemed inclined to be ambitious of acquiring the merit of
being exclusively _English_ in his policy; this was quite right, but
might be carried too far; however, Lord Malmesbury was cautious and
moderate.

_The Chancellor of the Exchequer_ (_Sir Charles Wood_) was not
surprised at the fate of the Government, although they had not
expected to be defeated on the Militia Bill; in fact, a division had
hardly been looked for, as Lord John had talked the day before with
Lord Palmerston, and satisfied him that all his objections should be
provided against in the Bill. He thought it was better, however, that
the Caffre Debate had not been waited for, which must have been a
personal and very acrimonious one. He thought Lord Grey had not been
very discreet in his language to the Queen on Lord John. Sir J. Graham
had been in a difficulty with his own Party, and therefore had not
wished to encourage Lord John's negotiation with the Peelites. He
promised that, for his part, he would do all he could to keep his
Party from doing anything violent, but that he was afraid many others
would be so, and that he and Lord Grey had in vain tried to persuade
Mr Cobden to remain quiet.

Lord Derby had then an Audience to explain what should be done at the
Council. He regretted the Duchess of Northumberland's declining to
be Mistress of the Robes, on account of ill-health, which had been
communicated to the Queen by her father, Lord Westminster. He proposed
the Duchess of Argyll, whom the Queen allowed to be sounded (though
feeling certain, that, considering the Liberal views of her husband,
she will not accept it), and sanctioned his sounding also the Duchess
of Athole, whom the Queen wished to make the offer to, in case the
Duchess of Argyll declined. Lord Derby stated the difficulty he was
in with Sir A. B., whose wife had never been received at Court or
in society, although she had run away with him when he was still at
school, and was nearly seventy years old. The Queen said it would
not do to receive her now at Court, although society might do in that
respect what it pleased; it was a principle at Court not to receive
ladies whose characters are under a stigma.

We now proceeded to the Council, which was attended only by three
Councillors, the other seventeen having all had to be sworn in as
Privy Councillors first.[20]

    [Footnote 20: _See_ Disraeli's _Endymion_ (chap. c.) for a
    graphic description of this remarkable scene.]

After the Council Lord Hardinge was called to the Queen, and explained
that he accepted the Ordnance only on the condition that he was not
to be expected to give a vote which would reverse the policy of Sir
R. Peel, to which he had hitherto adhered. He had thought it his duty,
however, not to refuse his services to the Crown after the many marks
of favour he had received from the Queen.

Lord Derby then had an Audience to explain what he intended to state
in Parliament this evening as the programme of his Ministerial Policy.
It was very fluent and very able, but so completely the same as the
Speech which he has since delivered, that I must refer to its account
in the reports. When he came to the passage regarding the Church,
the Queen expressed to him her sense of the importance not to have
_Puseyites_ or _Romanisers_ recommended for appointments in the Church
as bishops or clergymen. Lord Derby declared himself as decidedly
hostile to the Puseyite tendency, and ready to watch over the
Protestant character of the Church. He said he did not pretend to give
a decided opinion on so difficult and delicate a point, but it had
struck him that although nobody could think in earnest of reviving the
old Convocation, yet the disputes in the Church perhaps could be most
readily settled by some Assembly representing the laity as well as
the clergy. I expressed it as my opinion that some such plan would
succeed, provided the Church Constitution was built up from the
bottom, giving the Vestries a legislative character in the parishes
leading up to Diocesan Assemblies, and finally to a general one.

On Education he spoke very liberally, but seemed inclined to support
the views of the bishops against the so-called "management clauses"
of the Privy Council, viz. not to allow grants to schools even if
the parish should prefer the bishops' inspection to the Privy Council
inspection.

ALBERT.




_The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria._

ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _27th February 1852._
(_Half-past seven_ P.M.)

Lord Derby, with his humble duty, hastens to acquaint your Majesty,
having just returned from the House of Lords, that his statement,
going over the topics the substance of which he had the honour of
submitting to your Majesty was, as far as he could judge, favourably
received. Earl Grey attempted to provoke a Corn Law discussion, but
the feeling of the House was against the premature introduction of so
complicated and exciting a topic. Lord Aberdeen, dissenting from any
alteration of commercial policy, entirely concurred in Lord Derby's
views of Foreign Affairs, and of the course to be adopted in dealing
with Foreign Nations. Lord Derby did not omit to lay stress upon
"the strict adherence, in letter and in spirit, to the obligations of
Treaties," which was well received.




_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _5th March 1852._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I have to offer my affectionate thanks for a
most gracious and long letter of the 2nd.

Within these days we have not had anything very important, but,
generally speaking, there has been, at least in appearance, a quieter
disposition in the ruling power at Paris. We are here in the awkward
position of persons in hot climates, who find themselves in company,
for instance in their beds, with a snake; they must _not move, because
that irritates_ the creature, but they can hardly remain as they are,
without a fair chance of being bitten.... Your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.




[Pageheading: FOREIGN AFFAIRS]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _9th March 1852._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Your dear letter of the 5th reached me just after
we arrived here, at our sweet, peaceful little abode.

It seems that Louis Napoleon's mind is chiefly engrossed with
measures for the interior of France, and that the serious question
of Switzerland is becoming less menacing. On the other hand, Austria
behaves with a hostility, and I must say folly, which prevents all
attempts at reconciliation. All the admirers of Austria consider
Prince Schwartzenberg[21] a madman, and the Emperor Nicholas said that
he was "Lord Palmerston in a white uniform." What a calamity this is
at the present moment!

We have a most talented, capable, and courageous Prime Minister, but
all his people have no experience--have never been in _any sort_ of
office before!

On Friday the House of Commons meets again, and I doubt not great
violence will be displayed.

With every kind love to my dear Cousins, ever your very devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 21: Prime Minister of Austria. He died in the April
    following.]




_Colonel Phipps to Queen Victoria._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _10th March 1852._

Colonel Phipps' humble duty to your Majesty.

He has this day visited the Marionette Theatre, and feels quite
certain not only that it would not be a suitable theatre for your
Majesty to visit, but that your Majesty would derive no amusement from
it.

The mechanism of the puppets is only passable, and the matter of
the entertainment stupid and tiresome, consisting in a great part of
worn-out old English songs, such as "The death of Nelson"! Colonel
Phipps considers "Punch" a much more amusing performance. Lady Mount
Edgecumbe, who was in a box there, would probably give your Majesty an
account of it....

_The report in London is_, that Lord John Russell is to recommend
moderation at the meeting at his house to-morrow. He has, very
foolishly, subjected himself to another rebuff from Lord Palmerston
by inviting him to attend that meeting, which Lord Palmerston has
peremptorily refused. Since that, however, Lady Palmerston has
called upon Lady John with a view to a _personal_--not
political--reconciliation. Lady Palmerston, as Colonel Phipps hears,
still persists in the unfounded accusation against Lord John of having
quoted your Majesty's Minute in the House of Commons without giving
Lord Palmerston notice of his intention.[22]

    [Footnote 22: Palmerston, however, admitted the contrary
    (_Life of the Prince Consort_, vol. ii. chap. xliv.).]




[Pageheading: DEMOCRACY]


_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _12th March 1852._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I have to thank you for a most kind letter from
peaceful Osborne, which must doubly appear so to you now, after all
the troubles of the recent Ministerial arrangements. I am glad that
you are struck with the good qualities of your new Premier. I am
sure his great wish will be to make the best possible Minister of the
Crown. His task will be very difficult. "Bread, cheap bread," "the
poor oppressed by the _aristocratie_," etc.--a whole vocabulary of
exciting words of that kind will be put forward to inflame the popular
mind; and of all the Sovereigns, the Sovereign "People" is certainly
one of the most fanciful and fickle. Our neighbour in France shows
this more than any other on the whole globe; the Nation there is
_still_ the _Sovereign_, and this renders the President absolute,
because he is the representative of the supreme will of the _supreme
Nation_, sending us constantly some new exiles here, which is very
unpleasant. We are going on very gently, merely putting those means of
defence a little in order, which ought by rights always to be so, if
it was not for the ultra-unwise economy of Parliaments and Chambers.
Without, at least, comparative security by means of well-regulated
measures of defence, no country, be it great or small, can be
considered as possessing National Independence. I must say that in
Austria, at least Schwartzenberg, they are very much intoxicated. I
hope they will grow sober again soon. It was very kind of you to
have visited the poor Orleans Family. Rarely one has seen a family so
struck in their affections, fortunes, happiness; and it is a sad case.
Those unfortunate Spanish marriages have much contributed to it;
even angelic Louise had been caught by _l'honneur de la maison de
Bourbon_.... Your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.




[Pageheading: THE NEW MILITIA BILL]


_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._

OSBORNE, _12th March 1852._

The Queen must now answer Lord Derby on the questions which form the
subjects of his three last communications.

With regard to the Militia Bill, she must admit that her suggestions
are liable to the objections pointed out by Lord Derby, although they
would offer advantages in other respects. The Queen will therefore
sanction the measure as proposed, and now further explained by Lord
Derby.

The despatches transmitted from the Foreign Office referring to
the Swiss question[23] could not fail to give the Queen as much
satisfaction as they did to Lord Derby, as they show indications of
a more conciliatory intention, _for the present_ at least. As
Switzerland has yielded, France and Austria ought to be satisfied, and
the Queen only hopes we may not see them pushing their demands further
after a short interval!

The probability of a war with the Burmese is a sad prospect. The
Queen thinks, however, that the view taken by Lord Dalhousie of the
proceedings at Rangoon, and of the steps now to be taken to preserve
peace, is very judicious, and fully concurs with the letter sent
out by the Secret Committee. She now returns it, together with the
despatch.

The despatches from Prince Schwartzenberg to Count Buol are
satisfactory in one sense, as showing a readiness to return to the
English Alliance, but unfortunately only under the supposition that
we would make war upon liberty together; they exhibit a profound
ignorance of this country.[24] The Queen is quite sure that Lord
Derby will know how to accept all that is favourable in the Austrian
overtures without letting it be supposed that we could for a moment
think of joining in the policy pursued at this moment by the great
Continental Powers. As Lord Derby's speech has been referred to by
Prince Schwartzenberg, it would furnish the best text for the answer.
The President seems really to have been seriously ill.

    [Footnote 23: The French had been pressing the Swiss
    Government to expel refugees, and Austria supported the French
    President.]

    [Footnote 24: Lord Derby had urged that a more conciliatory
    message should accompany Lord Granville's last despatch,
    which, because of its unfriendly tone, Count Buol had delayed
    sending on to Vienna. The precise language (he said) must
    depend on what information Count Buol could supply.]




_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._

OSBORNE, _14th March 1852._

The Queen has received this morning Lord Derby's letter respecting the
St Albans' Disfranchisement Bill, and is glad to hear that Lord Derby
means to take up this Bill as dropped by the late Government. Whether
the mode of transferring these seats proposed by Lord Derby will meet
with as little opposition in Parliament as he anticipates, the Queen
is not able to form a correct judgment of. It may be liable to
the imputation of being intended to add to the power of the landed
interest. This might not be at all objectionable in itself, but it may
be doubtful how far the House of Commons may be disposed to concur in
it at the present moment. This will be for Lord Derby to consider, but
the Queen will not withhold her sanction from the measure.

She knows that Lord John Russell meant to give the vacant seats
to Birkenhead. Are not there two seats still vacant from the
Disfranchisement of Sudbury? and would it not be better (if so) to
dispose of all four at the same time? There is an impression also
gaining ground that, with a view to prevent the Franchise being given
exclusively to _Numbers_, to the detriment of _Interests_, it might be
desirable to give new seats to certain corporate bodies, such as the
Scotch Universities, the Temple and Lincoln's Inn, the East India
Company, etc., etc.[25]

    [Footnote 25: The Government eventually proposed that the four
    seats taken from St Albans and Sudbury should be assigned to
    South Lancashire and the West Riding; but, on the ground that
    a Ministry on sufferance should confine itself to necessary
    legislation, Mr Gladstone induced the House by a great
    majority to shelve the proposal.]




[Pageheading: MR DISRAELI]

[Pageheading: THE OPPOSITION]


_Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria._

HOUSE OF COMMONS, _15th March 1852._
(_Monday night._)

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to your Majesty,
informs your Majesty of what occurred in the House of Commons this
evening.

Mr Villiers opened the proceedings, terse and elaborate, but not in
his happiest style. He called upon the House to contrast the state of
the country at the beginning of the year and at the present moment.
But he could not induce the House to believe that "all now was
distrust and alarm."

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in reply, declined to bring forward
in the present Parliament any proposition to change our commercial
system, and would not pledge himself to propose in a future Parliament
any duty on corn. He said a duty on corn was a measure, not a
principle, and that if preferable measures for the redress of
agricultural grievances than a five-shilling duty on corn (mentioned
by Mr Villiers) could be devised, he should adopt them--a declaration
received with universal favour on the Government side.

Lord John Russell replied to the Chancellor of the Exchequer in
consequence of some notice by the former of the strange construction
of a new Opposition to force a Dissolution of Parliament by a Minister
who, three weeks ago, had declared such Dissolution inexpedient. It
was not a successful speech.

The great speech on the Opposition side was that of Sir James Graham:
elaborate, malignant, mischievous. His position was this: that Lord
Derby, as a man of honour, was bound to propose taxes on food, and
that if he did so, revolution was inevitable.

Mr Gladstone and Lord Palmerston both spoke in the same vein,
the necessity of immediate Dissolution after the passing of
the "necessary" measures; but the question soon arose, What is
"necessary"?

Lord Palmerston thought the Militia Bill "necessary," upon which the
League[26] immediately rose and denied that conclusion.

There seemed in the House a great reluctance to avoid a violent
course, but a very general wish, on the Opposition side, for as speedy
a Dissolution as public necessity would permit.

The evening, however, was not disadvantageous to the Government. All
which is most humbly submitted to your Majesty, by your Majesty's most
dutiful Subject and Servant,

B. DISRAELI.

    [Footnote 26: The members belonging to the Manchester School
    of Politics.]




[Pageheading: THE QUESTION OF DISSOLUTION]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _17th March 1852._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I delayed writing till to-day as I wished to see
the papers first, and be able to give you an account of the first
Debate in the two Houses. They are not satisfactory, because both Lord
Derby and Mr Disraeli refuse to give a straightforward answer as to
their policy, the uncertainty as to which will do serious harm.[27]
The Opposition are very determined, and _with_ right, to insist on
this being given, and on as early a Dissolution as possible. The
Government will be forced to do this, but it is very unwise, after all
_this_ agitation for the last five years and a half, _not_ [to] come
forward manfully and to state what they intend to do. We tried to
impress Lord Derby with the necessity of this course, and I hoped we
had succeeded, but his speech has not been what it ought to have been
in this respect.

The President seems more occupied at home than abroad, which I trust
he may remain.

Stockmar is well.... _One_ thing is pretty _certain_--that _out_ of
the _present state_ of confusion and discordance, a _sound state_ of
_Parties_ will be obtained, and _two Parties_, as of old, will again
exist, without which it is _impossible_ to have a _strong_ Government.
_How_ these Parties will be formed it is impossible to say at present.
Now, with Albert's love, ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 27: This uncertainty led to the Anti-Corn-Law
    League, which had been dissolved in 1846, being revived.]




_Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria._

HOUSE OF COMMONS, _19th March 1852._
(_Friday night, twelve o'clock._)

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to your Majesty,
lays before your Majesty what has taken place in the House of Commons
to-night.

At the commencement of public business, Lord John Russell, in a very
full House, after some hostile comments, enquired of Her Majesty's
Ministers whether they were prepared to declare that Her Majesty will
be advised to dissolve the present Parliament, and call a new one,
with the least possible delay consistent with a due regard to the
public interest, in reference to measures of _urgent_ and _immediate_
necessity.

The question was recommended by Lord John Russell as one similar to
that put to him in 1841 by Sir Robert Peel.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer in reply observed that there was a
distinction between the position of the present Ministry and that
of Lord John Russell in 1841, as in that and in the other precedents
quoted in 1841 by Sir Robert Peel, the Ministry had been condemned by
a vote of the House of Commons.

He said it was not constitutional and most impolitic for any Ministers
to pledge themselves to recommend their Sovereign to dissolve
Parliament at any stated and specific time, as circumstances might
occur which would render the fulfilment of the pledge injurious or
impracticable; that it was the intention of the Ministers to recommend
your Majesty to dissolve the present Parliament the moment that such
measures were carried which were necessary for your Majesty's service,
and for the security _and good government_ of your Majesty's realm;
and that it was their wish and intention that the new Parliament
should meet to decide upon the question of confidence in the
Administration, and on the measures, which they could then bring
forward in the course of the present year.

This announcement was very favourably received.

The discomfiture of the Opposition is complete, and no further mention
of stopping or limiting supplies will be heard of.

All which is most humbly submitted to your Majesty by your Majesty's
most dutiful Subject and Servant,

B. DISRAELI.




[Pageheading: INTERVIEW WITH LORD DERBY]

[Pageheading: PROTECTION]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _22nd March 1852._

We came to Town from Osborne the day before yesterday, and saw Lord
Derby yesterday afternoon, who is in very good spirits about the
prospect of affairs. He told the Queen that he thought he might state
that the Government had gained a good deal of ground during the
last week, and that there was now a general disposition to let the
necessary measures pass Parliament, and to have the dissolution the
end of June or beginning of July. He hoped the Queen did not think
he had gone too far in pledging the Crown to a Dissolution about that
time; but it was impossible to avoid saying as much as that a new
Parliament would meet in the autumn again, and have settled the
commercial policy before Christmas.

To the Queen's questions, whether there would not be great excitement
in the country produced by the General Election, and whether
Parliament ought not to meet immediately after it, he replied that he
was not the least afraid of much excitement, and that there was
great advantage in not meeting Parliament immediately again, as the
Government would require a few months to prepare its measures, and to
take a sound view of the new position of affairs. He anticipated that
there would be returned a large proportion of Conservatives, some Free
Traders, some Protectionists; but not a majority for the re-imposition
of a duty on corn, _certainly_ not a majority large enough to justify
him in proposing such a Measure. Now he was sure he could not with
honour or credit abandon that Measure unless the country had given its
decision against it; but then he would have most carefully to consider
how to revise the general state of taxation, so as to give that relief
to the agricultural interest which it had a right to demand.

He had received the most encouraging and flattering letters from the
agriculturists of different parts of the country, all reposing the
most explicit confidence in him, and asking him not to sacrifice the
Government for the sake of an immediate return to Protection. They
felt what Lord Derby must say he felt himself, that, after the fall of
this Government, there would necessarily come one of a more democratic
tendency than any the country had yet had to submit to. He thought
most politicians saw this, and would rally round a Conservative
standard; he knew that even many of the leading Whigs were very much
dissatisfied with the company they find themselves thrown into and
alarmed at the progress of Democracy.

ALBERT.




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _23rd March 1852._

... Here matters have improved rather for the Government, and it seems
now that they will be able to get through the Session, to dissolve
Parliament at the end of June or beginning of July, and to meet again
in November. And then Protection will be done away with. If only they
had not done so much harm, and played with it for six long years! What
you say of the advantage of having had Governments from all parties
we have often felt and do feel; it renders changes much less
disagreeable. In the present case our acquaintance is confined almost
entirely to Lord Derby, but then _he is_ the Government. They do
_nothing_ without him. He has all the Departments to look after, and
on being asked by somebody if he was not much tired, he said: "I am
quite well with my babies!..."

VICTORIA R.




_Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria._

HOUSE OF COMMONS, _29th March 1852._
(_Monday night._)

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to your Majesty,
informs your Majesty of what has occurred in the House of Commons
to-night.

Mr Secretary Walpole introduced the Militia Bill in a statement
equally perspicuous and persuasive.

Opposed by Mr Hume and Mr Gibson, the Government Measure was cordially
supported by Lord Palmerston.

Lord John Russell, while he expressed an opinion favourable to
increased defence, intimated a preference for regular troops.

Mr Cobden made one of his cleverest speeches, of the cosmopolitan
school, and was supported with vigour by Mr Bright. A division is
threatened by the ultra-Movement party, but the Chancellor of the
Exchequer hopes to ward it off, and is somewhat sanguine of ultimate
success in carrying the Measure.




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _30th March 1852._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Many thanks for your dear letter of the 26th,
which I received on Saturday. Here we shall have some trouble with
our Militia Bill, which all of a sudden seems to have caused
dissatisfaction and alarm. Lord Derby is quite prepared to drop
Protection, as he knows that the Elections will bring a Free Trade,
though a Conservative majority. Mr Disraeli (_alias_ Dizzy) writes
very curious reports to me of the House of Commons proceedings--much
in the style of his books....




[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND ITALY]


_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _10th April 1852._

The Queen hopes that both Lord Derby and Lord Malmesbury will give
their earnest attention to the change in the politics of Italy, which
is evidently on the point of taking place, according to the enclosed
despatch from Mr Hudson.[28] What Count Azeglio[29] says in his
Memorandum with respect to Austria is perfectly just. But France, as
the champion of Italian liberty and independence, would become most
formidable to the rest of Europe, and Louis Napoleon, in assuming for
her this position, would be only following the example of his uncle,
which we know to be his constant aim.[30]

    [Footnote 28: British Envoy at Turin.]

    [Footnote 29: Premier of Sardinia.]

    [Footnote 30: Lord Derby in reply, after reviewing the whole
    matter, counselled non-interference, the keeping of a vigilant
    watch on French and Austrian actions, encouragement of
    Sardinia in her constitutional action, and the making use of
    any opportunity to secure both the independence of Piedmont
    and the reform of the Papal Administration.]




[FRANCE AND ITALY]


_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _13th April 1852._

The Queen has received Lord Derby's letter of the 11th inst., in which
he states very clearly the difficulties which stand in the way of an
active interference of this country in the affairs of Italy. The Queen
did not mean to recommend in her letter of the 10th on this subject
any active interference, as she is of opinion that our present want
of due influence in Italy is chiefly owing to our former ill-judged
over-activity. The Queen agrees therefore entirely with Lord Derby
in thinking that "all that can be done now is carefully to watch the
proceedings of France and Austria in this matter, so as to profit by
every good opportunity to protect the independence of Piedmont, and,
if possible, produce some improvement in the internal Government of
Rome," and she would accordingly like to see her respective Foreign
Ministers instructed in this sense.

The Queen continues, however, to look with apprehension to the
possible turn which the affairs of Italy may take, proceeding from the
political views of the President. It is not improbable that he may act
now that he is omnipotent upon the views contained in his celebrated
letter to Edgar Ney in 1849, which were at the time disapproved by
the Assembly.[31] He will feel the necessity of doing something to
compensate the French for what they have lost by him at home, to
turn their attention from home affairs to those abroad, and to the
acquisition of power and influence in Europe; and certainly, were he
to head Italian liberty and independence, his power of doing mischief
would be immense. After all, such an attempt would not be more
inconsistent for him than it was for General Cavaignac, as President
of the _République Démocratique_, to get rid of the Roman Republic,
and to reinstate the Pope by force of arms.

The Queen wishes Lord Derby to communicate this letter to Lord
Malmesbury, from whom she has also just heard upon this subject.

    [Footnote 31: In this letter the President of the Republic had
    expressed his admiration at the conduct of the French troops
    in the Roman expedition under General Oudinot, and his warm
    approval of the policy that led to the campaign.]




_Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria._

HOUSE OF COMMONS, _19th April 1852._
(_Monday night, half-past twelve._)

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to your Majesty,
reports to your Majesty that, after a dull debate, significant only
by two of the subordinate Members of the late Administration declaring
their hostility to the Militia Bill, Lord John Russell rose at eleven
o'clock and announced his determination to oppose the second
reading of it.[32] His speech was one of his ablest--statesmanlike,
argumentative, terse, and playful; and the effect he produced was
considerable.

Your Majesty's Government, about to attempt to reply to it, gave way
to Lord Palmerston, who changed the feeling of the House, and indeed
entirely carried it away in a speech of extraordinary vigour and
high-spirited tone.

The Ministers were willing to have taken the division on his Lordship
sitting down, but as the late Government wished to reply, the
Chancellor of the Exchequer would not oppose the adjournment of the
debate.

The elements of calculation as to the division are very complicated,
but the Chancellor of the Exchequer is still inclined to believe that
the second reading of the Bill will be carried.

    [Footnote 32: This tactical blunder, much condemned at the
    time, estranged many of the Whigs from Lord John.]




[Pageheading: THE BUDGET]


_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _25th April 1852._

The Queen wishes to remind Lord Derby that the time for the
presentation of the Budget to the House of Commons being very close
at hand, none of the Measures referring to the finances of the country
which the Government may have to propose have as yet been laid before
her.




_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _26th April 1852._

The Queen has received Lord Derby's explanation of his views with
regard to the Budget,[33] and will be glad to see him on Wednesday at
three o'clock. She had been alarmed by vague rumours that it was the
intention of the Government to propose great changes in the present
financial system, which, with an adverse majority in the House
of Commons and at the eve of a Dissolution, must have led to much
confusion. She thinks the course suggested by Lord Derby to consider
the Budget merely as a provisional one for the current year, by far
the wisest, the more so as it will leave us a surplus of £2,000,000,
which is of the utmost importance in case of unforeseen difficulties
with Foreign Powers.[34]

    [Footnote 33: Its chief feature was a renewal of the expiring
    Income Tax.]

    [Footnote 34: Accordingly, no financial changes were proposed
    until after the General Election. See _post_, p. 406.]




_Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria._

HOUSE OF COMMONS, _26th April._
(_Monday night, twelve o'clock._)

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to your
Majesty, reports to your Majesty that the Militia Bill has been
carried (second reading) by an immense majority.

          For           315
          Against       165

The concluding portion of the debate was distinguished by the speeches
of Mr Sidney Herbert and Mr Walpole, who made their greatest efforts;
the first singularly happy in his treatment of a subject of which he
was master, and the last addressing the House with a spirit unusual
with him.




[Pageheading: FRANCE AND THE BOURBONS]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _27th April 1852._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I thank you much for your kind and affectionate
letter of the 23rd. I have somehow or other contrived to lose my day,
for which reason I can only write a very short letter. It seems to be
generally believed that Louis Napoleon's assumption of the title of
Emperor is very near at hand, but they still think war is not likely,
as it would be such bad policy.

What you say about the ill-fated Spanish marriages, and the result of
the poor King's wishing to have no one but a Bourbon as Queen Isabel's
husband being that the _French won't_ have _any_ Bourbon, is indeed
strange. It is a melancholy result.

I shall certainly try and read Thiers' _Révolution, Consulat, et
Empire_, but I can hardly read _any_ books, my whole _lecture_ almost
being taken up by the immense quantity of despatches we have to read,
and then I have a good deal to write, and must then have a little
leisure time to rest, and _de me délasser_ and to get out. It is a
great deprivation, as I delight in reading. Still, I will not forget
your recommendation.

I am sorry to say _nothing_ is definitely settled about our dear
Crystal Palace. With Albert's love, ever your truly devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.




_Queen Victoria to Mr Disraeli._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st May 1852._

The Queen has read with great interest the clear and able financial
statement which the Chancellor of the Exchequer made in the House of
Commons last night, and was glad to hear from him that it was well
received.




_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _13th May 1852._

With respect to this despatch from Lord Howden,[35] the Queen wishes
to observe that hitherto we have on all similar occasions declined
accepting any Foreign Order for the Prince of Wales, on account of his
being too young and not even having any of the English Orders. Might
this not therefore be communicated to Lord Howden?

    [Footnote 35: British Minister at Madrid.]




[Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN FRANCE]


_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._

OSBORNE, _27th May 1852._

The Queen returns the enclosed most interesting letters. It is evident
that the President is meeting with the first symptoms of a reviving
public feeling in France; whether this will drive him to hurry on the
Empire remains to be seen. All the Foreign Powers have to be careful
about is to receive an assurance that the _Empire_ does _not_ mean a
_return to the policy of the Empire_, but that the existing Treaties
will be acknowledged and adhered to.

The session seems to advance very rapidly. The Queen hails Lord
Derby's declaration of his conviction that a majority for a duty on
corn will not be returned to the new Parliament, as the first step
towards the abandonment of hostility to the Free Trade on which
our commercial policy is now established, and which has produced so
flourishing a condition of the finances of the country.

Mr Disraeli's speech about Spain was very good, though he had
certainly better not have alluded to Portugal.

We return to Town to-morrow.




_Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria._

HOUSE OF COMMONS, _21st June 1852._
(_Nine o'clock._)

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to your Majesty,
reports to your Majesty that Lord John Russell introduced to the
notice of the House of Commons to-night the recent Minute of the
Committee of Council on Education.

Lord John Russell made a languid statement to a rather full House. His
speech was not very effective as it proceeded, and there was silence
when he sat down.

Then Mr Walpole rose and vindicated the Minute. He spoke with
animation, and was cheered when he concluded.

Sir Harry Verney followed, and the House very much dispersed; indeed
the discussion would probably have terminated when Sir Harry finished,
had not Mr Gladstone then risen. Mr Gladstone gave only a very guarded
approval to the Minute, which he treated as insignificant.

It was not a happy effort, and the debate, for a while revived by his
interposition, continued to languish until this hour (nine o'clock),
with successive relays of mediocrity, until it yielded its last gasp
in the arms of Mr Slaney.

The feeling of the House of Commons, probably in this representing
faithfully that of the country, is against both the violent parties in
the Church, and in favour of a firm, though temperate, course on the
part of the Crown, which may conciliate a vast majority, and tend to
terminate dissension.




[Pageheading: DISTURBANCES AT STOCKPORT]


_Queen Victoria to Mr Walpole._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st July 1852._

The Queen is much distressed at the account she has read in the papers
of the dreadful riot at Stockport,[36] alas! caused by that most
baneful of all Party feelings, _religious_ hatred,[37] and she is very
anxious to know what Mr Walpole has heard.

    [Footnote 36: The Church question was brought into the
    political arena in the General Election, which was now in
    progress; much violence was manifested during the contest.]

    [Footnote 37: "It is additional proof, if more were wanting,"
    wrote Mr Walpole in reply, "that all Parties should forbear as
    much as possible from the ostentatious parade of anything that
    can provoke either the one or the other."]




_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _23rd July 1852._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--... We are very much plagued by our Treaty with
France. Victor Hugo has written a book against Louis Napoleon, which
will exasperate him much, and which he publishes _here_; we can hardly
keep Victor Hugo here after that.[38] The great plague of all these
affairs is their constant return without the least advantage to any
one from the difficulties they created.... Your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

    [Footnote 38: Victor Hugo (1802-1885) had founded the journal,
    _L'Evénement_, in 1848: he was exiled in 1851, and published
    _Napoléon le Petit_ in Belgium. After the fall of the Empire
    he returned to France, and in 1877 published his _Histoire
    d'un Crime_.]




_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._

OSBORNE, _26th August 1852._

The Queen has been considering the subject of the vacant Garter, and
the names which Lord Derby proposed to her. She is of opinion that
it would not be advisable on the whole to give the Garter to Lord
Londonderry; that the Duke of Northumberland has by far the strongest
claim to this distinction. At the same time, the Queen would have
no objection to bestow it on Lord Lonsdale, if this is desirable, in
order to facilitate any Ministerial arrangements which Lord Derby may
have in contemplation.




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN INHERITS A FORTUNE]


_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _10th September 1852._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--... That Mr Neild[39] should have left that
great fortune to you delighted me; it gives the possibility of forming
a private fortune for the Royal Family, the necessity of which nobody
can deny. Such things only still happen in England, where there exists
loyalty and strong affection for Royalty, a feeling unfortunately
much diminished on the Continent of Europe, though it did exist there
also....

    [Footnote 39: John Camden Neild, an eccentric and miserly
    bachelor, nominally a barrister, died on the 30th of August,
    bequeathing substantially the whole of his fortune (amounting
    to half a million) to the Queen. As there were no known
    relatives, the Queen felt able to accept this legacy; but she
    first increased the legacies to the executors from £100 to
    £1000 each, made provision for Mr Neild's servants and others
    who had claims on him, restored the chancel of North Marston
    Church, Bucks, where he was buried, and inserted a window
    there to his memory.]




[Pageheading: DEATH OF DUKE OF WELLINGTON]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BALMORAL, _17th September 1852._

The death of the Duke of Wellington[40] has deprived the Country of
her greatest man, the Crown of its most valuable servant and adviser,
the Army of its main strength and support. We received the sad news
on an expedition from Allt-na-Giuthasach to the Dhu Loch (one of
the wildest and loneliest spots of the Highlands) at four o'clock
yesterday afternoon. We hurried home to Allt-na-Giuthasach, and to-day
here, where it became important to settle with Lord Derby the mode of
providing for the command of the Army, and the filling up of the many
posts and places which the Duke had held.

    [Footnote 40: The Duke passed away at Walmer on the 14th of
    September, in his eighty-fourth year.]

I had privately prepared a list of the mode in which this should be
done, and discussed it with Victoria, and found, to both Lord Derby's
and our astonishment, that it tallied in _every_ point with the
recommendations which he had thought of making.

I explained to Lord Derby the grounds upon which I thought it better
not to assume the Command myself, and told him of the old Duke's
proposal, two years ago, to prepare the way to my assuming the Command
by the appointment of a Chief of the Staff, on Sir Willoughby Gordon's
death, and the reasons on which I then declined the offer. Lord Derby
entirely concurred in my views, and seemed relieved by my explanation;
we then agreed that for the loss of _authority_ which we had lost with
the Duke, we could only make up by increase in _efficiency_ in the
appointments to the different offices. That Lord Hardinge was the only
man fit to command the Army.

He should then receive the Command-in-Chief. The Ordnance which
he would vacate should be given to Lord Fitzroy Somerset,
hitherto Military Secretary (with the offer of a peerage).[41] The
Constableship of the Tower to Lord Combermere; the Garter to Lord
Londonderry; the Grenadier Guards and the Rifle Brigade to me; the
Fusiliers vacated by me to the Duke of Cambridge (or the Coldstream,
Lord Strafford exchanging to the Fusiliers); the 60th Rifles vacated
by me to Lord Beresford; the Rangership of the Parks in London to
George (Duke of Cambridge); the Wardenship of the Cinque Ports to Lord
Dalhousie; the Lieutenancy of Hampshire to Lord Winchester. I reserved
to me the right of considering whether I should not assume the command
of the Brigade of Guards which the Duke of York held in George IV.'s
time, to which William IV. appointed himself, and which has been
vacant ever since Victoria's accession, although inherent to the
Constitution of the Guards.

    [Footnote 41: He became Lord Raglan.]

Lord Derby had thought of George for the Command-in-Chief, as an
alternative for Lord Hardinge, but perceived that his rank as
a Major-General and youth would hardly entitle him to such an
advancement. He would have carried no weight with the public, and we
must not conceal from ourselves that many attacks on the Army which
have been sleeping on account of the Duke will now be forthcoming.

Victoria wishes the Army to mourn for the Duke as long as for a member
of the Royal Family.

Lord Derby proposes a public funeral, which cannot take place,
however, before the meeting of Parliament in November. He is to find
out how this is to be accomplished on account of the long interval.

The correspondence here following[42] shows what doubts exist as to
the person in whom the Command of the Army is vested in case of a
vacancy. I consider Lord Palmerston's letter as a mere attempt
to arrogate supreme power for his Office,[43] which rests on no
foundation. The Secretary at War has no authority whatever except over
money, whilst the Commander-in-Chief has no authority to spend a penny
without the Secretary at War.

ALBERT.

    [Footnote 42: These letters, which are of no special
    importance, contained a statement from Lord Palmerston to the
    effect that the appointment to the Commandership-in-Chief was
    vested in the Secretary at War.]

    [Footnote 43: Lord Palmerston had held the office of Secretary
    at War from 1809 to 1828.]




[Pageheading: THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BALMORAL, _17th September 1852._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I am sure you will mourn _with us_ over the loss we
and this whole nation have experienced in the death of the _dear_ and
great old Duke of Wellington. The sad news will have reached you, I
doubt not, on Wednesday or yesterday. We had gone on Wednesday, as I
had mentioned, to our little Shiel of Allt-na-Giuthasach to spend
two days there, and were enjoying ourselves very much on a beautiful
expedition yesterday, and were sitting by the side of the Dhu Loch,
one of the severest, wildest spots imaginable, when one of our
Highlanders arrived bringing a letter from Lord Derby (who is here),
confirming the report which we had already heard of--but entirely
disbelieved--and sending me a letter from Lord Charles Wellesley,
saying that his dear father had only been ill a few hours, and had
hardly suffered at all. It was a stroke, which was succeeded rapidly
by others, and carried him off without any return of consciousness.
For _him_ it is a blessing that he should have been taken away in
the possession of his great and powerful mind and without a lingering
illness. But for this country, and for us, his loss--though it could
not have been long delayed--is irreparable! He was the pride and the
_bon génie_, as it were, of this country! He was the GREATEST man this
country ever produced, and the most _devoted_ and _loyal_ subject, and
the staunchest supporter the Crown ever had. He was to us a true, kind
friend and most valuable adviser. To think that all this is gone; that
this great and immortal man belongs now to History and no longer to
the present, is a truth which we cannot realise. We shall soon stand
sadly alone; Aberdeen is almost the only personal friend of that kind
we have left. Melbourne, Peel, Liverpool--and now the Duke--_all_
gone!

You will kindly feel for and with us, dearest Uncle.

Lord Hardinge is to be Commander-in-Chief, and he is quite the _only_
man _fit_ for it.

Albert is much grieved. The dear Duke showed him great confidence and
kindness. He was so fond of his little godson Arthur--who will now be
a remaining link of the dear old Duke's, and a pleasant recollection
of him. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.




_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _17th September 1852._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--You will be much grieved at the loss of the
Duke. It must give you satisfaction to think that you were always kind
to him, and that he was very sincerely devoted to you and appreciated
Albert. Since 1814 I had known much of the Duke; his _kindness_ to
me had been very _marked_, and I early discovered that he was very
favourable to my marriage with Charlotte, then already in agitation.
Since, he was _always kind_ and _confidential_, even in those days of
persecution against me, the result of the jealousy of George IV.; he
never was influenced by it, or had the meanness of many who, in the
days of misfortune, quickly leave one. The only case in which we were
at variance was about the boundaries of Greece. He had some of the old
absolute notions, which in that case were not in conformity with the
real interests of England and of Europe. Even last year he spoke so
very kindly to me on the subject of our Continental affairs. Rarely
fickle Fortune permits a poor mortal to reach the conclusion of a long
career, however glorious, with such complete success, so undisturbed
by physical or moral causes. The Duke is the noblest example of what
an Englishman may be, and to what greatness he may rise in following
that honourable and straight line.

When one looks at the Manchester school, compared to the greatness to
which men like the Duke raised their country, one cannot help to
be alarmed for the future. You are enjoying the Highlands, but the
weather seems also not very favourable; here it is uncertain, and at
times very cold.... Your truly devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.




[Pageheading: FUNERAL ARRANGEMENTS]


_The Prince Albert to the Earl of Derby._

BALMORAL, _22nd September 1852._

MY DEAR LORD DERBY,--The Queen wishes me to answer your kind letter of
yesterday.

Her letter to you and to Mr Walpole of this morning will have apprised
you that she sanctions the Guard of Honour having been placed at
Walmer, and the Duke's body having been taken possession of formally
on the part of the Crown.

It would be a great pity if Lord Fitzroy were to be obliged to
decline the Peerage on account of poverty; at the same time it may be
difficult to relieve him from the payment of fees by a public grant.
Under these circumstances, rather than leave Lord Fitzroy unrewarded,
and a chance of his feeling mortified at a moment when his cheerful
co-operation with Lord Hardinge is so important to the public
service--the Queen would _herself_ bear the expense of the fees. If
this were to hurt Lord Fitzroy's feelings, you could easily manage it
so that he need never know from what source the £500 came. The Queen
leaves this matter in your hands. Ever yours truly,

ALBERT.




_Queen Victoria to Mr Walpole._

BALMORAL CASTLE, _22nd September 1852._

The Queen has just received Mr Walpole's letter of the 20th, informing
her of the difficulty of having the Funeral Service, _according_ to
the _Liturgy_, performed _twice_; she trusts, however, that means
may be found to enable the Queen's intentions to be carried out, as
communicated to Mr Walpole in Lord Derby's official letter. Whether
this is to be done by leaving the body for two months without the
Funeral Service being read over it, or by reading the Funeral Service
now in the presence of the family, and treating the _Public Funeral_
more as a translation of the remains to their final place of rest,
the Queen must leave to be decided by those who have the means of
personally sounding the feelings of the Duke's family, the dignitaries
of the Church, and the public generally.

An impressive religious ceremony might certainly be made of it at St.
Paul's, even if the actual Funeral Service should not be read on the
occasion....




_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _23rd October 1852._

Shortly after the formation of Lord Derby's Government, the Queen
communicated to him a Memorandum respecting the necessity of attending
to our national defences on a systematic plan. The Queen would now
wish to hear how far we have advanced in this important object
since that time. Lord Derby would perhaps call on the General
Commanding-in-Chief, the Master-General of the Ordnance, and the First
Lord of the Admiralty, as well as the Home Secretary, to make a report
upon this. It will soon be necessary to consider what will have to
be done for the future to complete the various plans. The Queen is
no alarmist, but thinks that the necessity of our attending to our
defences once having been proved and admitted by Parliament and two
successive Governments, we should not relax in our efforts until the
plans then devised are thoroughly carried out.




[Pageheading: LOUIS NAPOLEON]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _26th October 1852._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--... I must tell you an anecdote relating to Louis
Napoleon's entry into Paris, which Lord Cowley wrote over, as going
the round of Paris. It is: that under one of the Triumphal Arches a
Crown was suspended to a string (which is very often the case) over
which was written, "_Il l'a bien mérité_." Something damaged this
crown, and they removed it--_leaving_, however, the _rope_ and
_superscription_, the effect of which must have been somewhat
edifying!

It is not at all true that foreign Officers are not to attend at the
funeral of the dear old Duke; on the contrary, we expect them from
Prussia, Austria, and Russia, and the Duke of Terceira (whom we shall
see to-night) is already come from Portugal to attend the ceremony.

I must now conclude. With Albert's love, ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.




_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _8th November 1852._

As we seem to be so near the declaration of the Empire in France, and
as so many opinions are expressed on the subject of the title to
be assumed by Louis Napoleon, the Queen is anxious to impress Lord
Malmesbury with the importance of our not committing ourselves on this
point, and not giving our allies to understand that we shall join
them in not acknowledging Napoleon III.[44] Objectionable as this
appellation no doubt is, it may hardly be worth offending France and
her Ruler by refusing to recognise it, when it is of _such_ importance
to prevent their considering themselves the aggrieved party; any
attempt to dictate to France the style of her Ruler would strengthen
Louis Napoleon's position; our object should be to leave France alone,
as long as she is not aggressive.

All of this should be well weighed.

    [Footnote 44: Louis Napoleon himself claimed no hereditary
    right to the Imperial dignity, but only that conferred by
    election: he acknowledged as national all the acts which
    had taken place since 1815, such as the reigns of the
    later Bourbons and of Louis Philippe. (See _Memoirs of an
    ex-Minister_.)]




[Pageheading: NATIONAL DEFENCES]


_The Prince Albert to Viscount Hardinge._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _8th November 1852._

MY DEAR LORD HARDINGE,--In reference to our conversation of yesterday,
and the Queen's request to Lord Derby that he should call upon the
different departments of the Admiralty, Army, Ordnance, and Home
Office to furnish a report as to how far the measures begun last
spring to put our defences in a state of efficiency have been carried
out, and what remains to be done in that direction--I beg now to
address you in writing. The object the Queen wishes to obtain is, to
receive an account which will show what means we have _really_ at our
disposal for purposes of defence, _ready for action_ at the shortest
possible notice, and what remains to be done to put us into a state of
security, what the supply of the wants may cost (approximately), and
what time it would require.

As it will be not only convenient but necessary that the Horse Guards
and Ordnance should consult together and combine their deliberations,
I beg this letter to be understood to apply as well to Lord Raglan
as to yourself, and that you would meet and give the answer to the
Queen's questions conjointly.

(_A detailed list follows._)

These questions would all present themselves at the moment when we
received the intelligence of a threatened _coup de main_ on the part
of Louis Napoleon, when it would be too late to remedy any deficiency.
The public would be quite ready to give the necessary money for our
armament, but they feel with justice that it is unfair to ask them for
large sums and then always to hear, _We are quite unprepared_. They
don't understand and cannot understand details, but it is upon matters
of detail that our security will have to depend, and we cannot be sure
of efficiency unless a comprehensive statement be made showing the
whole.

I beg this to be as short as possible, and if possible in a tabular
shape. Ever yours truly,

ALBERT.




_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _13th November 1852._

The Queen was very sorry to hear from Lord Derby and Mr Disraeli that
Mr Villiers' Motion[45] will create Parliamentary difficulties.

With respect to the financial statement, she must most strongly
impress Lord Derby with the necessity of referring to our defenceless
state, and the necessity of a _large_ outlay, to protect us from
foreign attack, which would almost ensure us against war. The country
is fully alive to its danger, and Parliament has perhaps never been
in a more likely state to grant what is necessary, provided a
comprehensive and efficient plan is laid before it. Such a plan ought,
in the Queen's opinion, to be distinctly promised by the Government,
although it may be laid before Parliament at a later period.

    [Footnote 45: This Motion, intended to extort a declaration
    from the House in favour of Free Trade, and describing the
    Corn Law Repeal as "a just, wise, and beneficial measure," was
    naturally distasteful to the Ministers. Their _amour-propre_
    was saved by Lord Palmerston's Amendment omitting the
    "_odious_ epithets" and affirming the principle of
    unrestricted competition.]




[Pageheading: FINANCIAL POLICY]


_Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria._

LONDON, _14th November 1852._

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to your Majesty,
begs permission to enclose an answer to the Address for your Majesty's
approbation, and which should be delivered, if your Majesty pleases,
to the House of Commons to-morrow.

Referring to a letter from your Majesty, shown to him yesterday by
Lord Derby, the Chancellor of the Exchequer also begs permission to
state that, in making the financial arrangements, he has left a very
large margin for the impending year (April 1853-4), which will permit
the fulfilment of all your Majesty's wishes with respect to the
increased defence of the country, as he gathered them from your
Majesty's gracious expressions, and also from the suggestion which
afterwards, in greater detail, His Royal Highness the Prince deigned
to make to him.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer will deeply consider the intimation
graciously made in your Majesty's letter to Lord Derby as to the tone
on this subject to be adopted in the House of Commons, and he will
endeavour in this, and in all respects, to fulfil your Majesty's
pleasure.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer fears that he sent to your Majesty a
somewhat crude note from the House of Commons on Thursday night,
but he humbly begs your Majesty will deign to remember that these
bulletins are often written in tumult, and sometimes in perplexity;
and that he is under the impression that your Majesty would prefer a
genuine report of the feeling of the moment, however miniature, to a
more artificial and prepared statement.




_Queen Victoria to Mr Disraeli._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _14th November 1852._

The Queen has received with much satisfaction Mr Disraeli's letter of
this day's date, in which he informs her of his readiness to provide
efficiently for the defence of the country, the call for which is
_very_ urgent. Lord Malmesbury, with whom the Prince has talked very
fully over this subject, will communicate further with Mr Disraeli and
Lord Derby on his return to Town to-morrow.




[Pageheading: LORD DALHOUSIE]

[Pageheading: INDIA AND THE DUKE]


_The Marquis of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria._

GOVERNMENT HOUSE, _23rd November 1852._

The Governor-General still retains some hope of seeing general peace
restored in India before he quits it finally, as your Majesty's
Ministers and the Court of Directors have some time since requested
him not to retire from its administration in January next, as he had
intended to do.

Many private considerations combined to draw him homewards, even
though the honour and the advantages of retaining this Office were
willingly recognised. But the gracious approbation with which his
services here have been viewed was a sufficient motive for continuing
them for some time longer, if they were thought profitable to the
State.

Your Majesty has very recently been pleased to bestow upon him a still
further distinction, which calls not merely for the expression of his
deep and humble gratitude to your Majesty, but for a further devotion
to your Majesty's service of whatever power he may possess for
promoting its interests.

That your Majesty should prefer him at all to an Office of such
traditional distinction as the Wardenship was an honour to which the
Governor-General would never at any time have dreamt of aspiring. But
by conferring it upon him thus--during his absence--and above all, by
conferring it upon him in immediate succession to one whom he must all
his life regard with reverence, affection, and gratitude--your Majesty
has surrounded this honour with so much of honourable circumstance
that the Governor-General is wholly unable to give full expression to
the feelings with which he has received your Majesty's goodness.

The Governor-General is very sensible that in him, as Lord Warden,
your Majesty will have but a sorry successor to the Duke of Wellington
in every respect, save one. But in that one respect--namely in deep
devotion to your Majesty's Crown, and to the true interests of your
Empire--the Governor-General does not yield even to the Master he was
long so proud to follow.

In every part of India the highest honours have been paid to the
memory of the Duke of Wellington, which your Majesty's Empire in the
East and its armies could bestow.

Even the Native Powers have joined in the homage to his fame. In the
mountains of Nepaul the same sad tribute was rendered by the Maharajah
as by ourselves, while in Mysore the Rajah not only fired minute
guns in his honour, but even caused the Dusserah, the great Hindoo
festival, to be stopped throughout the city, in token of his grief.

Excepting the usual disturbance from time to time among the still
untamed mountain tribes upon our north-western border, there is entire
tranquillity in India. The season has been good, and the revenue is
improving.

Respectfully acknowledging the letter which he had lately the honour
of receiving from your Majesty, and the gracious message it contained
to Lady Dalhousie, who, though much improved in health, will be
compelled to return to England in January, the Governor-General has
the honour to subscribe himself with the utmost respect and gratitude,
your Majesty's most obedient, most humble, and devoted Subject and
Servant,

DALHOUSIE.




[Pageheading: THE FUNERAL]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _23rd November 1852._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--What you say about Joinville has interested us very
much, and we have confidentially communicated it to Lord Derby, who
is never alarmed enough. There is, however, a belief that the Orleans
family have been very imprudent, and that Louis Napoleon has heard
things and expressions used which did a great deal of harm, and Lord
Derby begged me to warn them very strongly and earnestly on this
point; _I_ cannot do much, but I think _you_ might, for in fact they
might _unintentionally compromise us seriously_. The Government are
rather shaky; Disraeli has been imprudent and blundering, and has done
himself harm by a Speech he made about the Duke of Wellington, which
was borrowed from an _éloge_ by Thiers on a French Marshal!!![46]

You will have heard from your children and from Charles how very
touching the ceremony both in and out of doors was on the 18th. The
behaviour of the millions assembled has been the topic of general
admiration, and the foreigners have all assured me that they never
could have believed _such_ a number of people could have shown such
feeling, such respect, for _not_ a sound was heard! I cannot say
_what_ a deep and _wehmtühige_ impression it made on me! It was a
beautiful sight. In the Cathedral it was much more touching still! The
dear old Duke! he is an irreparable loss!

We had a great dinner yesterday to all the Officers. There is but one
feeling of indignation and surprise at the conduct of Austria [47]
in taking _this_ opportunity to slight England in return for what
happened to _Haynau_[48] for _his own_ character. Ernest Hohenlohe
was extremely anxious you should know the reason why he may _possibly_
appear one evening at the Elysée (they are gone for three or four days
to Paris).

Louis Napoleon being excessively susceptible, and believing us to be
inimical towards him, we and the Government thought it would not be
wise or prudent for _my_ brother-in-law, just coming _from here_,
purposely to avoid him and go out of his way, which Louis Napoleon
would immediately say was _my doing_; and unnecessary offence we do
not wish to give; the more so as Stockmar was presented to him at
Strasburg, and received the _Légion d'honneur_. I promised to explain
this to you, as Ernest was distressed lest he should appear to be
_timeserving_, and I said I was sure you would understand it.

I must end in a hurry, hoping to write again on Thursday or Friday.
Dear Stockmar is very well and most kind. He is much pleased at your
children spending some time with him every day. Ever your devoted
Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 46: Marshal Gouvion de St Cyr.]

    [Footnote 47: In sending no representative to the funeral of
    the Duke of Wellington.]

    [Footnote 48: See _ante_, p. 267.]




[Pageheading: CONFUSION OF PARTIES]


_The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria._

DOWNING STREET, _25th November 1852._
(_Thursday, four_ P.M.)

Lord Derby, with his humble duty, in obedience to your Majesty's
gracious commands of this morning, proceeds to report to your Majesty
what he finds to have taken place and to be in contemplation; but the
accounts of the latter are so conflicting and contradictory, that his
report must be as unsatisfactory to your Majesty as the state of the
case is unintelligible to himself.

On arriving in London, Lord Derby called on Mr Disraeli, and found
that late last night he had had, by his own desire, a private
interview with Lord Palmerston, who had come to his house with that
object; that Lord Palmerston's language was perfectly friendly towards
the Government; that he assured Mr Disraeli that his only object in
offering his Amendment was to defeat Mr Villiers; that if that could
be done, it was a matter of indifference to him which Amendment was
adopted; and he concluded by declaring that though he sat by Mr Sidney
Herbert in the House of Commons, and was an old personal friend, he
did not act in concert with him or with Mr Gladstone; and that he did
not see, on their part, any disposition to approach the Government!
After this declaration Mr Disraeli felt that it would be useless and
unwise to sound him farther as to his own ulterior views, and the
conversation led to nothing.

As Lord Derby was walking home, he was overtaken by Lord Jocelyn, who
stated, in direct opposition to what had been said by Lord Palmerston,
that he, and the other two gentlemen named, were consulted upon, and
had concocted the proposed Amendment; and that they were decidedly
acting together. He was present at a dinner of the Peelite Party
yesterday at Mr Wortley's, when Speeches were made, and language held
about the reunion of the Conservative Party, resulting, however, in
a declaration that if your Majesty's servants did not accept Lord
Palmerston's Amendment, they, as a body, would vote in favour of Mr
Villiers. Lord Derby has been farther informed that they are willing
to join the Government, but that one of their conditions would be
that Lord Palmerston should lead the House of Commons, Mr Gladstone
refusing to serve under Mr Disraeli. This, if true, does not look like
an absence of all concert.

To complete the general confusion of Parties, the Duke of Bedford, who
called on Lady Derby this morning, assures her that Lord John Russell
does not desire the fall of your Majesty's present Government, and
that in no case will he enter into any combination with the Radical
Party, a declaration quite at variance with the course he has pursued
since Parliament met.

Of course Lord Derby, in these circumstances, has not taken any step
whatever towards exercising the discretion with which your Majesty was
graciously pleased to entrust him this morning.[49] He much regrets
having to send your Majesty so unsatisfactory a statement, and has
desired to have the latest intelligence sent up to him of what may
pass in the House of Commons, and he will endeavour to keep your
Majesty informed of any new occurrence which any hour may produce.

_Half-past six._

Lord Derby has just heard from the House of Commons that Sir James
Graham has given the history of the framing of the Amendment, and has
expressed his intention, if Lord Palmerston's Amendment be accepted,
to advise Mr Villiers to withdraw. Mr Gladstone has held the same
language; there appears to be much difference of opinion, but Lord
Derby would think that the probable result will be the adoption of
Lord Palmerston's proposition. He fears this will lead to a good deal
of discontent among the supporters of the Government; but a different
course would run imminent risk of defeat.

    [Footnote 49: The Queen had allowed him to enter into
    negotiations with the Peelites and Lord Palmerston on the
    distinct understanding that the latter could not receive the
    lead of the House of Commons.]




[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON]



_Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria._

HOUSE OF COMMONS, _26th November 1852._
(_Half-past one o'clock_ A.M.)

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to your Majesty,
reports to your Majesty that the House of Commons has this moment
divided on Mr Villiers' resolution, and in a House of nearly 600
members they have been rejected by a majority of 80.[50]

The debate was very animated and amusing, from the rival narratives of
the principal projectors of the demonstration, who, having quarrelled
among themselves, entered into secret and--in a Party sense--somewhat
scandalous revelations, to the diversion and sometimes astonishment of
the House.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer deeply regrets that, having been
obliged to quit the House early yesterday, he was unable to forward a
bulletin to your Majesty.

He has fixed next Friday for the Budget.

    [Footnote 50: Lord Palmerston's Amendment (see _ante_, p.
    399) was carried instead, and Protection was thenceforward
    abandoned by Mr Disraeli and his followers.]




[Pageheading: MR DISRAELI AND MR GLADSTONE]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _28th November 1852._

Before the Council held yesterday we saw Lord Derby, who seemed much
pleased with the result of the Division, though a good deal galled by
the tone of the Debate.

Lord Derby had heard it said that Mr Sidney Herbert, although very
bitter in his language, had not meant to be hostile to the Government,
but felt that he owed the duty to speak out to the memory of Sir
Robert Peel; that he was glad to have thrown the load off his mind.
Lord Derby then read us a letter from Lord Claud Hamilton, who had
seen Mr Corry (one of the Peelites), who had given him to understand
that they would _not_ serve under the leadership of Mr Disraeli; that
they were ready, on the other hand, to serve under Lord Palmerston.
This put all further negotiation out of the question, for,
independently of the Queen objecting to such an arrangement, he
himself could not admit of it. On my question why Mr Gladstone could
not lead, he replied that Mr Gladstone was, in his opinion, quite
unfit for it; he had none of that decision, boldness, readiness, and
clearness which was necessary to lead a Party, to inspire it with
confidence, and, still [more], to take at times a decision on the spur
of the moment, which a leader had often to do. Then he said that
he could not in honour sacrifice Mr Disraeli, who had acted very
straightforwardly to him as long as they had had anything to do with
each other, and who possessed the confidence of his followers. Mr
Disraeli had no idea of giving up the lead.

We could quite understand, on the other hand, that the colleagues of
Sir Robert Peel could not feel inclined to serve under Mr Disraeli.

Under these circumstances we agreed that nothing should be done at
present, and that it must be left to time to operate changes, that
much must depend upon the success which Mr Disraeli may have with his
Budget, and that the knowledge that Lord Palmerston could not obtain
the lead would oblige those who wished to join to think of a different
combination.

Lord Derby owned (upon my blunt question) that he did not think Mr
Disraeli had ever had a strong feeling, one way or the other, about
Protection or Free Trade, and that he would make a very good Free
Trade Minister.

The Queen was anxious to know what Lord Derby thought Lord George
Bentinck (if now alive) would do in this conjunction. Lord Derby's
expression was "he would have made confusion worse confounded" from
his excessive violence.

ALBERT.




[Pageheading: RECOGNITION OF THE EMPIRE]


_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury._

OSBORNE, _2nd December 1852._

The Queen has received Lord Malmesbury's letter, and returns the
enclosure from Lord Cowley. Under these circumstances the course
recommended to be pursued by Lord Malmesbury[51] appears also to the
Queen as the best. It is evident that we have no means of making
Louis Napoleon say what he will not, nor would any diplomatic form of
obtaining an assurance from him give us any guarantee of his not doing
after all exactly what he pleases. Our honour appears therefore to be
best in our own keeping. Whatever he may say, it is in our _note of
recognition_ that we must state _what_ we recognise and what we do
_not_ recognise.

    [Footnote 51: Lord Malmesbury advised that a formal repetition
    of the interpretation and assurances as to the use of the
    numeral "III" in the Imperial title, already verbally made by
    the President and the French Ambassador, should be demanded.
    This was duly obtained. On the 2nd of December, the
    anniversary of the _coup d'état_, the Imperial title was
    assumed; on the 4th, the Empire was officially recognised.]




_The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria._

ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _3rd December 1852._
(_Friday night, twelve o'clock_ P.M.)

Lord Derby, with his humble duty, ventures to hope that your Majesty
may feel some interest in hearing, so far as he is able to give it,
his impression of the effect of Mr Disraeli's announcement of the
Budget[52] this evening. Lord Derby was not able to hear quite the
commencement of the Speech, having been obliged to attend the House
of Lords, which, however, was up at a quarter past five, Mr Disraeli
having then been speaking about half an hour. From that time till
ten, when he sat down, Lord Derby was in the House of Commons, and
anxiously watching the effect produced, which he ventures to assure
your Majesty was most favourable, according to his own judgment after
some considerable experience in Parliament, and also from what he
heard from others. Mr Disraeli spoke for about five hours, with no
apparent effort, with perfect self-possession, and with hardly an
exception to the fixed attention with which the House listened to the
exposition of the views of your Majesty's servants. It was altogether
a most masterly performance, and he kept alive the attention of
the House with the greatest ability, introducing the most important
statements, and the broadest principles of legislature, just at the
moments when he had excited the greatest anxiety to learn the precise
measures which the Government intended to introduce. The Irish part of
the question was dealt with with remarkable dexterity, though probably
a great part of the point will be lost in the newspaper reports. It
is difficult to foresee the ultimate result, but Lord Derby has
no hesitation in saying that the general first impression was very
favourable, and that, as a whole, the Budget seemed to meet with the
approval of the House.

    [Footnote 52: Increase of the House Tax, reduction of the Malt
    and Tea duties, and relaxation of Income Tax in the case of
    farmers, were the salient features of the Budget.]




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN TO THE EMPEROR]


_Queen Victoria to the Emperor of the French._

OSBORNE HOUSE, _4th December 1852._

SIR, MY BROTHER,--Being desirous to maintain uninterrupted the union
and good understanding which happily subsist between Great Britain
and France, I have made choice of Lord Cowley, a peer of my United
Kingdom, a member of my Privy Council, and Knight Commander of
the Most Honourable Order of the Bath, to reside at your Imperial
Majesty's Court in the character of my Ambassador Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary. The long experience which I have had of his talents
and zeal for my service assures me that the choice which I have made
of Lord Cowley will be perfectly agreeable to your Imperial Majesty,
and that he will prove himself worthy of this new mark of my
confidence. I request that your Imperial Majesty will give entire
credence to all that Lord Cowley shall communicate to you on my part,
more especially when he shall assure your Imperial Majesty of my
invariable attachment and esteem, and shall express to you those
sentiments of sincere friendship and regard with which I am, Sir, my
Brother, your Imperial Majesty's good Sister,

VICTORIA R.

To my good Brother,[53] the Emperor of the French.

    [Footnote 53: The Czar persisted in addressing him as _Mon
    cher Ami_.]




_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury._

OSBORNE, _6th December 1852._

The Queen has this morning received Lord Malmesbury's letter of
yesterday, relative to Count Walewski's audience. The manner in which
Lord Malmesbury proposes this should be done the Queen approves, and
only wishes Lord Malmesbury to communicate with the proper authorities
in order that the _Fairy_ may be at Southampton at the right hour,
and the Frigate, as suggested, in attendance off Osborne or Cowes,
according to what the weather may be. The landing at Osborne Pier, in
wet or stormy weather, is very bad, particularly for a lady.

The Queen wishes that the Count and Countess Walewski should come down
here with Lord Malmesbury on _Thursday next_, and we should receive
them at half-past one. We wish then that they should _all three dine
and sleep here that day_.




[Pageheading: A SECRET PROTOCOL]


_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury._

OSBORNE, _8th December 1852._

The Queen was very much surprised to receive this morning in a box
from Lord Malmesbury, without any further explanation, a secret
Protocol[54] signed by the representatives of the four great Powers at
the Foreign Office on the 3rd instant.

A step of such importance should not have been taken without even the
intention of it having been previously mentioned to the Queen, and her
leave having been obtained. She must therefore ask for an explanation
from Lord Malmesbury. Though the purport of the Protocol appears to
the Queen quite right, she ought not to allow the honour of England to
be pledged by her Minister without her sanction.

The exact wording of a document of that nature is a matter of such
serious importance that it requires the greatest consideration, and it
is a question with the Queen whether it be always quite safe to adopt
entirely what is proposed by Baron Brunnow, who is generally the
_rédacteur_ of such documents.

    [Footnote 54: By this Protocol Louis Napoleon was to be
    recognised as Emperor by Great Britain, Austria, Prussia, and
    Russia.]




_The Earl of Malmesbury to Queen Victoria._

FOREIGN OFFICE, _13th December 1852._

Lord Malmesbury presents his humble duty to the Queen. He thought
it advisable to acquaint your Majesty as soon as possible with a
conversation which Count Walewski had held of his own accord
in reference to Her Serene Highness the Princess Adelaide of
Hohenlohe,[55] and he requested Lord Derby to repeat it to your
Majesty.

Lord Malmesbury was not mistaken in believing that the Count had not
alluded idly to the subject, as he this day called on Lord Malmesbury,
and stated to him that the Emperor of the French had not decided
to negotiate a marriage with the Princess of Wasa;[56] but, on the
contrary, was rather averse to such an alliance; that he was anxious,
on the contrary, to make one which indirectly "_resserrerait les liens
d'amitié entre l'Angleterre et la France_," and that with this view
he wished Lord Malmesbury to ascertain from your Majesty whether any
objections would be raised on the part of your Majesty, or of the
Princess Adelaide's family, to his contracting a marriage with Her
Serene Highness. Your Majesty may suppose that he received this
intimation by a simple assurance that he would submit the French
Emperor's sentiments to your Majesty, and he added that he foresaw a
serious difficulty to the project in the fact that the Princess was
a Protestant. Count Walewski was evidently sincere in the earnestness
with which he spoke of the subject, and the impatience with which he
pressed Lord Malmesbury to inform your Majesty of his proposal.

    [Footnote 55: The Queen's niece, daughter of Princess
    Hohenlohe.]

    [Footnote 56: The Princess Caroline Stéphanie, daughter of
    Prince Gustavus de Wasa, who was son of the last King of
    Sweden of the earlier dynasty.]




[Pageheading: THE EMPEROR'S PROPOSED MARRIAGE]


_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._

OSBORNE, _14th December 1852._

The Queen sends to Lord Derby a communication which she has received
from Lord Malmesbury.

The Queen is sorry to have been put in a situation which requires on
her part a direct answer, which to have been spared would have been in
every respect more prudent and safe. As it is, however, the Queen is
fully aware that the answer she is forced to give may really have,
or may hereafter be made appear to have, political consequences
disadvantageous to our political relations with France, and injurious
to the Queen's personal character.

The Queen therefore encloses for Lord Derby a draft of the answer she
intends to give to Lord Malmesbury,[57] asking that Lord Derby will
not only give these matters his fullest consideration, but that he
will return to the Queen the draft as soon as possible, with such of
his suggestions or alterations as he may think advisable to propose to
her.

The Queen must also express her decided wish that Lord Derby will not
allow Lord Malmesbury to move a single step in this affair without it
has been previously concerted with Lord Derby.[58]

    [Footnote 57:

    _Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury._
    [_Draft._]
    OSBORNE, _14th December 1852._

    The Queen has received Lord Malmesbury's letter of yesterday,
    reporting his conversation with Count Walewski, who had asked
    him to ascertain from the Queen "whether any objections would
    be raised on her part or on that of the Princess Adelaide's
    family to his (the Emperor's) contracting a marriage with Her
    Serene Highness."

    In a question which affects the entire prospects and happiness
    of a third person, and that person being a near and dear
    relation of hers, the Queen feels herself conscientiously
    precluded from forming an opinion of her own, and consequently
    from taking the slightest part in it either directly or
    indirectly. The only proper persons to refer to for the
    consideration of and decision on so serious a proposal are the
    parents of the Princess and the Princess herself.]

    [Footnote 58: In his reply Lord Derby observed that it did not
    appear to him that the matter was at present in so critical
    a position. Lord Malmesbury would have little difficulty in
    showing Count Walewski, without any interruption of a friendly
    _entente_, that the intended overtures were not likely to be
    favourably received. He suggested that Lord Malmesbury should
    be instructed to treat the proposition as emanating, not from
    the Emperor, but unofficially, from Count Walewski; and that
    he should, also unofficially, dissuade him from pressing the
    subject further; such course could have no injurious effect
    upon the political aspect of Europe. Lord Derby could not
    understand how the affair, however it might turn out, could
    affect the Queen's "personal character."

    He suggested that the following words should be substituted
    for the last paragraph: "And while she fully appreciates
    the desire expressed by Count Walewski on the part of his
    Government, '_de resserrer les liens de l'amitié entre
    l'Angleterre et la France_,' she feels bound to leave the
    consideration and decision of so serious a proposal to the
    unbiassed judgment of the parents of the Princess and the
    Princess herself, the only persons to whom such a question can
    properly be referred. The Queen thinks it right to add that
    being fully persuaded of the strong religious persuasion of
    the Princess, of the extreme improbability of any change
    of opinion on her part, and of the evils inseparable from a
    difference of opinion on such a subject between the Emperor
    and his intended Consort, she wishes Lord Malmesbury to place
    this consideration prominently before Count Walewski, before
    he takes any other step in the matter, which he appears to
    have brought unofficially under the consideration of Lord
    Malmesbury."]




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND LORD MALMESBURY]

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S OPINION]


_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._

OSBORNE, _16th December 1852._

The Queen has received Lord Derby's letter of the 14th inst. She did
not intend to complain personally of Lord Malmesbury, who, the
Queen is sure, was most anxious to do the best he could under the
circumstances; but she still thinks that a question of such importance
should not have been brought immediately before her for her decision;
and although Lord Derby states his opinion that Lord Malmesbury had no
alternative but to promise to Count Walewski that he would bring "_the
Emperor's sentiments before the Queen_," the very suggestion Lord
Derby now makes, viz. "that Lord Malmesbury should be instructed
to treat the proposition as emanating, not from the Emperor,
but _unofficially_ from Count Walewski, and that he should also
_unofficially_ dissuade him from pressing the matter further"--shows
that there was an alternative.

Lord Derby and Lord Malmesbury alone can know, whether, after what
may have passed in conversation between Lord Malmesbury and Count
Walewski, this course still remains open.

There can be no doubt that the best thing would be to terminate this
affair without the Queen being called upon to give any opinion at all.

Lord Derby seems to treat the matter as of much less importance than
the Queen, but he will admit that, if the alliance is sought by
the Emperor, "_pour resserrer les liens d'amitié entre la France et
l'Angleterre_," the refusal of it on the part of the Queen must also
have the opposite effect. The responsibility of having produced this
effect would rest personally with the Queen, who might be accused of
having brought it about, influenced by personal feelings of animosity
against the Emperor, or by mistaken friendship for the Orleans family,
or misplaced family pride, etc., etc., etc. The acceptance of the
proposal, on the other hand, or even the consummation of the project
without her _direct_ intervention, cannot fail to expose the Queen
to a share in the just opprobrium attaching in the eyes of all
right-thinking men to the political acts perpetrated in France ever
since 2nd December 1851. And, while it would appear as if her Family
did not care for any such considerations, so long as by an alliance
they could secure momentary advantages, it would give the other
Powers of Europe, whom the Emperor seems to be disposed to treat
very unceremoniously (as shown by Lord Cowley's last reports) the
impression that England suddenly had separated herself from them, and
bound herself to France for a family interest pursued by the Queen.

These are the dangers to "the Queen's personal character," which
presented themselves to her mind when she wrote her last letter, and
which Lord Derby says remained unintelligible to him.

The Queen wishes Lord Derby to show this letter to Lord Malmesbury,
whom, under the circumstances, she thinks it best not to address
separately. They will be now both in the fullest possession of the
Queen's sentiments, and she hopes will be able to terminate this
matter without the expression of an opinion on the part of the Queen
becoming necessary.




[Pageheading: DEFEAT OF THE MINISTRY]


_The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria._

ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _17th December 1852._
(4 A.M.)

Lord Derby, with his humble duty, regrets to have to submit to your
Majesty that the House of Commons, from which he has this moment
returned, has rejected the resolution for the increase of the House
Tax, by a majority of either nineteen or twenty-one.[59] This majority
is so decisive, especially having been taken on a question which was
understood to involve the fate of the Government, as to leave Lord
Derby no alternative as to the course which it will be his duty to
pursue; and although, as a matter of form, it is necessary that he
should consult his Colleagues, for which purpose he has desired that
a Cabinet should be summoned for twelve o'clock, he can entertain no
doubt but that their opinion will unanimously concur with his own;
that he must humbly ask leave to resign into your Majesty's hands the
high trust which your Majesty has been pleased to repose in him. Lord
Derby, with your Majesty's permission, will endeavour to do himself
the honour of attending your Majesty's pleasure this evening; but it
is possible that he may not be able to find the means of crossing,[60]
in which case he trusts that your Majesty will honour him with an
audience to-morrow (Saturday) morning. Lord Derby trusts he need
not assure your Majesty how deeply he feels the inconvenience and
annoyance which this event will occasion to your Majesty, nor how
anxious will be his desire that your Majesty should be enabled with
the least possible delay to form an Administration possessing more of
the public confidence. He will never cease to retain the deepest and
most grateful sense of the gracious favour and support which he has
on all occasions received at your Majesty's hands, and which he deeply
regrets that he has been unable to repay by longer and more efficient
service.

    [Footnote 59: This memorable debate and its sensational
    ending, with the notable speeches from Disraeli and Gladstone,
    has been repeatedly described. See, _e.g._, Morley's
    _Gladstone_ and McCarthy's _History of our own Times_. The
    _Times_ leader (quoted by Mr Morley) was cut out and preserved
    by the Queen.]

    [Footnote 60: To Osborne.]




[Pageheading: LORD DERBY'S RESIGNATION]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

OSBORNE, _18th December 1852._

Yesterday evening Lord Derby arrived from Town formally to tender his
resignation. We retired to the Queen's room after dinner with him
to hear what he had to say on the crisis. He complained of the
factiousness of the Opposition, which he and his Party hoped,
however, not to imitate; was ready to support, as far as he could,
any Administration which was sincerely anxious to check the growth of
democracy. He said his calculations at the close of the Elections
had been found almost to a man verified in the late vote: 286 members
voting with the Government, and these were their regular supporters;
the other half of the House was composed of 150 Radicals, 50 of the
so-called Irish Brigade, 120 Whigs, and 30 Peelites. It was clear
that, if all these combined, he would be outvoted, though none of
these Parties alone numbered as much as half of his. However, he had
heard lately from good authority that the Whigs and Peelites had
come to an agreement, and were ready to form an Administration on
Conservative principles, to the exclusion of the Radicals, under the
lead of Lord Aberdeen. Although only 150 strong, they thought, that
with all the talent they had at their command, they would be able to
obtain the confidence of the country, and hold the balance between the
two extreme Parties in the House. He felt that after having failed to
obtain the confidence of Parliament himself, he could do nothing
else than retire at once, and he advised the Queen to send for Lord
Lansdowne, who knew better than anybody the state of Parties, and
would give the best advice. He did not advise the Queen to send for
Lord Aberdeen at once, because, if it were reported that he had given
this advice, many of his Party--who had already been distressed at
his declaration to them that if he was defeated he would withdraw from
public life--would think it necessary to join Lord Aberdeen as their
new appointed leader; and then the other half, which felt the deepest
indignation at the treatment they had received from the Peelites,
would throw themselves into a reckless alliance with the Radicals, to
revenge themselves upon the new Government, so the great Conservative
Party would be broken up, which it was so essential for the country to
keep together and moderate.

I interrupted Lord Derby, saying that, constitutionally speaking, it
did not rest with him to give advice and become responsible for it,
and that nobody therefore could properly throw the responsibility of
the Queen's choice of a new Minister upon him; the Queen had thought
of sending for Lord Lansdowne and Lord Aberdeen together. This, Lord
Derby said, would do very well; he knew that, strictly speaking, the
Sovereign acted upon her own responsibility, but it was always said on
such occasions, for instance, "Lord John advised the Queen to send for
Lord Derby," etc., etc.

He then gave it rather jokingly as his opinion that he thought less
than 32 could hardly be the number of the new Cabinet, so many former
Ministers would expect to be taken in; the Whigs said 36. Lord John
Russell was designated for the Home Office, Lord Canning for the
Foreign, Mr Gladstone for the Colonial Department, Lord Clanricarde
for the Post Office, Lord Granville for Ireland. These were the
reports.

ALBERT.




_Queen Victoria to the Marquis of Lansdowne._

OSBORNE, _18th December 1852._

The Queen has received Lord Lansdowne's letter, from which she was
very sorry to learn that he is suffering from the gout. Although the
Queen was very anxious to have consulted with him before taking a
definite step for the formation of a new Government consequent on the
resignation of Lord Derby, she would have been very unhappy if Lord
Lansdowne had exposed his health to any risk in order to gratify her
wishes. Time pressing, she has now sent a telegraphic message to Lord
Aberdeen to come down here alone, which, from the terms of the Queen's
first summons, he had thought himself precluded from doing. Should
Lord Lansdowne not be able to move soon, Lord Aberdeen will confer
with him by the Queen's desire immediately on his return to Town.




[Pageheading: LORD ABERDEEN SUMMONED]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

OSBORNE, _19th December 1852._

Lord Aberdeen arrived here at three o'clock and reported that he had
seen Lord Lansdowne, and had come to a perfect understanding with him;
he had also consulted with his friends, and with Lord John Russell. It
would now depend upon the decision of the Queen whom she would charge
with the formation of a Government. The Queen answered that she
thought Lord Lansdowne was too old and infirm to undertake such
arduous duties, and that she commissioned Lord Aberdeen. He replied
he was fully aware of his own unworthiness for the task, and had
expressed his disinclination to Lord Lansdowne, while Lord Lansdowne,
on the other hand, had pressed him to take the responsibility himself;
but since the Queen had commissioned him, he wished to say that it was
of the greatest importance that only one person should be charged with
the task and be responsible for it, and that the new Government should
not be a revival of the old Whig Cabinet with an addition of some
Peelites, but should be a liberal Conservative Government in the
sense of that of Sir Robert Peel; he thought this would meet with
the confidence of the country, even if excluding the Radicals. Lord
Aberdeen said he meant to propose to the Queen Lord John Russell as
Leader of the House of Commons and Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, which _he_ thinks he would accept. (The Queen sanctioned
this.) He would then consult Lord John upon his appointments, but
he (Lord Aberdeen) would be responsible, taking care that Lord John
should be satisfied. There was no doubt that Lord John had full claims
to be Prime Minister again, but that he could give him no greater
proof of confidence, having been his opponent all his life, than to
give him the lead of the House of Commons, which made him virtually
as much Prime Minister as he pleased, and the Foreign Office combined
with it would satisfy Lord John as following the precedent of Mr Fox.
The Peelites would not have served under Lord Lansdowne, much less
under Lord John; but a great many Whigs even objected to Lord John.
This was a temporary and undeserved unpopularity, and still Lord John
remained the first man in the country, and might be Prime Minister
again. The Peelites would know and learn to respect him when meeting
him in office. Lord Aberdeen hoped even many Conservatives now going
with Lord Derby would support such a Government, but to preserve to
it a Conservative character, two Secretaries of State at least must be
_Peelites_.

We next talked of Lord Palmerston, whom we agreed it would be
imprudent to leave to combine in opposition with Mr Disraeli. Lord
Aberdeen had thought of Ireland for him; we felt sure he would not
accept that. I gave Lord Aberdeen a list of the possible distribution
of offices, which I had drawn up, and which he took with him as
containing "valuable suggestions." He hoped the Queen would allow him
to strengthen himself in the House of Lords, where there was nobody to
cope with Lord Derby, by the translation of Sir James Graham or Mr
S. Herbert, if he should find this necessary. Sir James might gain in
moving from the House of Commons, as he lately fettered himself with
inconvenient Radical pledges. He felt he would have great difficulty
in the formation of his Government, for although everybody promised to
forget his personal wishes and interests, yet when brought to the test
such professions were often belied. The difficulty of measures lies
chiefly in the Budget, as the Income Tax would have to be settled,
and he was anxious to keep a good surplus. As to Reform, he felt that,
considering the Queen to have recommended it by a Speech from the
Throne, and Lord John to have actually introduced a Measure as Prime
Minister, the door could not be closed against it; but it might be
postponed for the present, and there was no real wish for it in the
country.

He was very sorry that the Government had been upset, and if the
Budget had been such that it could have been accepted he should much
have preferred it. Lord Derby seemed very much offended with him
personally for his speech in the House of Lords. Lord Aberdeen kissed
hands, and started again at four o'clock.




[Pageheading: LORD ABERDEEN]

[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL]


_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._

(_Undated._)[61]

Lord Aberdeen, with his humble duty, begs to inform your Majesty, that
on his return from Osborne last night, he saw Lord Lansdowne and Lord
John Russell, and found them in the same disposition with respect to
the formation of the new Administration. This morning, however,
Lord John Russell, partly from an apprehension of the fatigue of the
Foreign Office, and partly from the effect likely to be produced on
his political friends by his acceptance of office, has expressed his
unwillingness to form part of the Administration, although anxious to
give it his best support. Lord Aberdeen has discussed this matter
very fully with Lord John, and has requested him not to decide finally
until to-morrow morning, which he had promised accordingly. In the
meantime, Lord Aberdeen humbly submits to your Majesty that his
position is materially affected by this irresolution on the part
of Lord John. Had he not felt warranted in relying upon Lord John's
co-operation, he would not have ventured to speak to your Majesty with
the confidence he yesterday evinced. With the most earnest desire to
devote himself to your Majesty's service, it becomes doubtful whether
he could honestly venture to attempt the execution of your Majesty's
commands should Lord John persevere in his present intention. At
all events, nothing further can be done until this matter shall be
decided; and Lord Aberdeen will have the honour of reporting the
result to your Majesty.

    [Footnote 61: Apparently written on the 20th of December
    1852.]




_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _20th December 1852._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is
grateful for your Majesty's condescension in informing him that your
Majesty has charged the Earl of Aberdeen with the duty of constructing
a Government.

Lord John Russell is desirous of seeing a durable Government, and he
will consider with the utmost care how far he can, consistently
with his own honour and his health and strength, contribute to this
end.[62]

    [Footnote 62: He consulted Lord Lansdowne, and Macaulay,
    happening to call, threw his influence into the scale in
    favour of his serving under Aberdeen (Walpole's _Russell_,
    chap, xxiii.).]




[Pageheading: MR DISRAELI AND PRINCE ALBERT]


_Mr Disraeli to the Prince Albert._

DOWNING STREET, _20th December 1852._

SIR,--I have the honour to return to your Royal Highness the State
paper[63] which your Royal Highness entrusted to me. I have not
presumed to keep a copy of it, but my memory is familiar with its
contents, and in case hereafter there may be any opportunity formed
to forward the views of your Royal Highness in this respect, I may
perhaps be permitted, if necessary, again to refer to the document.

I hope I am not presumptuous if, on this occasion, I offer to your
Royal Highness my grateful acknowledgments of the condescending
kindness which I have received from your Royal Highness.

I may, perhaps, be permitted to say that the views which your Royal
Highness had developed to me in confidential conversation have not
fallen on an ungrateful soil. I shall ever remember with interest and
admiration the princely mind in the princely person, and shall at all
times be prepared to prove to your Royal Highness my devotion. I
have the honour to remain, Sir, your Royal Highness's most obedient
Servant,

B. DISRAELI.

    [Footnote 63: It is impossible to ascertain what this was; it
    was probably one of the Prince's political Memoranda.]




_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._

LONDON, _20th December 1852._

Lord Aberdeen, with his humble duty, begs to inform your Majesty that
Lord John Russell has finally decided not to undertake the Foreign
Office, being influenced, Lord Aberdeen fully believes, by domestic
considerations, and contrary to the advice of all the most important
of his political friends. Lord Lansdowne has done his utmost to shake
the resolution, but in vain. Lord John proposes to be in the Cabinet,
without office, but to lead the Government business in the House of
Commons. Lord Aberdeen thinks this arrangement objectionable, and a
novelty, although the Duke of Wellington was Leader in the House
of Lords for two years without office when Lord Hill was
Commander-in-Chief. If the arrangement should be found untenable in
a Parliamentary view, Lord John would consent to accept a nominal
office, such as Chancellor of the Duchy. It is with great regret that
Lord Aberdeen makes this announcement to your Majesty, as his own
position is greatly weakened by this change; but he does not think it
a sufficient reason for abandoning the attempt to serve your Majesty,
which he feared might have been the case if Lord John had persevered
in his intention of not forming part of the Administration.




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S ANXIETY]


_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._

OSBORNE, _21st December 1852._

The Queen has to acknowledge the receipt of Lord Derby's letter.
She has since read his Speech in the House of Lords announcing his
resignation most attentively, and must express her doubts, whether
that Speech was calculated to render easier the difficult task
which has been thrown upon the Queen by the resignation of her late
Government.[64]

    [Footnote 64: Lord Derby severely attacked Lord Aberdeen, in
    his absence, and declared himself the victim of a factious
    combination.]




_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._

OSBORNE, _21st December 1852._

The Queen received Lord Aberdeen's letter early this morning, the
contents of which have filled her with no little anxiety.

Still, she relies on the spirit of patriotism which she knows animates
all the parties concerned, and which she feels sure will ultimately
prevail over all difficulties, and enable a strong Government to be
formed, which the country so earnestly demands and requires. The Queen
is not surprised at Lord John Russell's fearing the fatigue of the
Foreign Office, together with the lead in the House of Commons, which
Lord Aberdeen's wish to show him entire confidence had prompted him to
offer to Lord John; but _this_ difficulty, she trusts might easily be
obviated. We intend leaving this place for Windsor to-morrow morning,
and being there by two o'clock.

The Queen would wish to see Lord Aberdeen there in the course of the
afternoon--either at three, four, or five--whichever time is most
convenient to him, and requests him to let her find a line from him
on her arrival, informing her of the hour at which he will come. Any
letter, however, sent by the bag to-night or by a messenger will reach
the Queen _here_ to-morrow morning, as we do not go before a quarter
to ten, and the Queen trusts therefore that Lord Aberdeen will let her
hear as soon as possible how matters stand.




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _21st December 1852._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Many thanks for your dear and kind letter of the
17th, which was as ever full of love and affection; but you know
_very_ well that your affectionate child will never allow any mention
of _your_ "leaving the premises." You know--too well--how sacred
duties of any kind are, and above all, those of a King, and in these
days; and how impossible it is for _us to shirk_ or abandon any of
those duties which God has imposed on us.

You will have heard of our crisis, and of the resignation of the
Government; its overthrow was inevitable; but we must now get a strong
and durable Government, one combined of the best Conservatives and
Liberals, which is what the country expects, demands, and requires.
Lord Aberdeen has undertaken the task, but I cannot yet announce, as
I wish I could, the formation of the new Government. Ever your devoted
Niece,

VICTORIA R.

You will receive a small parcel for my dear Charlotte for Christmas
Eve, and I have directed some prize Christmas beef to be forwarded to
Leo, which I hope he will approve of.




[Pageheading: LORD DERBY'S JUSTIFICATION]


_The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria._

ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _22nd December 1852._

Lord Derby, with his humble duty, learns with the deepest regret,
by the note which he has just had the honour of receiving, that the
statement which he felt it his duty to make in the House of Lords has
appeared to your Majesty not calculated to render easier the difficult
task which has been thrown upon your Majesty by the resignation
of himself and his colleagues. Lord Derby begs humbly, but most
sincerely, to assure your Majesty that nothing could have been farther
from his intention than to let fall a single word which could increase
the difficulties of the present position. He feels the full extent of
those difficulties, and he may perhaps be forgiven if he entertains a
strong opinion that a due appreciation of their magnitude might have
been expected to have some weight with those Conservative statesmen,
whose opposition thrown into the adverse scale turned the balance
against your Majesty's servants, and rendered their retirement from
office inevitable. Lord Derby does not affect to deny that he thinks
he has some reason, personally and politically, to find fault with the
course which they have pursued: but to suffer any such consideration
to influence his public conduct, with regard to the Government now in
process of formation, would be entirely at variance with his sense of
public duty, and inconsistent with the deep gratitude which he must
ever feel for the confidence with which your Majesty has honoured him.
Lord Derby confesses himself at a loss to understand in what manner
Lord Aberdeen can be enabled to reconcile the many and serious
discrepancies, in matters both of Church and State, which would appear
to exist among his presumed future colleagues; but it will give him
unfeigned satisfaction to see these difficulties surmounted in such
a sense as to enable him to give to the Government his independent
support; and in the meantime it is his determination honestly to
undertake the task, difficult as it must be, of keeping together a
powerful Party, without the excitement of opposition to a Government
by which their own leaders have been superseded, and of some members
of which they think they have reason to complain; and even to
induce that Party to give it their support, whenever they can do so
consistently, with their own conscientious convictions.




[Pageheading: THE NEW GOVERNMENT]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _22nd December 1852._

We arrived here from Osborne at half-past one, and saw Lord Aberdeen
at half-past five, who reported the progress he had made in the
formation of his Government.

_The Chancellorship._--He had hoped to be able to offer to Lord St
Leonards to remain, but Lord John Russell insisted, on the part of
his Party (which he personally regretted to have to do), that
the Chancellor should be a Liberal; Lord Aberdeen in consequence
recommended Lord Cranworth.

_The Presidency of the Council._--The Duke of Newcastle, who might
have done for Ireland, but whose presence in the House of Lords would
be a great support to Lord Aberdeen.

_The Privy Seal._--The Duke of Argyll, to whom he had, however, not
yet applied.

_The Secretaries of State._--It appeared that Lord Palmerston had
repented of his decision, for he had addressed Lord Lansdowne, and
told him that he gave him his proxy--putting himself entirely into
his hands, feeling sure that he would take care of his honour. Lord
Lansdowne, who had been throughout very kind in his exertions to bring
about the junction of Parties, was now engaged to prevail upon him
to take the Home Office. We congratulated Lord Aberdeen upon this
symptom, which augured confidence in his success. Lord Aberdeen said
that when he saw Lord Palmerston, who then declined office, nothing
could have exceeded the expressions of his cordiality; he had even
reminded him that in fact they were great friends (!!!) of sixty
years' standing, having been at school together. We could not help
laughing heartily at the _Harrow Boys_ and their friendship. The
Foreign Office Lord John had again positively refused, contrary to the
advice of all his friends, and to please Lady John. This arrangement
failing, Lord Clarendon was to undertake it, but Lord Clarendon was
now gone himself to try to persuade Lord, or rather Lady, John to
accept--at least temporarily--declaring his readiness to take it
off his hands at any time if he should find the work too heavy. Lord
Aberdeen had no hope, however, of Lord Clarendon's success. Then
there would come the grave Constitutional Question of establishing the
novelty of a Leader in the House of Commons who held no office. Lord
John had seen the danger of being exposed to the reproach that he had
slipped into office without having gone through the popular ordeal
of a re-election, and had proposed to obviate this by accepting
the Stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds, and then having himself
re-elected for the City of London. But this would not meet all the
objections, for it would still be considered unconstitutional that
he should lead the business of the Government in the House of Commons
without the responsibility of office. The Leader of the House of
Commons was an irresponsible person, and Lord John's saying: "I shall
represent you (Lord Aberdeen) in the House of Commons," would be
equally unconstitutional. Lord John must therefore be prevailed upon
to take the Chancellorship of the Duchy of Lancaster, though he
felt no inclination to become the successor of Mr Christopher. Lord
Aberdeen read a Memorandum of Lord John's, containing his political
views on the crisis and the principles of the new Government, of which
he is to send the Queen a copy.

_For the Colonial Office._--Lord Aberdeen wavered between Sir J.
Graham and Mr Gladstone; either could be this, or Chancellor of the
Exchequer. Lord John wished Sir James as Chancellor of the Exchequer.
We argued the greater capabilities of Sir James for the Administration
of the Colonies, and Mr Gladstone for the Finances.

  _Chancellor of the Exchequer_--therefore, Mr Gladstone.
  _Admiralty_--Mr Sidney Herbert.
  _Board of Control_--Sir C. Wood.
  _Board of Trade_--Lord Granville.
  _Board of Works_--Sir F. Baring.

(Baring and Wood being the two men whom Lord John had insisted on
having on the Treasury Bench sitting by his side.)

  _Postmaster_--Lord Canning.
  _Secretary-at-War_--Mr Cardwell.

These would form the Cabinet. Upon Ireland no decision had been
come to, though Lord Granville was generally pointed out as the best
Lord-Lieutenant.

Lord Aberdeen was very much pleased with the entire confidence
existing between him and Lord John. The Budget would be a formidable
difficulty, as in fact the Government would be an Income Tax
Government.

Lord Derby's intemperate and unconstitutional behaviour would do
no good to the Government; many of his friends were disgusted. Lord
Clanwilliam had called his speech in the House of Lords "a great
outrage." The Radicals might be conciliated in some of the lower
Offices by the appointment of Mr Charles Villiers, Sir William
Molesworth, and others.




[Pageheading: THE EMPEROR OF THE FRENCH]


_The Earl of Malmesbury to Queen Victoria._

FOREIGN OFFICE, _23rd December 1852._

Lord Malmesbury presents his humble duty to the Queen, and considers
it right to inform your Majesty that Count Walewski again asked him
yesterday where the Prince of Hohenlohe was now residing, adding that
it was the intention of the Emperor to send a person to see him, and
ascertain his feelings with respect to a marriage between him and the
Princess Adelaide. Lord Malmesbury confined himself to replying that
he did not know. Lord Malmesbury might perhaps in his private capacity
endeavour to discourage these advances, but as long as he has the
honour of being one of your Majesty's Ministers, it appears to him
that your Majesty will be _personally_ the least committed by his
interfering as little as possible in the matter.

The Emperor is becoming extremely irritable at the delay of the three
great Powers in recognising the Empire, and he has said to M. Hübner
that, as they had plenty of time to agree among themselves what course
they should pursue when it was proclaimed, he cannot understand how
Austria and Prussia can in the face of Europe humiliate themselves by
waiting for the orders of Russia--"_les ordres de la Russie_."




_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _23rd December 1852._

The Queen has received Lord Malmesbury's letter. She thinks he is
acting very judiciously in giving Count Walewski no advice whatever as
long as he holds the Seals of Office.




[Pageheading: NEW APPOINTMENTS]


_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _23rd December 1852._

The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's communication of this morning,
and was pleased to hear that Lord John has finally accepted the
Foreign Office. She has also received the second communication, with
the List of the distribution of Offices. The Queen thinks it of such
importance that the Cabinet should be now announced to the world as
complete, that she is unwilling to throw any difficulties in the way.
At the same time, she must observe that in some instances the changes
are, in her opinion, not for the better. Sir J. Graham will be very
unpopular in the Navy; his achievements at the Admiralty in former
times[65] were all _retrenchments_, and have since proved in many
instances injurious to the Service. The Secretary-at-War ought
properly to be left out of the Cabinet for the well working of the
Army;[66] the President of the Board of Trade has always been in the
Cabinet, and in Lord Granville's case, even the Vice-President.
Lord Granville will have a difficulty as Chancellor of the Duchy of
Lancaster, being one of the chief lessees of the Duchy, and, the Queen
believes, even engaged in a law-suit against it. The Queen has no
objection to Sir William Molesworth[67] at the Office of Works. She
hopes that the Presidency of the Council will be filled at once, for
which Lord Clarendon would be best.

Amongst the Under-Secretaries of State, the Queen wishes merely to
express her objection at seeing Mr B. Osborne[68] at the _Foreign_
Office. The Queen sees Lord Chandos's[69] name as Secretary to the
Treasury; she would be very much pleased to see his services secured.
All the other proposals she approves.

The Queen must repeat in conclusion that she considers the rapid
completion of the Government of the first importance, even if none of
the points the Queen has alluded to should be amended.

    [Footnote 65: From 1830 to 1834.]

    [Footnote 66: The Secretary-at-War was not a Secretary of
    State.]

    [Footnote 67: M.P. for Southwark; well known as a
    philosophical writer, the first member of the Radical Party
    included in any Ministry.]

    [Footnote 68: Mr Bernal Osborne, a well-known speaker at the
    time, became Secretary of the Admiralty.]

    [Footnote 69: Afterwards, as Duke of Buckingham, Secretary for
    the Colonies and Governor of Madras.]




[Pageheading: THE NEW CABINET]


_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _24th December 1852._

The Queen has this moment received Lord Aberdeen's letter, reporting
that new difficulties have arisen in the completion of the Government
by new proposals made by Lord John Russell, since the Queen's sanction
had been given to the arrangements submitted to her by Lord Aberdeen,
which had then been agreed to by Lord John Russell. The Queen begins
to fear serious mischief from the long duration of the crisis. It must
weaken the prestige of the new Government, and, instead of smoothing
difficulties, is, from the nature of things, rather calculated to
invite new ones. The Queen has, in her letter of yesterday, stated
some objections _she_ felt, but added that she would waive them all
for the satisfaction of the immediate want of the country (a strong
Government), and she must express her hope that political parties will
not fall short in patriotic spirit of the example she has thus herself
set.




_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._
[_Draft--from recollection._]

WINDSOR CASTLE, _24th December 1852._

The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of this afternoon, and
is very glad to hear that he has overcome the difficulties which he
mentioned this morning, and that he has secured the services of Lord
Lansdowne in the Cabinet. She hopes, however, that Lord Aberdeen will
remain firm on the other points, as difficulties are never overcome by
yielding to more than can be fairly demanded.




_Memorandum by Queen Victoria._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _25th December 1852._

Lord Aberdeen came this afternoon to announce the completion of his
Cabinet.

From many of them answers have not yet been received.

The day before it looked very bad. Lord John Russell had sent in such
a list of persons whom he required in the Cabinet (Sir Francis
Baring, Sir George Grey, etc., etc.), that, having been very yielding
hitherto, Lord Aberdeen was obliged to be peremptory in his refusal.
Now that the Cabinet was formed on a due proportion, he was inclined
to let Lord John have his own way pretty much with regard to the
minor Offices, considering that he brought 250 followers, and he (Lord
Aberdeen) only 50.

It was to Lord Clarendon that the persuasion of Lady John was finally
due, but Lord Aberdeen had to add his own promise to that of Lord
Clarendon, that the latter would take the Foreign Office whenever she
thought Lord John ought to be relieved from it.

Lady Palmerston had been most anxious to bring her husband into office
again; Lord Aberdeen had seen the first symptom of their joint wish in
the earnestness with which Lord Palmerston's friends declared in all
places that, had he been well enough, he would certainly have voted
against the Government.

Lord Lansdowne's exertions and Lord Clarendon's disinterestedness were
beyond all praise.

Of the Derbyites, he heard that most of them would be very quiet, and
many would be very friendly.

Lord Breadalbane is to be Lord Chamberlain. We recommend a trial to
get Lord Jersey to remain as Master of the Horse.

VICTORIA R.




_The Prince Albert to the Earl of Aberdeen._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _26th December 1852._

MY DEAR LORD ABERDEEN,--I have heard rumours of some appointments in
the Household, for which the writs are to be moved to-morrow. As you
have not yet placed before the Queen your recommendations, I merely
write this to you, fearing that the "Whig Party" may deal out places
before you have had an opportunity of taking the Queen's pleasure.
Ever yours truly,

ALBERT.




[Pageheading: LORD DERBY'S FAREWELL AUDIENCE]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _27th December 1852._

Lord Derby had his audience of leave yesterday afternoon. He repeated
his thanks to the Queen for the support and countenance she had given
him throughout the period he had been allowed to serve her, adding
his regrets that his services could not have been more efficient or
longer. One thing only distressed him in taking leave, and that
was the idea that the Queen might think he had unnecessarily raised
difficulties to the formation of a new Government by his Speech in
the House of Lords. Now, it had been incumbent upon him to show to
his Party that he had not quitted office on light grounds, after the
sacrifices of opinion they had brought in order to support him; he had
to prove that the vote in the House of Commons was not an accidental
vote, but the preconcerted Union of all Parties (in opposition)
against him, which gave them a real majority. We replied that it was
not his opinion on the late division, to the expression of which the
Queen had objected, but to that of an opinion on the character of
the new Government which the Queen had not yet formed. It was of the
greatest importance to keep that in suspense, and the declaration that
Lord Derby knew Lord Aberdeen to profess Conservative opinions of his
own (Lord Derby's) shade, had at once given the alarm to the Radicals,
and made them insist upon a greater proportion of Liberals in the
Cabinet. Lord Derby rejoined he had expressed his doubts as to how
these differences could be reconciled; and he did not see now how this
was to be done. How could Lord Aberdeen and Lord John Russell agree
upon the Foreign Policy, for instance? The Queen replied that Lord
John's views were very sound and moderate, and that the line of
Foreign Policy he had formerly had to pursue had been forced upon him
by Lord Palmerston, who had never left a question for the decision of
the Cabinet to which he had not already given a decided bias.

Did Lord Derby know that Lord Palmerston gave it out everywhere that,
had he been well enough, he should certainly have voted _against_
the Government? Lord Derby could only say that he had allowed his
son-in-law, Lord Jocelyn, to go to Italy under the firm conviction
that Lord Palmerston would refuse to join Lord Aberdeen or Lord John
Russell!

Lord Derby took leave after five o'clock.

ALBERT.




[Pageheading: LADY DERBY'S LETTER]


_The Countess of Derby to the Marchioness of Ely._[70]

ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _27th December 1852._

MY DEAREST LADY ELY,--Lord Derby told me that he saw you yesterday,
but only for a moment. I think he was nervous about his audience of
leave, but he returned deeply touched by the kindness of manner of the
Queen and the Prince. I cannot resist saying to you that, during the
last year, he has been more and more impressed with the admirable
qualities of the Queen, and her noble straightforwardness on all
occasions, and her unvarying kindness have inspired him with the
strongest attachment (if I may venture so to express his feelings for
Her Majesty). During that week of terrible suspense he continually
said to me that his chief anxiety and regret were caused by the fear
of leaving the Queen, particularly before he had had time and power to
do more in her service. I am writing in haste, having much to do this
last day in Town, but I have very often wished that the Queen knew how
warmly and sincerely Lord Derby is devoted to her service. He is also
very grateful to the Prince, for whose abilities he has the highest
admiration, often speaking of his wonderful cleverness. I am delighted
to hear that the Queen is so well; he said she was looking remarkably
well yesterday. He told me that Her Majesty used some kind expression
about myself. If you should have an opportunity of saying to Her
Majesty how grateful I am for all her former kindness, I should be
very much obliged to you. Ever yours very affectionately,

EMMA DERBY.

    [Footnote 70: Submitted to the Queen by Lady Ely.]




[Pageheading: THE NEW MINISTRY]

[Pageheading: MR DISRAELI]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _28th December 1852._

The delivery of the Seals of Office of the outgoing Ministers into the
Queen's hands, and her bestowal of them upon the new Ministers, took
place to-day.

Of the former, Mr Disraeli seemed to feel most the loss of office.

We saw Lord Aberdeen for some time, who submitted the names of all the
persons he recommended for the subordinate Offices, of whom he will
send a list. We asked him what might have passed between the last
Session and this to chill his feelings for Lord Derby, who maintained
that up to the Dissolution he had sent him messages to say that he
perfectly agreed with him, except on the Commercial Policy, and that
he never would join the Whigs. Lord Aberdeen disclaimed all knowledge
of such messages, though he acknowledged to have been very friendly to
Lord Derby. At the General Election, however, it appeared to him
that there was such a total want of principle in him and his Party,
pledging themselves for Protection in one place and Free Trade in
another, and appearing consistent only on one point, viz. their hatred
to Sir Robert Peel's memory and his friends, that he became determined
to have nothing to do with them.

The formation of the Government appeared to give satisfaction to the
country, though of course the number of the disappointed must be even
larger than usual on such occasions. Lord Canning seemed very much
hurt at not being taken into the Cabinet, and felt inclined to refuse
the Post Office. We agreed upon the impolicy of such a step,
and encouraged Lord Aberdeen to press him. Lord Clanricarde, and
particularly Lord Carlisle, were very much grieved at being left out
altogether, but there was no help for it; for each man taken in from
one side, two would be proposed from the other, and the Cabinet was
just large enough to work.

We saw Lord Lansdowne after the Council, who seemed well satisfied
with the Government, a combination he had so much and so long wished.
Lord Carlisle's annoyance was the only thing which personally grieved
him. He said that from the moment he had read Mr Disraeli's Budget he
had felt sure that the Government would fall immediately; the country
would never submit to a new tax with a surplus in the Exchequer.

Lord John Russell, whom we saw afterwards, seemed in very good health
and spirits. He told us that the peaceful parting scene in the House
of Commons had been his doing; he had told Mr Walpole that he thought
Mr Disraeli ought to make an apology to the House for the language he
had used, and which had given pain to a great many persons; and on
Mr Walpole's saying that that was a very delicate thing to tell Mr
Disraeli, he had allowed it to be told him as a message from him (Lord
John). Mr Disraeli declared his readiness, provided others would do
the same, and declared they had meant no offence.[71] We owned that
we had been astonished to find them of a sudden all so _well bred_. We
asked what Lord Palmerston had been about during the crisis? Lord John
told us in reply that Lord Palmerston had certainly been disposed
to join Lord Derby's Government, but always said he could not do so
alone; that if eight of them were to join, then they would have the
majority in the Cabinet. He also said that he believed Lord Palmerston
would have voted _for_ some parts of the Budget and against others.
Lord John does not think that that large Party of Lord Derby's will
long keep together, that some would vote for the Government, others
might try to raise a Protestant cry.

Lord Palmerston looked excessively ill, and had to walk with two
sticks from the gout.

    [Footnote 71: "Mr Disraeli ... with infinite polish and grace
    asked pardon for the flying words of debate, and drew easy
    forgiveness from the member (Mr Goulburn), whom a few hours
    before he had mocked as 'a weird sibyl'; the other member (Sir
    James Graham), whom he could not say he greatly respected, but
    whom he greatly regarded; and the third member (Sir C.
    Wood), whom he bade learn that petulance is not sarcasm, and
    insolence is not invective. Lord John Russell congratulated
    him on the ability and the gallantry with which he had
    conducted the struggle, and so the curtain fell." Morley's
    _Gladstone_, Book III. chap. viii.]




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _28th December 1852._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Your dear letter of the 24th reached me on Monday,
and I thank you warmly for it. The success of our excellent Aberdeen's
arduous task and the formation of so brilliant and strong a Cabinet
would, I was sure, please you. It is the realisation of the country's
and our _most_ ardent wishes, and it deserves success, and will, I
think, command great support.... It has been an anxious week, and just
on our happy Christmas Eve we were still very uneasy.

As I mean to write again before this year runs out, and I have a long
Council with outgoing and incoming Ministers this afternoon, you will
excuse my taking leave here. Ever your truly devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.




[Pageheading: THE SUGGESTED MARRIAGE]


_The Princess Hohenlohe to Queen Victoria._

LANGENBURG, _30th December 1852._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--According to your wish and our promise, we send
this servant with the most unwelcome news that yesterday morning M.
de Jaux arrived here and told Ernest (as you will see by his letter to
Albert) that the Count Walewski wishes to have an interview with him
to confer on the subject we know of. A quarter of an hour before I
received this letter from Uncle Leopold, which I sent in Ernest's
letter to Ada, and in which he speaks his opinion that we ought not
to say "_No_" _at once_, before telling Ada of it. This is very much
against my wish and Ernest's, for we both would like to make an end
of the affair as soon as possible, but cannot, as we see the truth of
what Uncle Leopold says. I send a letter to Mamma to you, and one for
Ada. Mamma knows of it, as she wrote to me the other day, and I leave
it to you, dearest Victoria, if you or Mamma will tell the poor child
of the transaction. She will be in great distress. I wish she may at
once say "_No_," but am not sure of it; and in our letters we have
not said anything for the thing, but nothing against also but what
naturally is to be said against it. She will not know what to do, and
I am sure you and Mamma will not put it to her in _too_ favourable a
light, as we are of the same opinion on the subject; but yet there may
be some things in its favour too. I wish you would make Charles come
to us--_if you think it wise to do so_--and he not only will try to
engage us to it. But there may be so many reasons for or against which
in a letter it is not possible to explain all, and which we could not
answer in time; besides by him we might learn more accurately what
Ada feels: but I leave it quite to your and Albert's judgment, if this
would be a good plan. I am in great distress, you well may think, my
dearest Victoria. Oh! if we could but say "_No_" at once!...

Many thanks, my dearest Victoria, for your kind letter of the 22nd. In
the papers I have been following with the greatest interest what has
been said on the formation of the new Ministry; there is one name
though which frightens me--Lord Palmerston. Let me wish you joy of the
New Year; may it _bring peace_ not only to the nations, but also
to us. Every blessing and happiness to you, dear Albert, and your
children, and for me your love and affection, which is a blessing to
your devoted Sister,

FEODORA.

Ernest also wishes you all possible happiness. If Ada has the wish to
see the Emperor before she decides, what is to be done?




[Pageheading: NEW YEAR WISHES]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _31st December 1852._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--On _this_, the last day of the old year, allow me
to offer my most ardent wishes for _many_ and happy returns of the
New Year to you and yours. May it be one of peace and prosperity to
us _all_, and may we have the happiness of seeing _you_ again. May we
still hope to see you this _winter_ or not?

Our Government is very satisfactorily settled. To have my faithful
friend Aberdeen as Prime Minister is a great happiness and comfort
for me personally. Lord Palmerston is terribly altered, and all his
friends think him breaking. He walks with two sticks, and seemed in
great suffering at the Council, I thought. I must now conclude. Ever
your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.




INTRODUCTORY NOTE

TO CHAPTER XXII


The opening of the year 1853 saw a strong Coalition Ministry in power;
the necessity of a cordial understanding with France was obvious, but
bitter and indiscreet attacks on the Emperor of the French were made
by certain members of the Government, for which Mr Disraeli took them
severely to task. Lord John Russell, who had been appointed Foreign
Secretary, resigned that office in February, in favour of Lord
Clarendon, being unable to bear the twofold burden of the Leadership
of the House and the Foreign Office. Though the arrangement was
questioned, he continued during the year to lead the House without
office. A Canadian Clergy Reserves Bill, an India Bill, introducing
competitive examination into the Civil Service, and various measures
of Metropolitan improvement were passed. A more important feature of
the Session was Mr Gladstone's first Budget, dealing comprehensively
with the Income Tax, and imposing a duty on successions to real
property.

The Eastern Question, however, overshadowed all other interests. For
some time a dispute had existed between the Latin and Greek Churches
as to the guardianship of the Holy Places (including the Church of
the Holy Sepulchre) in Palestine. After long negotiations between the
French and Russian Governments, as representing these Churches, an
indecisive judgment was pronounced by the Porte, which, however, so
incensed Russia that she began to make warlike demonstrations,
and sent Prince Menschikoff to Constantinople to make peremptory
requisitions as to the Holy Places.

In the meanwhile, the Czar had made confidential overtures to
Sir Hamilton Seymour, the British Ambassador at St Petersburg,
representing the Sultan as a very "sick man," and suggesting that,
on the dissolution of his Empire, a concerted disposal of the Turkish
dominions should be made by England and Russia; these conversations
were reported at once to the British Government. Lord Stratford
de Redcliffe, who had been sent to represent British interests
at Constantinople, arrived there after Prince Menschikoff, and a
settlement of the disputes as to the Holy Places was then easily
effected, Lord Stratford insisting on this question being kept
independent of any other issue. But Prince Menschikoff had come to
the conference with instructions to keep an ulterior object in view,
namely, to advance a claim, by means of a strained interpretation of
the Treaty of Kainardji of 1774, of a Russian protectorate over the
Christian subjects of the Sultan. Influenced by Lord Stratford, the
Porte rejected the claim, and, in retaliation, the Czar occupied the
Danubian Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia, characterising the
step not as an act of war, but a material guarantee of Russia's just
rights. The French Emperor, anxious to divert the attention of his
subjects from domestic politics, was making preparations for war; and
similar preparations were also being made in England.

Negotiations took place between the Powers with a view of averting
war, and a document known as the Vienna Note, to which Great Britain
and France were parties, and which Russia accepted, was proffered to
the Sultan: again Lord Stratford interposed to prevent its acceptance,
and, when the Russian Government subsequently announced its own
interpretation of the Note, it was apparent that the Western Powers
had been mistaken as to its purport.

An Ultimatum, requiring the evacuation of the Principalities, was
sent by the Porte to Russia and rejected: war broke out, and the first
encounter at Oltenitza, on the 4th of November, resulted in favour of
Turkey. Meanwhile both the British and French fleets had been sent
to the East, and, on the declaration of war, the British Admiral
was instructed to take any action he thought fit to prevent Russian
aggression on Turkish territory. On the 30th of November the Turkish
Fleet in Sinope Harbour was destroyed by the Russian squadron, this
occurrence provoking profound indignation in England, though it had
been urged both within the Cabinet and outside that the despatch of
the combined Western Fleets through the Dardanelles was more likely to
appear as a defiance to Russia than a support to Turkey.

Earlier in the year Lord Aberdeen had desired to retire, but enquiry
soon disclosed that Lord John Russell no longer had the influence
necessary to form a Ministry, and in the face of danger Lord Aberdeen
remained at his post. But there were sharp dissensions in the Cabinet,
especially between Lord Palmerston, representing the anti-Russian
party, on the one hand, and on the other Lord Aberdeen, who distrusted
the Turks, and Mr Gladstone, who disavowed any obligation to uphold
the integrity of the Ottoman Empire. In December, Lord Palmerston
resigned office, the ostensible reason being his opposition to the
contemplated Reform Bill of the Government. The real cause was his
opinion that apathy was being shown by his colleagues in reference to
the Eastern Question; however, after arrangements had been made for
replacing him, he was, at his own desire, re-admitted to the Cabinet.




CHAPTER XXII

1853


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _4th January 1853._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--... Our new Government will really, I think,
command a large support, and, I trust, be of duration, which is a
great object. Their only difficulty will be the Budget.

The coldness and tardiness of the Northern Powers in recognising _our_
new _bon Frère_ annoys him very much, and produces a bad effect in
France. I don't think it is wise. Unnecessary irritation may produce
_real_ mischief. To squabble about _how_ to call him, after having
praised and supported him after the _Coup d'État_, seems to me very
_kleinlich_ and inconsistent, and I think our conduct throughout has
been much more dignified....

I have read with pleasure the loyal addresses of the Chambers, and
with peculiar satisfaction the allusion to Leopold's visit to England.
Let him and Philippe come here often and regularly, and let them study
this country and her laws _à fond_--it will do them more good than
all the studying and reading in the world. They all three express most
warmly to us their hopes of returning to us soon. Do let us have the
hope of seeing you in February. It would be delightful!... I must now
wish you good-bye. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.




[Pageheading: HEADMASTERSHIP OF ETON]


_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._

LONDON, _9th January 1853._

... Lord Aberdeen also begs to mention to your Majesty that he saw
Dr Hawtrey yesterday and in signifying your Majesty's gracious
intentions[1] towards him, took an opportunity of expressing in very
strong terms the great importance of the choice of his successor as
Headmaster of Eton, and described the requisite qualifications for
such a situation, as well as the objections to which some appointments
might be liable. Lord Aberdeen was perfectly understood by Dr Hawtrey,
although no name was mentioned; and the subject was regarded as being
of the utmost importance, not only to the school itself, but to the
nation at large.

    [Footnote 1: Dr E. C. Hawtrey was advanced to the Provostship
    of Eton upon the death of the Rev. Francis Hodgson. Dr C. O.
    Goodford succeeded to the Headmastership.]




[Pageheading: MARRIAGE OF EMPEROR NAPOLEON]


_Lady Augusta Bruce to the Duchess of Kent._

RUE DE VARENNES 65, _31st January 1853._

DEAREST MADAME,--I fear that I shall not be able to add much to the
newspaper account of yesterday's ceremony,[2] for it was one the
impression of which is best conveyed by a simple and accurate
description of the scene, and of those arrangements and details which
combined to render its effect gorgeous and dazzling. Apart, however,
from the historical interest attached to it as one of the very curious
acts of the extraordinary Drama now enacting in France, the impression
produced was one that would be called forth by a magnificent
theatrical representation, and little more. This seemed to be the
public feeling, for though multitudes thronged the streets, the day
being dry, they appeared to be animated by curiosity chiefly, and that
_sober_ curiosity which now characterises the people of Paris, wearied
as they are of _novelty_ and excitement. As far as one can judge,
it does not seem that the lower orders take much interest in this
marriage; the ambition and vanity of _his_ partisans have been wounded
by it, and, of course, his enemies do not scruple to calumniate and
slander the unfortunate object of his choice disgracefully.

It is very difficult to ascertain anything like truth as regards her,
but her beauty and engaging manners will, it is thought by many, gain
for her, for a time at least, a greater amount of popularity than his
friends who now blame the marriage expect. That he is passionately in
love with her no one doubts, and his countenance on late occasions, as
well as yesterday, wore a radiant and joyous expression very unusual.
She, on the contrary, showed a considerable amount of nervousness at
the Civil Marriage, and was as pale as death yesterday--however, even
with the high and determined spirit she is supposed to have, this
might be expected. Lady Cowley had been kind enough to send us an
invitation, of which we were tempted to avail ourselves.[3] Nothing
could be more splendid than the decorations of the Cathedral--velvet
and ermine--gold and silver--flags and hangings of all colours were
combined and harmonised with the splendid costumes of the Clergy,
the uniforms, civil and military, and the magnificent dresses of the
ladies. The greatest mistake was the _conflict_ of lights--the windows
not having been darkened, though countless thousands of wax candles
were lighted. The music was very fine.... The object of our neighbours
seemed to be to scan and criticise the dress of the Bride, and the
wonderful penetration and accuracy of their eagle glances was to us
something incredible! Certainly, though unable ourselves at such a
distance to appreciate the details of her dress or the expression of
her countenance, we saw her distinctly enough to be able to say that
a more lovely _coup d'[oe]il_ could not be conceived. Her beautifully
chiselled features and marble complexion, her nobly _set-on head_,
her exquisitely proportioned figure and graceful carriage were most
striking, and the whole was like a Poet's Vision! I believe she is
equally beautiful when seen close, but at a distance at which we saw
her the effect was something more than that of a lovely picture, it
was aerial, ideal. On the classically shaped head she wore a diamond
crown or diadem, round her waist a row of magnificent diamonds to
correspond, and the same as trimming round the "basques" of her gown.
Then a sort of cloud or mist of transparent lace enveloped her,
which had the effect of that for which, when speaking of the hills in
Scotland, Princess Hohenlohe could find no English word, "_Duft_." I
hope your Royal Highness will not think me very much carried by what
pleases the eye. I felt all the while that one could view the matter
but as an outside show; as such, in as far as she was concerned,
it was exquisitely beautiful--and I suppose that a sort of national
prejudice made me attribute the grace and dignity of the scene,
for what there was of either came from her, to the blood of
_Kirkpatrick!!!_

The carriages were ugly and the Procession by no means fine, and
those in which the Bridal party afterwards travelled to St Cloud,
were driven by individuals in the famous theatrical costume of the
well-known "Postillon de Longjumeau!"[4]

    [Footnote 2: The Emperor of the French was married to
    Mademoiselle Eugénie de Montijo on the 29th of January.
    William Kirkpatrick, her maternal grandfather, had been a
    merchant and American Consul at Malaga, and had there married
    Françoise de Grivegnéc. Their third daughter, Maria
    Manuela, married, in 1817, the Count de Téba, a member of an
    illustrious Spanish family, who in 1834 succeeded his brother
    as Count de Montijo, and died in 1839. His widow held an
    influential social position at Madrid, and her elder daughter
    married the Duke of Alba in 1844, while she herself, with
    Eugénie, her younger daughter, settled in Paris in 1851.]

    [Footnote 3: Lord Cowley had been specifically instructed by
    the Government to attend the marriage and be presented to the
    Empress.]

    [Footnote 4: A comic opera, written by Adolphe Adam, and
    performed at Paris in 1836.]




[Pageheading: THE EMPRESS]


_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _4th February 1853._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--Receive my best thanks for your gracious letter
of the 1st. Since I wrote to you _le grand événement a eu lieu!_ We
truly live in times where at least variety is not wanting; the only
mischief is that like drunkards people want more and more excitement,
and it therefore will probably end by what remains the most exciting
of all--War. Amusing and interesting war is, it must be confessed,
more than anything in the world, and that makes me think that it
must be the bouquet when people will be _blasé_ of everything else.
I enclose a letter from our Secretary of Legation at Madrid, Baron
Beyens, who married a great friend of the Queen, Mademoiselle de Santa
Cruz, and is much _au fait_ of all things that interest the public
just now. It seems by what I learned from Paris that the Empress
communicated to a friend a communication of _son cher époux_ when
she expressed her sense of her elevation to such eminence; as it may
interest you and Albert, I will make an extract of it here: "Vous ne
me parlez, ma chère enfant, que des avantages de la position que je
vous offre, mais mon devoir est de vous signaler aussi ses dangers;
ils sont grands, je serai sans doute à vos côtés l'objet de plus d'une
tentative d'assassinat; indépendamment de cela, je dois vous confier
que des complots sérieux se fomentent dans l'armée. J'ai l'[oe]il
ouvert de ce côté et je compte bien d'une manière ou d'autre prévenir
toute explosion; le moyen sera _peut-être la guerre_. Là encore il y a
de grandes chances de ruine pour moi. Vous voyez donc bien que vous
ne devez pas avoir de scrupules pour partager mon sort, les mauvaises
chances étant peut-être égales aux bonnes!"

I was sorry to hear of Lord Melbourne's, _i.e._, Beauvale's, death.
I knew him since 1814, and found him always very kind. For poor Lady
Melbourne, who devoted herself so much, it is a sad blow. We are
longing for a little cold, but it does not come though we have some
east wind. I am held back in some of the _most essential_ measures for
the defence of the country by the tricks of the Chamber. I see that
the Manchester party shines in unusual Bright-ness and Cobden-ness by
a degress of absurdity never as yet heard of. In the American War the
Quakers refused to fight; they did not besides like the extremities
the States had gone to against the mother country; but not to defend
its own country against probable invasion is truly too much.

Pray have the goodness to give my best love to Albert, and believe me,
ever my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.





_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _8th February 1853._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have to thank you for two most kind letters of
the 4th and 7th (which I have just received) with very interesting
enclosures, which shall be duly returned. The little report of what
the Emperor said to the Empress is very curious, and tallies with what
I have also heard of his thinking much more of the insecurity of his
position than he used to do. The description of the young Empress's
character is an interesting one, and also agrees with what I had
heard from those who know her well. It may be in her power to do much
good--and I hope she may. Her character is made to captivate a man, I
should say--particularly one like the Emperor.

I am sorry that you have had trouble with your Parliament. Ours begins
its work on Thursday. The accounts of the support which our
Government will receive are most satisfactory, and the Cabinet is most
harmonious.... Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.




[Pageheading: THE CZAR AND TURKEY]


_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._

LONDON, _8th February 1853._

... Lord John Russell read at the Cabinet a despatch received from
your Majesty's Minister at St Petersburg, giving an account of an
interview with the Emperor, at which His Majesty appeared to expect an
early dissolution of the Turkish Empire, and proposed in such a case
to act in perfect concert with the British Government. Lord John also
read the rough draft of a proposed answer to this despatch, which,
with slight alterations, was fully approved.[5]

Lord Aberdeen does not think there is anything very new in this
demonstration by the Emperor. It is essentially the same language he
has held for some years, although, perhaps, the present difficulties
of Turkey may have rendered him more anxious on the subject....

    [Footnote 5: _See_ Introductory Note, p. 431. The Emperor had,
    no doubt, misunderstood the attitude of the British Ministry
    in 1844 on this subject, and regarded Lord Aberdeen as in full
    sympathy with himself.]




[Pageheading: THE LEADERSHIP]


_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _12th February 1853._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has
waited till to-day in order to be able to give some account of the
appearance of the House of Commons.

Lord John Russell's statement of measures to be proposed was well
received, but as it did not contain reform was a disappointment to a
part of the House. Mr Walpole spoke privately to Lord John Russell
as to his future position in leading the Government in the House of
Commons without office. Mr Walpole said it was neither illegal nor
unconstitutional, but might prove inconvenient as a precedent.

The Speaker said in conversation there was clearly no _constitutional_
objection, but that the leadership of the House was so laborious that
an office without other duties ought to be assigned to it....




[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S DEFENCE]


_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _13th February 1853._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of yesterday, and
was very glad to hear that he considers the aspect of the House of
Commons as favourable to the Government.

Lord John alludes for the first time in his letter to a question
on which the Queen has not hitherto expressed her opinion to him
personally, viz., how far the proposed new arrangement of Lord John's
holding the leadership of the House of Commons without office was
constitutional or not?[6] Her opinion perfectly agrees with that
expressed by Mr Walpole to Lord John. If the intended arrangement were
_undoubtedly illegal_ it would clearly never have been contemplated at
all; but it may prove a _dangerous precedent_.

The Queen would have been quite prepared to give the proposition
of the Speaker "that the leadership of the House of Commons was so
laborious, that an Office without other duties ought to be assigned
to it," her fullest and fairest consideration, upon its merits and its
constitutional bearings, which ought to have been distinctly set forth
before her by her constitutional advisers for her final and unfettered
decision.

What the Queen complains of, and, as she believes with justice, is,
that so important an innovation in the construction of the executive
Government should have been practically decided upon by an arrangement
intended to meet personal wants under peculiar and accidental
circumstances, leaving the Queen the embarrassing alternative only,
either to forego the exercise of her own prerogative, or to damage by
her own act the _formation_ or _stability_ of the new Government, both
of paramount importance to the welfare of the Country.

[Footnote 6: See _ante_, pp. 417, 421.]





_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _13th February 1853._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He cannot
forbear from vindicating himself from the charge of forming or
being party to an arrangement "intended to meet personal wants
under peculiar and accidental circumstances, leaving the Queen the
embarrassing alternative only, either to forego the exercise of
her own prerogative, or to damage by her own act the _formation_ or
_stability_ of the new Government--both of paramount importance to the
welfare of the Country."

Lord John Russell has done all in his power to contribute to the
formation of a Ministry in which he himself holds a subordinate
situation, from which nearly all his dearest political friends are
excluded, and which is held by some to extinguish the party which for
eighteen years he has led.

He has done all this in order that your Majesty and the Country might
not be exposed to the evil of a weak Ministry liable to be overthrown
at any moment, formed whether by Lord Derby, or by himself at the head
of one party only.

But in consenting to this arrangement he was desirous to maintain his
honour intact, and for this purpose he asked before the Ministry was
formed for the honour of an Audience of your Majesty, that he might
explain all the circumstances of his position.

This Audience was not granted, and Lord John Russell has never been
in a situation to explain to your Majesty why he believes that his
leading the House of Commons without office is not liable to any
constitutional objection.

The Speaker and Mr Walpole both concur that no constitutional
objection to this arrangement exists, but should your Majesty wish to
see the arguments briefly stated by which Lord John Russell has been
convinced, he should be happy to be allowed to lay them before your
Majesty.




[Pageheading: THE REFUGEE QUESTION]


_The Earl of Clarendon to Queen Victoria._

_25th February 1853._

Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
humbly begs to state that Count Colloredo[7] called upon him this
afternoon.... Count Colloredo then said that he had another and more
disagreeable subject to discuss with Lord Clarendon. He commenced
by reading a note from Count Buol[8] complaining bitterly of the
refugees, and the manner in which they abused the hospitality
afforded them in this country, and attributing in great measure to the
proclamations of Kossuth and Mazzini the late insurrection at Milan,
and the attempt on the Emperor's life.[9] This note expressed a
hope and belief that some measure would at once be adopted by
your Majesty's Government to remove the just complaints of
Allied Governments, and intimated that should this hope not
be _spontaneously_ realised some measures on the part of those
Governments would become necessary for their own protection as well as
to mark their sense of the wrong done to them by England.

Lord Clarendon said that your Majesty's Government were as indignant
as that of Austria could be at the disgraceful abuse of the protection
afforded to these refugees; but he could hold out no hope of any
legislation for the purpose of sending them out of the country.

Count Colloredo did not disguise his annoyance and disappointment at
this, and seemed to attribute it to want of goodwill on the part of
your Majesty's Government, which he felt sure would have the support
of public opinion in proposing such a measure as his Government
desired.

The discussion became rather warm, and Lord Clarendon thought it
right to remark that too much importance might be given to these
proclamations and too little to the causes which at home might lead
the subjects of Austria to manifest their discontent by revolutionary
outbreaks, nor could we conceal from ourselves that the complaints
about the refugees were occasionally directed against the free
institutions which gave them protection, and that we were not always
viewed with favour as presenting the single but prosperous exception
to that system of government which otherwise would now almost be
uniform in Europe.[10]

    [Footnote 7: Austrian Ambassador.]

    [Footnote 8: Austrian Prime Minister.]

    [Footnote 9: Kossuth and Mazzini were in England, prosecuting
    their schemes against Austria; the Austrian Government
    attributed to them the Milanese rising, and the recent attempt
    to assassinate the Emperor Francis Joseph at Vienna.]

    [Footnote 10: The Refugee Question was debated in the House of
    Lords on the 4th of March.]




_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _9th March 1853._

The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter, and the reports on
the Militia which she returns, having marked several parts in them
which show an absence of the most important requisites. Already in
October the Queen observed upon the want of arms for the Militia, and
was invariably answered that they would be immediately provided. But
by these reports this seems still not to be the case.




[Pageheading: PRINCE MENSCHIKOFF]


_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _18th March 1853._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--Receive my best thanks for your gracious letter
of the 15th. I trust that the bitter cold weather we have now again
will not displease you. I fear Albert's heavy cold will not be the
better by the east wind which makes one shiver. I am thunderstruck by
a telegraph despatch from Marseilles of the 17th, which declares that
Prince Menschikoff has not succeeded, and has therefore given orders
for the Russian fleet to come to Constantinople.[11] Heaven grant
that these news may not be true, though bad news generally turn out
correct. I am so sorry to see the Emperor Nicholas, who had been so
wise and dignified since 1848, become so very unreasonable. In Austria
they are still a good deal excited. One can hardly feel astonished
considering circumstances; I trust that reflection may induce them to
modify their measures. The Italian Nobles have shown themselves great
fools by acting as they have done, and thereby giving an opening to
social revolution. By some accident we have been within these few days
well informed of some of the movements of the good people that enjoy
an asylum in England. Kossuth is now the great director and favourite,
and Republics are everywhere to spring up, till he (Kossuth) is to be
again Dictator or Emperor somewhere.... Europe will never recover that
shock of 1848.

My dearest Victoria, your truly devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

    [Footnote 11: _See_ Introductory Note, _ante_, pp. 431.]




[Pageheading: THE "HOLY PLACES"]


_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._

LONDON, _22nd March 1853._

Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He encloses
a letter from Lord Cowley, which shows a considerable degree of
irritation on the part of the French Government, and of embarrassment
in consequence of the rash step they have taken in ordering the
departure of their fleet from Toulon to the Greek Waters.[12] If no
catastrophe should take place at Constantinople, as Lord Aberdeen
hopes and believes, this irritation will probably subside, and they
may find us useful in assisting them to escape from their difficulty
with respect to the "Holy Places."

Lord Aberdeen has seen the Instructions of Prince Menschikoff, which
relate exclusively to the claims of the Greek Church at Jerusalem; and
although these conditions may humiliate Turkey, and wound the vanity
of France, there is nothing whatever to justify the reproach
of territorial aggression, or hostile ambition. If the Turkish
Government, relying upon the assistance of England and France, should
remain obstinate, the affair might become serious; but even then, Lord
Aberdeen is convinced that no final step will be taken by the Emperor,
without previous communication to England.

Much depends upon the personal character of Prince Menschikoff. If
he can command himself sufficiently to wait for the arrival of Lord
Stratford, Lord Aberdeen does not doubt that the matter will be
settled, without coming to extremities....

    [Footnote 12: Even before the Conference met, Menschikoff's
    overbearing conduct and demeanour had induced Napoleon to
    despatch the French Fleet from Toulon to Salamis, to watch
    events.]




[Pageheading: THE CZAR CONCILIATORY]


_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _23rd March 1853._

The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of yesterday, and
returns Lord Cowley's. Everything appears to her to depend upon the
real nature of the demands made by Russia, and the Queen was therefore
glad to hear from Lord Aberdeen that he found nothing in Prince
Menschikoff's instructions to justify the reproach of territorial
aggression or hostile ambition. Still the mode of proceeding at
Constantinople is not such as would be resorted to towards a "sick
friend for whose life there exists much solicitude." This ought
clearly to be stated to Baron Brunnow, in the Queen's opinion.

The two Drafts to Sir H. Seymour and Lord Cowley struck the Queen as
very temperate, conciliatory, and dignified.




_The Earl of Clarendon to Queen Victoria._

_29th March 1853._

Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and humbly
begs to state that he had this afternoon a satisfactory interview with
the French Ambassador, who told him that the Emperor had to a certain
extent been deceived upon the Eastern Question, and that he had given
his decision without fully considering the matter in all its bearings.
But that he had since viewed it in a different light, and had so
far recognised the propriety of the course adopted by your Majesty's
Government, that if the sailing order had not been improperly
published in the _Moniteur_ the French Fleet should not have quitted
Toulon.

Count Walewski further stated that _the Persons_ who had thus advised
the Emperor, finding that their views were not supported by facts as
they hoped, had endeavoured to throw the blame upon England and to
show that France had been abandoned and Russia preferred by your
Majesty's Government, and that hence had arisen the want of cordiality
and good feeling with respect to which Lord Clarendon some days ago
spoke to Count Walewski. He, however, assured Lord Clarendon that all
this had now passed away, and that the Emperor was as anxious as
ever for a good understanding with England, and particularly upon
all matters connected with the East. Lord Clarendon expressed
great satisfaction that this momentary difference between the two
Governments should be at an end.

Count Walewski in confidence requested Lord Clarendon to impress
upon Lord Cowley the necessity of often seeing the Emperor, and not
trusting to the Minister, when any question of difficulty arose.

Count Walewski said the Emperor was particularly anxious that your
Majesty should know that the liberation of the Madiai[13] was owing to
the interference which the French Legation had been instructed by the
Emperor to use in their behalf.

    [Footnote 13: Two persons, husband and wife, domiciled in
    Florence, who had embraced the English reformed religion. In
    1852 they were seized, imprisoned in separate dungeons, and
    subjected to great hardships. Lords Shaftesbury and Roden went
    to Florence and appealed to the Grand Duke on their behalf,
    but were unsuccessful. In March 1853, however, after the
    British Government had interposed, the two were released, a
    pension being provided for them by public subscription.]




_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _29th March 1853._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have to thank you very much for your kind letter
of the 25th....

I hope that the Oriental Question will be satisfactorily settled.
From all the confidential reports we have received from the Emperor of
Russia, I think I may safely say that though he has treated the Sultan
rather overbearingly and roughly, there is _no_ alteration in
his views--and _no wish whatever_ on his part to appropriate
Constantinople or any of those parts to himself--though he does not
wish us, or France or Austria _or Greece_, to have it either. But he
thinks the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire very imminent, which
I really think is not the case. The Russians accuse us (as we have
preached moderation) of being too French--and the French of being too
Russian!....

Now with Albert's love, ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.




_Queen Victoria to Lord Clarendon_.

WINDSOR CASTLE, _30th March 1853._

The Queen has received Lord Clarendon's letter with great
satisfaction. We are now reaping the fruits of an honest and
straightforward conduct, and the Queen hopes Lord Clarendon will
likewise in all future cases of difficulty arrest the mischief, sure
to arise from a continuance of mutual suspicion between this
Country and any Power, by at once entering upon full and unreserved
explanations, on the first symptoms of distrust.

As the Emperor deserves great credit, if he really caused the
liberation of the Madiai, the Queen wishes Lord Clarendon to express
to Count Walewski her feelings on this subject.




[Pageheading: THE CZAR'S LETTER]


_The Emperor of Russia to the Prince Albert._

                      8
ST. PÉTERSBOURG, _le -- Avril 1853._
                     20

MONSEIGNEUR,--J'allais Vous adresser mes félicitations sincères pour
l'heureuse délivrance de Sa Majesté la Reine, quand Votre aimable
lettre est venue me prévenir.[14] Veuillez donc, Monseigneur, être
persuadé, que c'est avec grande joie, que ma femme et moi, nous avons
appris cet heureux événement, et j'ose aussi vous prier de déposer
aux pieds de Sa Majesté mes humbles hommages et félicitations. Je me
flatte n'avoir pas besoin de Vous assurer tous deux, Monseigneur, de
toute la sincérité des sentiments d'affection que je Vous porte. Cette
fois j'ose y joindre mes remercîments bien sentis à Sa Majesté la
Reine, pour l'indulgence et l'attention qu'Elle a daigné prêter aux
communications dont j'avais chargé directement Sir Hamilton Seymour,
qui a le mérite seul d'avoir su transmettre mes intentions avec une
fidélité et une exactitude parfaites.

Je crois que dans peu Sa Majesté la Reine sera dans le cas de se
persuader, que _Son sincère et fidèle ami_ l'a prévenue à temps de
ce qu'il prévoyait devoir infailliblement arriver; non certes dans
l'intention d'être un _prophète de mauvais augure_, mais dans la
conviction intime, que ce n'est que la confiance la plus intime, la
plus complette et la plus parfaitte identité de vues entre Sa Majesté
et Son très humble serviteur, c. à. d. entre l'Angleterre et la
Russie, que peuvent commander aux événements et conjurer de terribles
catastrophes!

Maintenant nous nous entendons, et je m'en remets à Dieu pour tout ce
qui doit arriver.

C'est avec la plus haute considération et la plus sincère amitié que
je serais, toujours, Monseigneur, de Votre Altesse Royale le tout
dévoué Cousin,

NICOLAS.

    [Footnote 14: The fourth son of the Queen and Prince,
    afterwards Duke of Albany, was born on the 7th of April at
    Buckingham Palace.]




[Pageheading: BIRTH OF PRINCE LEOPOLD]


_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _18th April 1853._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--My first letter is _this_ time, as last time,
addressed to you; last time it was because dearest Louise, to whom the
first had heretofore always been addressed, was with me--alas! _now_,
she is no longer amongst us! I can report very favourably of
myself, for I have never been better or stronger or altogether more
comfortable.

Stockmar will have told you that _Leopold_ is to be the name of our
fourth young gentleman. It is a mark of love and affection which I
hope you will not disapprove. It is a name which is the dearest to me
after Albert, and one which recalls the almost _only_ happy days of my
sad childhood; to hear "Prince Leopold" again, will make me think of
all those days! His other names will be George Duncan Albert, and
the Sponsors, the King of Hanover, Ernest Hohenlohe, the Princess of
Prussia and Mary Cambridge.

George is after the King of Hanover, and Duncan as a compliment to
dear Scotland.... Ever your devoted Niece and Child,

VICTORIA R.




[Pageheading: MR GLADSTONE'S BUDGET]


_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _19th April 1853._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is
happy to say that Mr Gladstone's statement last night was one of
the most powerful financial speeches ever made in the House of
Commons.[15]

Mr Pitt in the days of his glory might have been more imposing, but he
could not have been more persuasive.

Lord John Russell is very sanguine as to the success of the plan, both
in the House of Commons and in the country.

    [Footnote 15: Mr Gladstone's Budget imposed a duty for the
    first time on the succession to real property; he retained
    the Income Tax for two years longer, at its then rate of
    sevenpence in the pound on incomes above £150, and extended
    it, at the rate of fivepence in the pound, to incomes between
    £100 and £150. Ireland was made subject to the tax, but
    received relief in other directions. Remissions of indirect
    taxes were also made, and one of these, the repeal of the
    Advertisement Duty, was carried against the Government.]




_The Prince Albert to Mr Gladstone._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _19th April 1853._

MY DEAR MR GLADSTONE,--I must write to you a line in order to
congratulate you on your success of last night. I have just completed
a close and careful perusal of your speech, which I admire extremely,
and I have heard from all sides that the effect it has produced is
very good. Trusting that your Christian humility will not allow you
to become dangerously elated, I cannot resist sending you the report
which Lord John Russell made to the Queen for your perusal; knowing
that it will give you pleasure, and that these are the best rewards
which a public man can look for. Ever yours truly,

ALBERT.




_Mr Gladstone to the Prince Albert._

DOWNING STREET, _19th April 1853._

Sir,--I have to offer my most humble and grateful thanks to Her
Majesty for graciously allowing me to know the terms in which Lord
John Russell's kindness allowed him to describe the statement made by
me last night in the House of Commons; and to your Royal Highness for
the letter which your Royal Highness had been pleased to address to
me.

The reception which you, Sir, gave to my explanation on the 9th
instant of the propositions I had to submit to the Cabinet, was one of
the first and best omens of their favourable fortune.

As a Servant of the Crown, deeply sharing in that attachment which
all servants of Her Majesty must feel both to her Throne and Person,
I venture to hope that the propositions of the Government declared
through me, are in accordance with our faith and loyalty to Her
Majesty.

For myself, Sir, I am most thankful, if it can be said that I have not
by my own defects injured a good and an honest cause; my only title to
reward lies in sincerity of purpose, and by such testimony as that of
your Royal Highness I am already much more than duly rewarded....

I return the letter of Lord John Russell, and I pray your Royal
Highness to believe me, Sir, your most dutiful and most obedient
Servant,

W. E. GLADSTONE.




[Pageheading: THE INDIA BILL]


_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._

OSBORNE, _27th May 1853._

The Queen has read Lord Aberdeen's letter of yesterday with great
concern. She had been much surprised to hear from Lord John Russell on
the 24th that "in concert with Sir Charles Wood and Sir James Graham,
he had settled last night to propose to the Cabinet on Wednesday to
delay the measure (on the Indian Government) till next Session, and
that Sir James Graham had stated that Lord Aberdeen would be ready
to assent to this course."[16] She did not answer Lord John until she
should have heard from Lord Aberdeen himself. From the explanation he
has now given to the Queen, she must say that it would have a _very
bad_ effect if the measure were withdrawn at the eleventh hour, and
after all that has been publicly and privately stated.[17] Nothing
damages a Government more than the appearance of vacillation and
uncertainty of purpose, and no Government ought to shun this more
than the _present_. The fact of a dissension in the Cabinet on a vital
point, which it cannot be hoped will remain concealed, must besides
much impair its vigour and power....

The Queen earnestly hopes that it will not become necessary to change
the course announced by the Government.

    [Footnote 16: The India Bill, which passed during the Session,
    threw open the lucrative patronage of the Company (whose
    existence was continued but with less absolute control) to
    competition. The Mutiny, and the resulting legislation of
    1858, tended subsequently to overshadow Sir Charles Wood's
    measure.]

    [Footnote 17: The matter had been referred to a Cabinet
    Committee, reported upon, agreed to in full Cabinet, proposed
    to and sanctioned by the Queen and announced to Parliament.]




[Pageheading: THE EMPEROR FRANCIS JOSEPH]


_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _3 June 1853._

MY DEAREST, BEST VICTORIA,--... The young Emperor[18] I confess I like
much, there is much sense and courage in his warm blue eye, and it is
not without a very amiable merriment when there is occasion for it.
He is slight and very graceful, but even in the _mêlée_ of dancers and
Archdukes, and all in uniform, he may always be distinguished as
the _Chef_. This struck me more than anything, as now at Vienna the
dancing is also that general _mêlée_ which renders waltzing most
difficult.... The manners are excellent and free from pompousness or
awkwardness of any kind, simple, and when he is graciously disposed,
as he was to me, _sehr herzlich und natürlich_. He keeps every one
in great order without requiring for this an _outré_ appearance of
authority, merely because he is the master, and there is that about
him which gives authority, and which sometimes those _who have the
authority cannot succeed in getting accepted or in practising_. I
think he may be severe _si l'occasion se présente_; he has something
very _muthig_. We were several times surrounded by people of all
classes, and he certainly quite at their mercy, but I never saw his
little _muthig_ expression changed either by being pleased or alarmed.
I trust that this family connection may mitigate the only impression
which in Austria has created a hostile feeling, viz. the suspicions
in Palmerston's time that it had become a plan of England _to
destroy_ the Austrian Empire. After the _attentat_ on the Emperor the
impression on those who are attached to their country was, and
still is, that in England a sort of menagerie of Kossuths, Mazzinis,
Lagranges, Ledru Rollins, etc., is kept to be let occasionally loose
on the Continent to render its quiet and prosperity impossible. That
impression, which Lord Aberdeen stated in the House of Lords at the
end of April, is strong everywhere on the Continent, in Prussia as it
is in Austria, and even here our _industriels_ are convinced of it.
About what is to be done by way of graciousness on your part we will
consider. ...Ever, my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

    [Footnote 18: Francis Joseph, Emperor of Austria.]




_The Duke of Newcastle to Queen Victoria._

_7th June 1853._

The Duke of Newcastle presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
has the honour of bringing under your Majesty's notice a desire for
some time past felt by the Archbishop of Canterbury, and by others
interested in the welfare of the Church of England in the Colonies,
that the extensive See of Capetown should be divided, and that a new
Bishopric of Grahamstown should be erected.

An endowment of £10,000 for the proposed See has lately been provided
by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts.

The Duke of Newcastle under these circumstances hopes that your
Majesty will approve of the erection of this new See, and has the
honour to recommend to your Majesty that, in that case the Rev. J. W.
Colenso should be appointed to it.

Mr Colenso at present holds a living in the Diocese of Norwich, he was
second wrangler at Cambridge, and was at one time tutor to two of the
sons of the late Sir Robert Peel at Harrow.

The Duke of Newcastle has received a very high character of Mr Colenso
from his Diocesan, and the Archbishop of Canterbury considers him a
fit person to be recommended to your Majesty.




[Pageheading: THE KING OF HANOVER]



_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _22nd June 1853._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Many thanks for your kind letter of the 17th, which
I could not answer on my usual day (yesterday), as we were the whole
day at the Camp, where there was a Review, at which I rode. It was
a very fine sight, but my enjoyment was a good deal spoilt by the
nervousness which I was in at having my poor blind cousin[19] _on_
horseback next to me--_led_. It is a sad sight, and one which keeps
me in a constant state of anxiety, as one is afraid of saying or doing
anything which may pain or distress him, or of his meeting with any
accident; but he manages it wonderfully well, hardly ever makes a
mistake, and manages so well at dinner. He is very cheerful, kind,
and civil, and would be very good looking if it were not for his poor
eyes. He likes to go everywhere and do everything like anybody else,
and speaks of things _as if he saw_ them....

The Oriental Question is at a standstill. It is the Emperor of
Russia who must enable _us_ to help him out of the difficulty. I feel
convinced that _War will_ be _avoided_, but I don't see _how_ exactly.
Our Troops looked beautiful yesterday. I wish your young people could
see our Camp.[20]

With Albert's love, believe me, ever, your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

    [Footnote 19: King George V. of Hanover.]

    [Footnote 20: Lord Stratford de Redcliffe had insisted that
    the disputed points as to the guardianship of the Holy Places,
    and the Russian demand for a Protectorate over the Christian
    subjects of the Sultan, should be kept distinct. After the
    former had been arranged and the latter had been rejected by
    the Porte acting under Lord Stratford's advice, Menschikoff
    abruptly quitted Constantinople, and the Russian troops,
    crossing the Pruth, invaded the Danubian principalities of
    Moldavia and Wallachia (now united as Roumania). In England,
    meanwhile, a military encampment had been established at
    Chobham.]




[Pageheading: DEATH OF LADY DALHOUSIE]


_The Earl of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria._

_12th July 1853._

Lord Dalhousie presents his humble duty to your Majesty, most
gratefully acknowledging the gracious words which your Majesty has
addressed to him in the time of his great affliction.[21]

Your Majesty has been pleased for many years to honour him with
frequent marks of personal distinction. He is indeed most keenly
sensible of the favour which bestowed them all. But his deep gratitude
must ever be given to the goodness which dictated the touching
assurance he has now received of your Majesty's interest in the
piteous fate of one who for eighteen years has been all the world to
him, whose patient, gentle spirit, and whose brave heart had turned
aside so many perils, and who yet has sunk at last under the very
means on which all had securely reckoned as her certain safety.

Lord Dalhousie ought not perhaps to have uttered even this much of his
sorrow, but your Majesty's truly gracious words have melted it from
his heart; and still encourage him to believe that your Majesty will
not regard it as obtrusive.

Lord Dalhousie will not mingle the other topics, on which it is his
duty to address your Majesty, with this respectful expression of the
enduring gratitude, with which he has the honour to subscribe himself,
your Majesty's most obedient, most humble, and most faithful Subject
and Servant,

DALHOUSIE.

    [Footnote 21: Lady Dalhousie died on the 6th of May, on her
    passage home from India.]




[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S ATTITUDE]


_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._

LONDON, _11th September 1853._

Lord Aberdeen presents his most humble duty to your Majesty....

Lord Aberdeen has by no means forgotten the conversation to which your
Majesty has referred; but after full consideration he believes that
the safest and best course has been adopted.[22] Trusting to your
Majesty's gracious condescension, and the confidence with which Lord
Aberdeen has been honoured, he will humbly venture to lay before your
Majesty, without any reserve, the motives which have induced him to
offer this advice to your Majesty.

The situation of Lord Palmerston is peculiar.[23] Unless he should
continue to be a cordial member of your Majesty's Government, he may
very easily become the leader of Opposition. Lord Aberdeen is at this
moment ignorant of his real views and intentions. He has been recently
more than once thwarted in his endeavours to press a hostile policy
upon the Cabinet; and it has been reported to Lord Aberdeen that he
has expressed himself in terms of great hostility. This cannot perhaps
be avoided, and is only the result of taking different views of the
public interest; but it is very essential that Lord Palmerston should
have no personal or private cause of complaint against Lord Aberdeen.
From his office of Home Secretary he might naturally expect to have
the honour of attending your Majesty; and should this not be the
case he might probably resent it and attribute it to the jealousy and
ill-will of Lord Aberdeen. But whether he did this, or not, himself,
the Public and the Press would not fail to do so, and would convert
this neglect into the ground of the most hostile and bitter attacks.

Your Majesty may perhaps be aware that there is no amount of flattery
which is not offered to Lord Palmerston by the Tory party, with the
hope of separating him altogether from the Government.

Lord Aberdeen fully admits that this step which he has humbly proposed
to your Majesty may fail to produce any good effect, and that it may
even be turned hereafter to the injury of the Government; but, at
all events, Lord Aberdeen's conscience will be clear; and if Lord
Palmerston has any generous feelings, it is not impossible that he
may appreciate favourably a proceeding which cannot but afford him
personal satisfaction.

    [Footnote 22: Lord Aberdeen had suggested that it would be
    advisable for several reasons that Lord Palmerston should
    be invited to Balmoral as Minister in attendance, and he
    accordingly went there on the 15th of September.]




_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._

BALMORAL, _24th September 1853._

The Queen has this morning received Lord Clarendon's letter of the
22nd inst. She has not been surprised at the line taken by Austria,
who, Lord Clarendon will remember, the Queen never thought could
be depended upon, as she is not in that independent position which
renders a National Policy possible. The accounts from Constantinople
are very alarming, and make the Queen most anxious for the future. She
quite approves of the steps taken by the Government. The presence of
the Fleets at Constantinople in case of general disturbance will take
from the Emperor of Russia what Lord Cowley calls his _coup de Théâtre
à la Sadlers Wells_, viz.: the part of the generous protector of the
Sultan and restorer of Order.[24]

    [Footnote 23: Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell led the
    war party in the Cabinet; but the latter was pledged to the
    introduction of a Reform Bill, while the former was opposed
    to the scheme. Lord Aberdeen's pacific views were making him
    increasingly unpopular in the country.]

    [Footnote 24: Even after the Russian occupation of the
    Principalities, which the Russian Minister, Count Nesselrode,
    had described as not an act of war, but a material guarantee
    for the concession by Turkey of the Russian demands,
    the resources of diplomacy were not exhausted. The Four
    Powers--England, France, Austria, and Prussia--agreed, in
    conference at Vienna, to present a note for acceptance by
    Russia and the Porte, to the effect (_inter alia_) that the
    Government of the Sultan would remain faithful "to the letter
    and to the spirit of the Treaties of Kainardji and Adrianople
    relative to the protection of the Christian religion." This
    was most unfortunately worded, but, however, the clause had
    obtained the sanction of the English Government, and the
    Czar expressed his willingness to accept it. Lord Stratford,
    however, saw the danger underlying the ambiguity of the
    language, and, under his advice, the Porte proposed as an
    amendment the substitution of the words "to the stipulations
    of the Treaty of Kainardji, confirmed by that of Adrianople,
    relative to the protection by the Sublime Porte of the
    Christian religion." The Russian Government refused to accept
    this amendment, and from that moment war was inevitable. The
    British Fleet under Admiral Dundas had been sent from Malta to
    the East at the beginning of June.]




[Pageheading: THE VIENNA NOTE]


_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._

BALMORAL, _25th September 1853._

The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of the 23rd, and is very
thankful to him for this full and lucid statement of the present very
critical situation.

She transmits to him a memorandum containing our views, drawn up
by the Prince with the desire he might also communicate it to Lord
Clarendon.[25]

The Queen must say she now rejoices the Fleets should be on their way
to Constantinople.

God grant that any outbreak at Constantinople may yet be averted.

    [Footnote 25: The Memorandum stated that it would be fruitless
    further to attempt to settle the dispute by the "Rédaction" of
    Notes to be exchanged between Turkey and Russia, or the
    choice of particular words and expressions in public documents
    designed in order to avoid naming the real objects in dispute.

    "It is evident" (it was added) "that Russia has hitherto
    attempted to deceive us in pretending that she did not aim
    at the acquisition of any _new_ Right, but required only a
    satisfaction of honour and a re-acknowledgment of the Rights
    she already possessed by Treaty; that she _does intend_ and
    for the first time lays bare that intention, to acquire _new_
    Rights of interference which the Porte does _not_ wish to
    concede and cannot concede, and which the European Powers have
    repeatedly declared she _ought not_ to concede....

    "If the views of Russia, for instance, with regard to
    'Modification III. of the Note,' were to prevail, the
    extension of the advantages and privileges enjoyed by
    Christian communities, in their capacity as _foreigners_,
    to the Greeks generally, with the Right granted to Russia
    to intercede for them to this effect, would simply make
    foreigners of 10,000,000 of the subjects of the Porte, or
    depose the Sultan as their sovereign, putting the Emperor of
    Russia in his place."]




_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._

LONDON, _6th October 1853._

... The Cabinet will meet to-morrow; and Lord Aberdeen will have
the honour of humbly reporting to your Majesty the result of their
discussions. It will be Lord Aberdeen's endeavour to prevent any rash
decision; and, above all, to keep open the possibility of peaceful
communications. No doubt, it may be very agreeable to humiliate the
Emperor of Russia; but Lord Aberdeen thinks that it is paying a little
too dear for this pleasure, to check the progress and prosperity of
this happy country, and to cover Europe with confusion, misery, and
blood.




[Pageheading: MOVEMENTS OF THE FLEET]


_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._

LONDON, _7th October 1853._

Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty. As your
Majesty will expect to hear from him to-day, he has the honour of
addressing your Majesty, although he could wish that it had been in
his power to give your Majesty a more full and satisfactory account
of the decisions of the Cabinet. The meeting was very long, and
considerable difference of opinion prevailed in the course of the
discussion. At length, however, Lord Aberdeen is happy to say there
was such an agreement as ensured a certain degree of unanimity. With
this view, it was determined to adhere to a defensive principle
of action in the East. The Fleets may perhaps be already at
Constantinople; but, at all events, they are to be brought there
forthwith, and to be stationed either there or in the Bosphorus,
unless the Russians should cross the Danube, or make any attack upon
the Turkish possessions on the coast of the Black Sea. In this case,
the combined Fleets would enter the Black Sea, for the defence of the
Turkish territory.

Considering the position we have already assumed in this unfortunate
affair, perhaps it was impossible to do less than this; and as there
is very little chance of Russia undertaking any active hostilities
of the nature apprehended, it may reasonably be hoped that no actual
collision will take place. At the same time it must be recollected
that Russia will regard the entrance of line of battle-ships into the
Black Sea as a virtual declaration of war against herself.

There is yet no confirmation of the actual declaration of war by
the Porte, and although there is no reason to suspect any serious
impediment to the decision of the Divan being fulfilled, it is rather
strange that intelligence to this effect has not been received. If
Lord Stratford should see great cause for apprehension at the prospect
of the Turks in the prosecution of hostilities, it is just possible
that by his influence he may have arrested the progress of their
warlike measures; but probably this is too much to hope. At all
events, Lord Aberdeen trusts that the path of negotiation is not
finally closed, and that, notwithstanding the equivocal position of
Great Britain in this contest, it may still be possible to employ
words of conciliation and peace....




[Pageheading: WAR IMMINENT]

[Pageheading: LORD ABERDEEN OVERBORNE]



_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BALMORAL, _10th October 1853._

I had a long interview with Sir James Graham this morning, and told
him that Lord Aberdeen's last letter to the Queen and him[26] made us
very uneasy. It was evident that Lord Aberdeen was, against his
better judgment, consenting to a course of policy which he inwardly
condemned, that his desire to maintain unanimity at the Cabinet led
to concessions which by degrees altered the whole character of the
policy, while he held out no hope of being able permanently to secure
agreement. I described the Queen's position as a very painful one.
Here were decisions taken by the Cabinet, perhaps even acted upon,
involving the most momentous consequences, without her previous
concurrence or even the means for her to judge of the propriety or
impropriety of course to be adopted, with evidence that the Minister,
in whose judgment the Queen placed her chief reliance, disapproved
of it. The position was morally and constitutionally a wrong one. The
Queen ought to have the whole policy in spirit and ultimate tendency
developed before her to give her deliberate sanction to it, knowing
what it involved her in abroad and at home. She might now be involved
in war, of which the consequences could not be calculated, chiefly by
the desire of Lord Aberdeen to keep his Cabinet together; this might
then break down, and the Queen would be left without an efficient
Government, and a war on her hands. Lord Aberdeen renounced one of his
chief sources of strength in the Cabinet, by not making it apparent
that he requires the sanction of the Crown to the course proposed by
the Cabinet, and has to justify his advice by argument before it can
be adopted, and that it does not suffice to come to a decision at the
table of the Cabinet. Sir James Graham perfectly coincided with this
view and offered to go up to Town immediately. The Queen wrote the
letter to Lord Aberdeen ... which Sir James takes up with him. He
shall arrive at Windsor on Friday (14th), and Lord Aberdeen is to have
an Audience on Saturday. Sir James will tell him that the Queen wants
his deliberate opinion on what course is best to be followed, and
that the course once adopted should be steadily and uninterruptedly
pursued.

ALBERT.

    [Footnote 26:

    _The Earl of Aberdeen to Sir James Graham._
    [_Submitted to the Queen._]

    ARGYLL HOUSE, _8th October 1853._

    MY DEAR GRAHAM,--... When we met, Clarendon made a sort of
    _résumé_ of what had taken place before we all separated, but
    ended with no specific proposal. After a few interlocutory
    remarks from different quarters, Palmerston proposed his plan.
    Lord John faintly supported it in general terms, but did not
    seem much in earnest about it. I said that it appeared to
    involve the necessity of a declaration of war against Russia,
    and the calling together Parliament forthwith. Gladstone
    strongly argued against the proposal. Clarendon then read
    an outline of his proposed instructions, which were a great
    abatement from Palmerston's plan. We came at last to a sort
    of compromise; our great difficulty being now to deal with the
    question of entering the Black Sea. I consented to this being
    done, provided it was strictly in defence of some point of
    attack on Turkish territory. I have no fear that this will
    take place; and as long as we abstain from entering the Black
    Sea, Peace may be possible between us and Russia. We have thus
    assumed a strictly defensive position, which for the
    moment may be sufficient, and will enable us to carry on
    negotiations; but this cannot last long. Under the character
    of defensive war, we should inevitably become extensively
    engaged. Should the Turks be at all worsted, which is
    probable, of course we must increase our assistance. We
    should have a French army, and perhaps English money--all for
    defence.

    The aspect of the Cabinet was, on the whole, very good.
    Gladstone, active and energetic for Peace; Argyll, Herbert,
    C. Wood, and Granville, all in the same sense. Newcastle,
    not quite so much so, but good; Lansdowne, not so warlike
    as formerly; Lord John warlike enough, but subdued in
    tone; Palmerston urged his views perseveringly, but not
    disagreeably. The Chancellor said little, but was cordially
    peaceful. Molesworth was not present, there having been some
    mistake in sending the notice.

    On the whole, therefore, yesterday passed off well enough;
    but we shall see what to-day will bring us. Not a syllable was
    said in the Cabinet on any other subject. Lord John seemed
    in good humour; he came to see me a few minutes before the
    Cabinet. I told you that I had spoken to Gladstone very
    fully; but I did not press any decision respecting _domestic_
    matters, as it would at this moment be quite unseasonable.
    Nevertheless, it must not be forgotten altogether. Yours,
    etc., etc.,

    ABERDEEN.]




[Pageheading: LORD STRATFORD'S INSTRUCTIONS]


_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._

BALMORAL, _11th October 1853._

The Queen has received Lord Clarendon's letter. She had written to
Lord Aberdeen that she felt it her duty to pause before giving her
consent to the measures decided on in the Cabinet, until she should
have received an explanation on the views which dictated that
decision, and of the ulterior steps involved in it; and Sir James
Graham is gone up to Town, verbally to explain more fully the Queen's
feelings. She has now received and read the Despatches, which have
in the meantime been sent off to their points of destination without
having received her sanction!

The draft to Vienna the Queen thinks very ably argued, and justly to
define the present position of the question at issue.[27]

The instructions to Lord Stratford,[28] on the other hand, appear to
her very vague, and entrusting him with enormous powers and a latitude
of discretion which is hardly to be called safe. As matters have now
been arranged, it appears to the Queen, moreover, that we have taken
on ourselves in conjunction with France all the risks of a European
war, without having bound Turkey to any conditions with respect to
provoking it. The hundred and twenty fanatical Turks constituting the
Divan at Constantinople are left sole judges of the line of policy
to be pursued, and made cognisant at the same time of the fact
that England and France have bound themselves to defend the Turkish
Territory! This is entrusting them with a power which Parliament has
been jealous to confide even to the hands of the British Crown. It may
be a question whether England ought to go to war for the defence of
so-called Turkish Independence; but there can be none that if she does
so, she ought to be the sole judge of what constitutes a breach
of that independence, and have the fullest power to prevent by
negotiation the breaking out of the war.

The Queen would wish copies of the enclosed papers to be sent for her
use as soon as convenient.

    [Footnote 27: In this despatch Lord Clarendon, after referring
    to the interpretation which Count Nesselrode had put upon the
    Vienna Note, and the Russian rejection of it as amended by
    the Porte, told Lord Westmorland that it would be useless and
    dishonourable to recommend it in its unaltered form, that the
    Czar was contending for privileges for Christian subjects
    of the Porte not hitherto enjoyed by them, and that a war
    embarked upon in such a cause would be without parallel in
    history.]

    [Footnote 28: Authority had been given to Lord Stratford to
    employ the British Fleet in the manner he might deem most fit
    for defending Turkish territory from aggression, and he was
    instructed that if the Russian Fleet left Sebastopol, the
    British Fleet was to pass through the Bosphorus.]




[Pageheading: RESENTMENT OF THE CZAR]

[Pageheading: LORD JOHN AND THE PREMIERSHIP]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _16th October 1853._

We saw Lord Aberdeen yesterday. He went with us through the whole
of the proceedings of the last six weeks with respect to the Eastern
Question. Regretted Count Nesselrode's Note,[29] which Baron Brunnow
owned nobody would regret more than the Count himself, acknowledged
the weakness of Austria, felt sure of Lord Stratford's insincerity
towards him and the Government,... as he had to Lord Aberdeen's
certain knowledge called "the conduct of the Government infamous" and
declared "he would let the world know that his name was Canning." He
acknowledged the disadvantage of the course adopted by the Cabinet,
which left the Turks at liberty to do as they pleased; he had to
concede this to the Cabinet, which would otherwise have been broken
up by Lord John and Lord Palmerston. Had he known what the Queen's
opinion was, he might have been more firm, feeling himself supported
by the Crown, but he had imagined from her letters that there was more
animosity against Russia and leaning to war in her mind.

    [Footnote 29: In this despatch to Baron Meyendorff, the
    Austrian Foreign Minister, the Count had disclosed the fact
    that the Russian interpretation of the Vienna Note differed
    from that of the other Powers.]

Yet, under all the adverse circumstances Lord Aberdeen saw still
reason for hope that a peaceable settlement could be obtained. The
French were ready to do anything we pleased, go to war, remain at
peace, etc., etc.; in fact, Louis Napoleon had experienced the great
advantage for his position of the Alliance with England.... Lord
Stratford was thoroughly frightened, and had made a proposal himself,
which accordingly he would support _con amore_. The Emperor of Russia
had failed in his attempt to form a Northern League against the
Western Powers.... The Emperor complained bitterly of the conduct
of the Powers, who had disgraced him before the world by making him
accept a Note, and sanctioning its alteration by Turkey; "now they
should do what they pleased and settle matters with Turkey first, and
bring him only what was settled and fixed, he was wearied of the whole
business, and anxious to get rid of it for ever."

What Lord Aberdeen now proposed was to follow the Emperor's advice and
agree with Turkey upon a Note, leaving out all that she had objected
to in the Vienna Note as Lord Stratford recommended, and taking as
much as possible Redschid Pasha's own words to found the proposal of
it upon the declaration made by the Emperor at Olmütz to the Powers,
that he sought for _no new_ right, privilege, or advantage, but solely
for the confirmation of the legal _status quo_, but accompanying this
with a declaration, that if Turkey created needless difficulties and
tried to evade a peaceful settlement the Powers would withdraw their
support and leave her to fight her own battle. We went over the
Documents which are not yet settled, even between Lord Aberdeen
and Lord Clarendon, and will require the greatest caution in their
wording. It is evident that the Turks have every inducement not to
let this opportunity slip in going to war with Russia, as they will
probably never find so advantageous a one again, as the whole of
Christendom has declared them in the right, and they would fight with
England and France actively on their side!

At home, Lord Aberdeen said matters do not stand much better. Lord
John has convinced himself that, under present circumstances it
would not do for him to ask Lord Aberdeen to retire from the Prime
Ministership and let him step in in his place; perhaps he has found
out also that the Peelites will not serve under him; his own Whig
colleagues would very much regret if not object to such a change, and
that Lord Palmerston could not well submit to the arrangement. So
he told Lord Aberdeen that he had given up that idea; it was clear,
however, that he was now looking for an opportunity to break up the
Government on some popular ground, which it was impossible to hope
that he should not find. He now had asked for the immediate summoning
of Parliament, called for by the state of the Oriental Question. This
would create the greatest alarm in the country, and embarrassment to
the Government, and was therefore resisted. Lord Aberdeen told Lord
John quite plainly he knew what the proposal meant--he meant to break
up the Government. "I hope not," was Lord John's laughing reply.

The Queen taxed Lord Aberdeen with imprudence in talking to Lord
John of his own readiness to leave office, which he acknowledged, but
called _very natural_ in a man of seventy. Lord John was dissatisfied
with his position;... upon Lord Aberdeen telling him that he had the
most powerful and honourable position of any man in England as leader
of the House of Commons, he answered, "Oh, _there_ I am quite happy!"

I asked how under such circumstances that all-important measure of
Parliamentary Reform, upon which the future stability and well-being
of the Country so much depended, was to be matured and brought
forward? Lord Aberdeen replied that Lord John had it all ready and
prepared in his pocket, and told Lord Aberdeen so, adding, however,
that under present circumstances there was no use in bringing it
forward, to which Lord Aberdeen added: "You mean unless you sit in the
chair which I now occupy?" Lord John laughed.

We discussed the probable consequences of Lord John's retirement. Lord
Aberdeen thought that Lord Palmerston, Lord Lansdowne, and even Lord
Clarendon would secede with him, but this by no means implied that the
whole party would; Lord Palmerston would not coalesce with Lord John,
but try for the lead himself; Lord Clarendon quite agreed with Lord
Aberdeen, and had been very angry with Lord John, but was personally
under great obligations to him, and Sir James Graham had (as he said)
been very much struck with the change of tone in Lord Clarendon at
the last meeting of the Cabinet. Most of the Liberals seemed very much
pleased with their situation. Sir James Graham had, of his own accord,
told Lord Aberdeen that, in the event of Lord John's secession, he
himself could not well sit in the House of Commons under so much
younger a man as Mr Gladstone as Leader. He knew that there would be
objections to his assuming the lead himself, but he would be quite
ready to go to the House of Lords to support Lord Aberdeen.

ALBERT.


+++++++++++++

[Pageheading: THE CZAR'S LETTER]


_The Emperor of Russia to Queen Victoria._[30]

              18
TSARSKO, _ce_ -- _Octobre_ 1853.
              30

MADAME,--Votre Majesté connaît, je l'espère, les sentiments
d'affection sincère qui m'attachent à Sa personne, depuis que j'ai
eu l'honneur de L'approcher. Il m'a semblé qu'Elle daignait aussi
m'accorder quelque bienveillance. A la veille d'événements, peut-être
fort graves, qu'Elle daigne donc excuser si je m'adresse droit à Elle,
pour essayer de prévenir des calamités, que nos deux pays ont un égal
intérêt à éviter. J'ose le faire avec d'autant plus de confiance,
que longtemps encore avant que les affaires d'Orient eussent pris
la fâcheuse tournure qu'elles ont acquise depuis, je m'étais adressé
directement à votre Majesté, par l'entremise de Sir Hamilton Seymour,
pour appeler votre attention, Madame, sur des éventualités, alors
encore incertaines, mais déjà fort probables à mes yeux, et que
je désirais éclaircir, _avant tout_, avec le Cabinet Anglais, pour
écarter autant qu'il m'était possible, toute divergence d'opinion
entre nous. La correspondance d'alors, qu'Elle daigne de la faire
relire atteignit son but, car elle mettait le Gouvernement Anglais au
fait de mes plus intimes pensées sur ces graves éventualités, tandis
que, je devais au moins le penser ainsi, j'obtiens en réponse un égal
exposé des vues du Gouvernement de votre Majesté.

Sûrs ainsi de ce que nous désirions de part et d'autre, par quelle
fatalité devons-nous donc, Madame, en venir à une mésintelligence
aussi prononcée, sur des objets qui paraissaient convenus d'avance,
_où ma parole est engagée vis-à-vis de votre Majesté_, comme je crois
_celle du Gouvernement Anglais engagée de même vis-à-vis de moi_.

C'est à la justice, au c[oe]ur de votre Majesté que j'en appelle,
c'est à Sa bonne foi et à Sa sagesse que je m'en mets qu'Elle daigne
de décider entre nous.

Devons nous rester, comme je le souhaite ardemment, dans une bonne
intelligence également profitable à nos deux États, ou juge-t-Elle,
que le pavillon Anglais doive flotter près du croissant, pour
combattre la croix de Saint André!!!

Telle que soit la détermination de votre Majesté, qu'Elle veuille être
persuadée de l'inaltérable et sincère attachement avec lesquels je ne
cesserais d'être, de votre Majesté, le tout dévoué frère et ami,

NICOLAS.

Je prie votre Majesté de vouloir bien faire mes amitiés à Monseigneur
le Prince Albert.

    [Footnote 30: Greville calls the writing of this letter an
    unusual step; but in sending it to Lord Aberdeen and Lord
    Clarendon, the Queen observed that its despatch was an
    important and advantageous fact, as it both committed the Czar
    personally, and enabled her to state certain truths to him,
    as well as to explain privately the views which guided her own
    and her Ministers' conduct.]




[Pageheading: LORD STRATFORD'S PROPOSAL]


_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _5th November 1853._

Although the Queen will have the pleasure of seeing Lord Aberdeen this
evening, she wishes to make some observations on the subject of Lord
Stratford's last private letters communicated to her yesterday by Lord
Clarendon.[31] They exhibit clearly on his part a _desire_ for war,
and to drag us into it. When he speaks of the sword which will not
only have to be drawn, but the scabbard thrown away, and says, the war
to be successful must be a "_very comprehensive one_" on the part of
England and France, the intention is unmistakable, and it becomes a
serious question whether we are justified in allowing Lord Stratford
any longer to remain in a situation which gives him the means of
frustrating all our efforts for peace. The question becomes still
graver when it is considered that General Baraguay d'Hilliers seems
from Lord Cowley's account of his conversation with him equally
anxious for extreme measures.

The Queen must express her surprise that Lord Stratford should have
coolly sent on so preposterous a proposal as Redschid Pasha's note
asking for a Treaty of Alliance, the amalgamation of our Fleets with
the Turkish one, and the sending of our surplus ships to the "_White_"
Sea (!) without any hesitation or remark on his part. As the note
ends, however, by saying that the Porte desires _que les points
ci-dessus émenés (sic) soient appréciés par les Cours d'Angleterre
et de France, et que ces Cours veuillent bien déclarer leur intention
d'agir en conséquence_, this appears to the Queen to afford an
admirable opportunity for stating plainly and strongly to the Turkish
Government that we have _no intention_ of being used by them for their
own purposes. This time such a declaration might be _handed in_ to the
Turkish Government, so that there can be no mistake about the matter
for the future.

The Queen encloses the letter and note, and wishes Lord Aberdeen to
show her letter to Lord Clarendon.

    [Footnote 31: Lord Stratford had written that Redschid Pasha
    was unable to make head against his warlike colleagues, and
    that unless some proposal of a decidedly satisfactory kind
    should come from Vienna very soon, there would be no chance
    of avoiding hostilities. Lord Stratford added that he had
    obtained a promise that no act of hostility should take place
    on the Turkish side before the expiration of fifteen days, and
    concluded with the words: "I fear that war is the decree of
    Fate, and our wisest part will be to do what we can to bring
    it to a thoroughly good conclusion."]




[Pageheading: THE QUEEN TO THE CZAR]


_Queen Victoria to the Emperor of Russia._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _ce 14 Novembre 1853._

SIRE ET TRÈS CHER FRÈRE,--C'est avec une profonde et sincère
satisfaction que je viens de recevoir la lettre que V.M.I. a bien
voulu m'écrire le 18/30 Octobre. Je suis vivement touchée des
sentiments affectueux que vous m'y témoignez. V.M. me connaît assez
pour savoir combien ils sont réciproques.

Je vous remercierai également, Sire, de la franchise avec laquelle
vous me parlez des complications actuelles; je ne saurais mieux
répondre aux loyales intentions de V.M. qu'en lui exprimant à mon
tour, et avec toute droiture, mes opinions à ce sujet, car c'est là,
j'en suis sûre, le meilleur moyen de conserver utilement une amitié
bien véritable.

J'ai, mon cher Frère, conformément à votre désir, relu les
communications confidentielles que vous avez bien voulu me faire, ce
printemps, par l'intermédiaire du bon Sir Hamilton Seymour, et les
réponses que mon Gouvernement a reçu l'ordre d'adresser à V.M.

Bien qu'une différence d'opinion très notable devînt alors évidente
entre V.M. et moi relativement à la manière d'envisager l'état de la
Turquie et l'appréciation de sa vitalité, le Mémorandum de V.M. en
date du 3/15 Avril vint néanmoins dissiper de la manière la plus
heureuse ces fâcheuses appréhensions; car il m'annonçait que, si nous
n'étions pas d'accord sur _l'état de santé_ de l'Empire Ottoman, nous
l'étions cependant sur la nécessité, pour le laisser vivre, de ne
point lui faire des demandes humiliantes, pourvu que tout le monde en
agît de même, et que personne n'abusât de sa faiblesse pour obtenir
des avantages exclusifs. V.M. dans ce but, daigna même se déclarer
prête "à travailler de concert avec l'Angleterre à l'[oe]uvre commune
de prolonger l'existence de l'Empire Turque, en évitant toute cause
d'alarme au sujet de sa dissolution."

J'avais de plus la conviction qu'il n'existait et ne pouvait
exister au fond aucune divergence d'opinion entre nous au sujet des
réclamations relatives aux Lieux-Saints, réclamations qui, j'avais
droit de le croire, constituaient le seul grief de la Russie contre la
Porte.

Je mets, Sire, la confiance la plus entière dans la parole que V.M. a
bien voulu me donner alors, et, que les assurances subséquentes, dues
à votre amitié, sont venues confirmer, en me donnant la connaissance
de Vos intentions. Personne n'apprécie plus que moi la haute loyauté
de V.M., et je voudrais que les convictions que j'ai à cet égard
pussent seules résoudre toutes les difficultés. Mais quelle que soit
la pureté des motifs qui dirigent les actions du Souverain même le
plus élevé par le caractère, V.M. sait que ses qualités personnelles
ne sont point suffisantes dans des transactions internationales par
lesquelles un État se lie envers un autre en de solennels engagements;
et les véritables intentions de V.M. ont été à coup sûr méconnues et
mal interprétées, à cause de la forme donnée au réclamations adressées
à la Porte.

Ayant à c[oe]ur, Sire, d'examiner ce qui avait pu produire ce fâcheux
malentendu, mon attention a été naturellement attirée par l'article
7 du Traité de Kainardji; et je dois dire à V.M. qu'après avoir
consulté, sur le sens qui pouvait avoir été attaché à cet article,
les personnes les plus compétentes de ce pays-ci; après l'avoir relu
ensuite moi-même, avec le plus sincère désir d'impartialité, je suis
arrivée à la conviction que cet article n'était point susceptible de
l'extension qu'on y a voulu donner. Tous les amis de V.M. ont, comme
moi, la certitude que vous n'auriez point abusé du pouvoir, que vous
eût ainsi été accordé; mais une demande de ce genre, pouvait à peine
être acceptée par un Souverain qui tient à son indépendance.

Je ne cacherai pas davantage à V.M. l'impression douloureuse qu'a
produit sur moi l'occupation des Principautés. Cette occupation a
causé, depuis les quatres derniers mois, une perturbation générale
en Europe, et pourrait amener des événements ultérieurs que je
déplorerais d'un commun accord avec V.M. Mais, comme les intentions
de V.M. envers la Porte sont, je le sais, amicales et désintéressées,
j'ai toute confiance que vous trouverez le moyen de les exprimer et
mettre à exécution de manière à détourner de plus graves dangers,
que tous mes efforts, je vous assure, tendront sans cesse à empêcher.
L'attention impartiale avec laquelle j'ai suivi les causes qui ont
fait échouer jusqu'à présent toutes les tentatives de conciliation,
me donne la ferme conviction qu'il n'existe pas d'obstacle réel qui ne
puisse être écarté ou promptement surmonté avec l'assistance de V.M.

Je n'abandonne point l'espoir de cet heureux résultat, même après les
tristes conflits qui ont fait couler le sang dans les Principautés;
car j'ai la foi en Dieu que lorsque de toute part les intentions
sont droites et lorsque les intérêts bien entendus sont communs, le
Tout-Puissant ne permettra pas que l'Europe entière qui contient
déjà tant d'éléments inflammables, soit exposée à une conflagration
générale.

Que Dieu veille sur les jours de V.M.; et croyez, Sire, à
l'attachement sincère avec lequel je suis, Sire et cher Frère, de
votre Majesté Impériale, la bien bonne S[oe]ur et Amie,

VICTORIA R.

Albert est très sensible au souvenir de V.M. et me prie de le mettre à
vos pieds.




[Pageheading: LORD ABERDEEN'S SCRUPLES]


_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._

LONDON, _26th November 1853._

Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty. The Cabinet
met to-day for the consideration of the overtures made by the French
Government for the settlement of the Eastern Question.[32] These
proposals were in substance adopted; although a considerable change
was made in their form, and in some of their details. The step now
taken is evidently wise; but Lord Aberdeen can scarcely venture
to hope that it will be attended with success. Pacific language is
accompanied with insulting and hostile acts; and it remains to be seen
what effect will be produced on the Emperor of Russia by the entrance
of English and French ships of war into the Black Sea, under the
pretext of bringing off Consuls from Varna, and of looking after the
grain-ships at the Sulina mouth of the Danube. This information has
hitherto been only communicated by telegraph; but it is calculated
to lead to serious consequences, of which Lord Stratford must be
perfectly well aware.

    [Footnote 32: The Emperor had made certain suggestions to Lord
    Cowley, which the British Government were willing to adopt;
    but the anti-Russian feeling was increasing daily in the
    nation, and, as will be seen from the Queen's letter of the
    27th of November, Lord Stratford seemed resolved on war.]




_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._

OSBORNE, _27th November 1853._

The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of yesterday. She is
sorry to find that after all a considerable change was made in the
form of the French proposal. She is not aware at present of what that
change consists in and is therefore unable to form an opinion as
to the effects of its introduction, but she quite concurs in Lord
Aberdeen's apprehensions with regard to the effect of Lord Stratford's
orders to the Fleet. The perusal of Lord Stratford's Despatches of the
5th inst. has given the Queen the strongest impression that, whilst
guarding himself against the possibility of being called to account
for acting in opposition to his instructions, he is pushing us deeper
and deeper into the War policy which we wish to escape. Wherefore
should three poor Turkish steamers go to the Crimea, but to beard the
Russian Fleet and tempt it to come out of Sebastopol, which would thus
constitute the much desired contingency for our combined Fleets to
attack it, and so engage us irretrievably!

The Queen must seriously call upon Lord Aberdeen and the Cabinet to
consider whether they are justified in allowing such a state of things
to continue!




[Pageheading: THE CZAR TO THE QUEEN]


_The Emperor of Russia to Queen Victoria._

                     2
S. PÉTERSBOURG, _le -- Décembre 1853._
                    14

MADAME,--Je remercie votre Majesté d'avoir eu la bonté de répondre
aussi amicalement que franchement à la lettre que j'ai eu l'honneur
de lui écrire. Je la remercie également de la foi qu'elle accorde à
ma parole,--je crois le mériter, je l'avoue,--28 années d'une vie
politique, souvent fort pénible, ne peuvent donner le droit à personne
d'en douter.

Je me permets aussi, contrairement à l'avis de votre Majesté, de
penser, qu'en affaires publiques et en relations de pays à pays,
rien ne peut être _plus sacré_ et ne l'est en effet à mes yeux que la
parole souveraine, car elle décide en dernière instance de la paix
ou de la guerre. Je ne fatiguerais certes pas l'attention de votre
Majesté par un examen détaillé du sens qu'elle donne à l'article 7 du
Traité de Kainardji; j'assurerais seulement, Madame, que depuis 80 ans
la Russie et la Porte l'ont compris ainsi que nous le faisons encore.
Ce sens-là n'a été interrompu qu'en derniers temps, à la suite
d'instigations que votre Majesté connaît aussi bien que moi.
Le rétablir dans son réception primitive et la justifier par un
engagement plus solennel, tel est le but de mes efforts, tel il sera,
Madame, quand même le sang devrait couler encore contre mon v[oe]u le
plus ardent; parce que c'est une question vitale pour la Russie, et
mes efforts ne lui sont impossibles pour y satisfaire.

Si j'ai dû occuper les Principautés, ce que je regrette autant que
votre Majesté, c'est encore Madame, parce que les libertés dont ces
provinces jouissent, leurs ont été acquises _au prix du sang Russe, et
par moi-même Madame les années_ 1828 _et_ 29. Il ne s'agit donc pas de
_conquêtes_, mais à la veille d'un conflit que l'on rendait de plus en
plus probable, il eût été indigne de moi de les livrer sûrement à la
main des ennemis du Christianisme, dont les persécutions ne sont un
secret que pour ceux qui veulent l'ignorer. J'espérais avoir répondu
ainsi aux doutes et aux regrets de votre Majesté _avec la plus entière
franchise_. Elle veut bien me dire qu'Elle ne doute pas qu'avec mon
aide le rétablissement de la paix ne soit encore possible, malgré
le sang répandu; j'y réponds de grand c[oe]ur, _Oui_, Madame, si les
organes des volontés de votre Majesté _exécutent fidèlement ses ordres
et ses intentions bienveillantes. Les miennes n'out pas varié dès le
début de cette triste épisode. Reculer devant le danger, comme vouloir
maintenant autre chose que je n'ai voulu en violant ma parole, serait
au-dessous de moi_, et le noble c[oe]ur de votre Majesté doit le
comprendre.

J'ajouterais encore que son c[oe]ur saignera en apprenant les horreurs
qui se commettent déjà par les hordes sauvages, près desquels flotte
le pavillon Anglais!!!

Je la remercie cordialement des v[oe]ux qu'Elle veut bien faire pour
moi; tant que ma vie se prolongera ils seront réciproqués de ma part.
Je suis heureux de le Lui dire, en l'assurant du sincère attachement
avec lequel je suis, Madame, de votre Majesté, le tout dévoué Frère
and Ami,

NICOLAS.

Je me rappelle encore une fois au bon souvenir de Son Altesse Royale
le Prince Albert et le remercie également de ses paroles obligeantes.




[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON AND REFORM]


_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._

LONDON, _6th December 1853._

... As Lord John Russell will have the honour of seeing your Majesty
to-morrow, he will be able to explain to your Majesty the present
state of the discussions on Reform, and the progress of the
Measure.[33] Lord Aberdeen feels it to be his duty to inform your
Majesty that on Saturday evening he received a visit from Lord
Palmerston, who announced his decided objection to the greater part
of the proposed plan.[34] He did this in such positive terms that
Lord Aberdeen should imagine he had made up his mind not to give the
Measure his support; but Lord John entertains considerable doubt that
such is the case.

Lord Aberdeen thinks it by no means improbable that Lord Palmerston
may also desire to separate himself from the Government, in
consequence of their pacific policy, and in order to take the lead of
the War Party and the Anti-Reformers in the House of Commons, who
are essentially the same. Such a combination would undoubtedly
be formidable; but Lord Aberdeen trusts that it would not prove
dangerous. At all events, it would tend greatly to the improvement of
Lord John's Foreign Policy.

    [Footnote 33: On the 19th of November Lord John had written to
    the Queen outlining the Reform proposals of the Committee of
    the Cabinet. The Queen subsequently wrote to make additional
    suggestions, _e.g._, for finding a means of bringing into the
    House official persons or men without local connections, and
    for dealing with Ministerial re-elections.]

    [Footnote 34: Lord Palmerston wrote to Lord Lansdowne, giving
    an account of the affair:--

    "CARLTON GARDENS, _8th December 1853._

    "MY DEAR LANSDOWNE,--I have had two conversations with
    Aberdeen on the subject of John Russell's proposed Reform
    Bill, and I have said that there are three points in it to
    which I cannot agree.

    "These points are--the extent of disfranchisement, the
    extent of enfranchisement, and the addition of the Municipal
    Franchise in Boroughs to the £10 Householder Franchise....

    "We should by such an arrangement increase the number of
    bribeable Electors, and overpower intelligence and property by
    ignorance and poverty.

    "I have told Aberdeen that I am persuaded that the Measure as
    proposed by John Russell and Graham will not pass through the
    two Houses of Parliament without material modifications, and
    that I do not choose to be a party to a contest between the
    two Houses or to an Appeal to the Country for a Measure of
    which I decidedly disapprove; and that I cannot enter into a
    career which would lead me to such a position, that, in
    short, I do not choose to be dragged through the dirt by John
    Russell. I reminded Aberdeen that on accepting his offer of
    Office, I had expressed apprehension both to him and to you,
    that I might find myself differing from my Colleagues on the
    question of Parliamentary Reform.

    "I have thought a good deal on this matter. I should be very
    sorry to give up my present Office at this moment: I have
    taken a great interest in it, and I have matters in hand which
    I should much wish to bring to a conclusion. Moreover, I
    think that the presence in the Cabinet of a person holding the
    opinions which I entertain as to the principles on which our
    Foreign Affairs ought to be conducted, is useful in modifying
    the contrary system of Policy, which, as I think, injuriously
    to the interests and dignity of the Country, there is a
    disposition in other quarters to pursue; but notwithstanding
    all this. I cannot consent to stand forward as one of the
    Authors and Supporters of John Russell's sweeping alterations.
    Yours sincerely,

    PALMERSTON."]




[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON'S POSITION]


_The Prince Albert to the Earl of Aberdeen._

OSBORNE, _9th December 1853._

MY DEAR LORD ABERDEEN,--The Queen has consulted with Lord John
Russell upon the Reform plan, and on the question of Lord Palmerston's
position with regard to it; and he will doubtless give you an account
of what passed. She wishes me, however, to tell you likewise what
strikes her with respect to Lord Palmerston. It appears to the Queen
clear that the Reform Bill will have no chance of success unless
prepared and introduced in Parliament by a _united_ Cabinet; that,
if Lord Palmerston has made up his mind to oppose it and to leave the
Government, there will be no use in trying to keep him in it, and that
there will be danger in allowing him to attend the discussions of
the Cabinet, preparing all the time his line of attack; that if a
successor to him would after all have to be found at the Home Office,
it will be unfair not to give that important member of the Government
full opportunity to take his share in the preparation and deliberation
on the measure to which his consent would be asked. Under these
circumstances it becomes of the highest importance to ascertain--

1. What the amount of objection is that Lord Palmerston entertains to
the Measure;

2. What the object of the declaration was, which he seems to have made
to you.

This should be obtained _in writing_, so as to make all future
misrepresentation impossible, and on this alone a decision can well
be taken, and, in the Queen's opinion, even the Cabinet could alone
deliberate.

Should Lord Palmerston have stated his objections with the view of
having the Measure modified it will be right to consider how far that
can safely be done, and for the Queen, also, to balance the probable
value of the modification with the risk of allowing Lord Palmerston to
put himself at the head of the Opposition Party, entailing as it does
the possibility of his forcing himself back upon her as leader of that
Party.

Should he on the other hand consider his declaration as a "notice
to quit," the ground upon which he does so should be clearly put on
record, and no attempt should be made to damage the character of the
Measure in the vain hope of propitiating him. Ever yours truly,

ALBERT.




[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON RESIGNS]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

OSBORNE, _16th December 1853._

Lord Aberdeen arrived yesterday and returned to-day to meet the
Cabinet to-morrow. Lord Palmerston has sent in his resignation in a
short note to Lord Aberdeen, a further correspondence with Lord John
and Lord Lansdowne, Lord Aberdeen put into my hands, and I have copied
the two most important letters which follow here.

Lord John is reported as very angry, calling Lord Palmerston's conduct
"treacherous," a term Lord Aberdeen hardly understands, as against him
he has been perfectly consistent with regard to the Reform Measure,
from the beginning, and had frequently denied the necessity of
Reform.... Lord Aberdeen had advised Lord John to show boldness and
energy, and to undertake the Home Office at once himself; this would
have a great effect under the difficulties of the circumstances,
would show that he was in earnest and determined to carry his Reform
Measure. Lord John seemed hit by the idea, but asked for time to
consider; after seeing _Lady_ John, however, he declined.

Lord Aberdeen's fears are still mainly as to the Eastern Question,
Lord John pressing for war measures. Lord Aberdeen had followed my
advice, and had a long explanation on the subject, in which they
both agreed that their policy should be one of Peace, and he thought
matters settled when Lord John now asks for contingent engagements to
make war on Russia if her forces cross the Danube (which Lord Aberdeen
thinks quite uncalled for), and to convoy the Turkish expeditions in
the Black Sea, even if directed against Russian territory, etc., etc.
The Cabinet is certain not to agree to either of these propositions.

When Lord Aberdeen announced the intended rupture with Lord Palmerston
to Lord John, he drily said: "Well, it would be very awkward for you
if Palmerston quarrels one day with you about Reform, and I the next
about Turkey!"

There can be no doubt that Lord Palmerston will at once try to put
himself at the head of the late Protectionist party, and, with the
present indifference of the Country upon Reform, the fate of the Bill
is by no means certain. On the question of Peace or War, Lord
Aberdeen is quite certain that the House of Commons will adopt no war
resolutions.

Much will depend, however, on the line taken by Lord Lansdowne, who
has great influence in the House of Lords, and whose secession would
spread great alarm over the Country as to the real tendency of the
Measure (which the Duke of Newcastle describes as in fact a great
increase of power to the land[35]). We agree that the Queen should
write to him to prevent any hasty step.

The Queen sanctioned the offer of the Home Office to Sir George Grey,
and of a seat in the Cabinet to Mr Cardwell (the President of the
Board of Trade).

ALBERT.

    [Footnote 35: _I.e._, the landed interest.]




[Pageheading: LORD LANSDOWNE AND REFORM]


_Queen Victoria to the Marquis of Lansdowne._

OSBORNE, _16th December 1853._

The Queen has been made very anxious by the Resignation of Lord
Palmerston, but still more so by hearing that Lord Lansdowne has
not been able to reconcile himself to the Measure of Reform as
now proposed in the Cabinet, which has caused Lord Palmerston's
withdrawal. Lord Lansdowne is aware of the paramount importance which
the Queen attaches to a safe settlement of that question, and to the
maintenance of her present Government; and she would press upon Lord
Lansdowne not to commit himself to a final determination before she
shall have an opportunity of seeing him. The Queen will go to Windsor
on Thursday, and hold a Council on Friday, at which it may perhaps be
convenient to Lord Lansdowne to attend, and it will give the Queen
the greatest pleasure to find that Lord John Russell has succeeded in
removing Lord Lansdowne's objections.




[Pageheading: LORD STRATFORD'S DESPATCH]


_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._

OSBORNE, _17th December 1853._

The Queen returns the enclosed Draft and Despatch to Lord Clarendon.

She has never been so much perplexed respecting any decision she has
had to make, as in the present instance. She has read Lord Stratford's
Despatch (358) over several times, and she is struck, every time more,
with the consummate ability with which it is written and argued; but
also with the difficulty in which it places the person reading it to
extract distinctly what the Porte will be prepared to concede.

The concluding passage of the Draft involves the most important
consequences. As the Queen understands it, it promises war with Russia
in a given contingency, but the contingency is: Russia rejecting terms
which are "in their spirit and character such as Your Excellency sets
forth in your Despatch." The Queen finds it impossible to make such
tremendous consequences dependent upon such vague expressions. The
more so, as "the spirit and character" alluded to, appears to her to
be, as if purposely, obscure.

When Lord Stratford says, that the Turks would be satisfied "with a
renewal in clear and comprehensive terms of the formal Declarations
and Treaties already existing in favour of the Porte"--the Queen
cannot understand what is meant--as all the former Treaties between
Russia and Turkey have certainly not been in favour of the Porte.
Nor is it clear to the Queen whether "the clear and unquestionable
deliverance from Russian interference applied to spiritual matters" is
compatible with the former treaties.

Whilst the Queen, therefore, perfectly agrees in the principle
that, should Russia "for its own unjustifiable objects, show herself
regardless of the best interests of Europe" by rejecting every fair
term, the time will have arrived "for adopting measures of more active
coercion against her"--she cannot sanction such a Declaration
except on terms which are so clear in themselves as to exclude all
misinterpretation.




[Pageheading: SINOPE]


_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._

(Undated.)

The Queen has received Lord Clarendon's letter of the 19th, and
enclosures. She approves the Draft to Vienna, and asks to have a copy
of it, together with the Despatch from Lord Westmorland to which it
refers.

She also approves of the Draft to Lord Cowley, with certain
exceptions, viz., on the second page our accordance with the views
of the French Government "upon the utterly unjustifiable course that
Russia has pursued," etc., is stated. If, as the Queen must read it,
this refers to the affair at Sinope,[36] it is a dangerous assertion,
as we have yet no authentic account of the circumstances of the case,
which would make it possible to judge what degree of justification
there might have been. The sentence should, at any rate, be qualified
by some expression such as "as far as we know," or "should present
accounts prove correct," etc.

The word "utterly" might under any circumstances be left out, as a
state of War is in itself a justification of a battle.

On page four the words "by sea" will have to be added to make the
statement precise and correct.

The concluding sentence, the Queen must consider as tantamount to
a declaration of war, which, under the guarded conditions however
attached to it, she feels she cannot refuse to sanction. It would, in
the Queen's opinion, be necessary, however, distinctly and fully to
acquaint the Russian Government with the step now agreed upon.

Lord Palmerston's mode of proceeding always had that advantage, that
it threatened steps which it was hoped would not become necessary,
whilst those hitherto taken, started on the principle of not
needlessly offending Russia by threats, obliging us at the same time
to take the very steps which we refused to threaten.

The Queen has to make one more and a most _serious_ observation. The
Fleet has orders now to prevent a recurrence of such disasters as that
of Sinope. This cannot mean that it should protect the Turkish Fleet
in acts of aggression upon the Russian territory, such as an attack on
Sebastopol, of which the papers speak. This point will have to be made
quite clear, both to Lord Stratford and the Turks.

The Queen would also wish to have copies of the Draft, when corrected,
of Lord Cowley's Despatch.

    [Footnote 36: On the 30th of November the Russian Fleet from
    Sevastopol attacked the Turkish squadron in the harbour of
    Sinope, a naval station in the Black Sea, and destroyed it.
    The feeling in the country against Russia was greatly inflamed
    by the incident, which was referred to as the "massacre of
    Sinope."]




[Pageheading: PUBLIC FEELING]


_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _25th December 1853._

Lord Aberdeen had an Audience of the Queen yesterday afternoon.
He reported that some of his colleagues, Sir C. Wood, the Duke
of Newcastle, and Mr Gladstone, had been very anxious that Lord
Palmerston should be readmitted into the Cabinet; they had had
interviews with him in which he had expressed his hope to be allowed
to reconsider his step. Lady Palmerston had been most urgent upon this
point with her husband. All the people best conversant with the House
of Commons stated that the Government had no chance of going on with
Lord Palmerston in opposition, and with the present temper of the
public, which was quite mad about the Oriental Question and the
disaster at Sinope. Even Sir W. Molesworth shared this opinion.

Lord Palmerston had written a letter to Lord Aberdeen, in which he
begs to have his resignation considered as not having taken place,
as it arose entirely from a misapprehension on his part, his having
believed that none of the details of the Reform Measure were yet
open for consideration, he had quite agreed in the principle of the
Measure! Lord Aberdeen saw Lord John and Sir J. Graham, who convinced
themselves that under the circumstances nothing else remained to be
done. Lord Aberdeen having asked Lord John whether he should tell the
Queen that it was a political _necessity_, he answered: "Yes, owing to
the shabbiness of your colleagues," to which Lord Aberdeen rejoined:
"Not shabbiness; _cowardice_ is the word."

Lord Aberdeen owns that the step must damage the Government, although
it ought to damage Lord Palmerston still more. Lord John's expression
was: "Yes, it would ruin anybody but Palmerston."

Lord Aberdeen thinks, however, that he can make no further
difficulties about Reform, and he, Lord John, and Graham were
determined to make no material alterations in the Bill. Graham is
suspicious lest the wish to get Palmerston in again, on the part of
a section of the Cabinet, was an intrigue to get the Measure
emasculated. Lord Aberdeen does not believe this....

Lord Aberdeen describes Lord John's feeling as very good and cordial
towards him. He, Lord John, had even made him a long speech to show
his gratitude for Lord Aberdeen's kindness to him.

ALBERT.




[Pageheading: PALMERSTON RESUMES OFFICE]


_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._

LONDON, _26th December 1853._

Lord Aberdeen, with his most humble duty to your Majesty, has the
honour of enclosing copies of Lord Palmerston's letter to him,[37]
and of his answer. Lord Aberdeen was not without some apprehension
of receiving a rejoinder; but instead of which, a note arrived this
morning, merely asking if a Cabinet was likely to be summoned in the
course of the week, as he was going into the country; in fact, a note
just as if nothing whatever has taken place!

    [Footnote 37: Lord Palmerston wrote: "I find ... that I was
    mistaken in inferring from your letter that the details of
    the intended Reform Bill had been finally settled by the
    Government, and that no objection to any part of those details
    would be listened to." He went on to say that, under the
    circumstances, he could not decline to comply with the wish
    of many members of the Government that he should withdraw his
    resignation.]

